Previous literature contains two different points of view regarding the subject-object asymmetry related to the DP head of pseudorelatives (PRs). Some authors claim that the DP head can only be interpreted as the subject of the embedded predicate (subject-gap PRs). Other authors point towards the possibility of finding other constituents (e.g. direct object) in head position (object-gap PR), too. In this paper I claim that there are certain languages that only allow the DP head to be the subject of the embedded predicate, that is, they only allow subject-gap PRs, whereas other languages allow both subject-gap and object-gap PRs. Thus, the aim of this paper is to present the object-gap pseudorelative (PR) generalization to account for the cross-linguistic availability of subject-gap and object-gap PRs: the availability of object-gap PRs is subject to object clitic doubling. The structure of this paper goes as follows. Section 1 introduces PRs. Section 2 presents data about subject-gap and object-gap PRs. Section 3 gives some remarks on object clitic doubling. Section 4 presents the object-gap PR generalization. Conclusions and further research issues are presented in section 5.
{"title":"The object-gap pseudorelative generalization","authors":"Nuria Aldama García","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4405","url":null,"abstract":"Previous literature contains two different points of view regarding the subject-object asymmetry related to the DP head of pseudorelatives (PRs). Some authors claim that the DP head can only be interpreted as the subject of the embedded predicate (subject-gap PRs). Other authors point towards the possibility of finding other constituents (e.g. direct object) in head position (object-gap PR), too. In this paper I claim that there are certain languages that only allow the DP head to be the subject of the embedded predicate, that is, they only allow subject-gap PRs, whereas other languages allow both subject-gap and object-gap PRs. Thus, the aim of this paper is to present the object-gap pseudorelative (PR) generalization to account for the cross-linguistic availability of subject-gap and object-gap PRs: the availability of object-gap PRs is subject to object clitic doubling. The structure of this paper goes as follows. Section 1 introduces PRs. Section 2 presents data about subject-gap and object-gap PRs. Section 3 gives some remarks on object clitic doubling. Section 4 presents the object-gap PR generalization. Conclusions and further research issues are presented in section 5.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121885465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the results of an analysis conducted on politeness in informal conversations in Peninsular Spanish; more specifically, on the use of compliments in casual Valencian Spanish with face-enhancing effects. Face-enhancing compliments typically have the primary function of constituting and reinforcing the face of the addressee. The compliments that were analyzed consisted of positive comments about the complimentees’ belongings, people related to them, their actions, and their qualities. Most of these face-enhancing compliments were exchanged in situations defined by a high degree of communicative immediacy (Koch & Oesterreicher 1985) and conventionality. The settings where these compliments were produced, plus their discursive, structural and formal features, illustrate their formulaic nature. Among the most important of these features is the fact that there is a predominance of face-enhancing compliments (1) formulated as declarative, copulative and exclamatory sentences; (2) containing a short repertoire of adjectives with a positive meaning; (3) modified by intensifiers that help to reinforce and guarantee the face-enhancing effect of the speech act; (4) consisting of isolated utterances; (5) occupying a second turn position in adjacency pairs; and (6) that were rarely responded to with direct acceptances by their addressees.
{"title":"Face-enhancing compliments in informal conversations in Valencian Spanish","authors":"Maria Garcia","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4315","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the results of an analysis conducted on politeness in informal conversations in Peninsular Spanish; more specifically, on the use of compliments in casual Valencian Spanish with face-enhancing effects. Face-enhancing compliments typically have the primary function of constituting and reinforcing the face of the addressee. The compliments that were analyzed consisted of positive comments about the complimentees’ belongings, people related to them, their actions, and their qualities. Most of these face-enhancing compliments were exchanged in situations defined by a high degree of communicative immediacy (Koch & Oesterreicher 1985) and conventionality. The settings where these compliments were produced, plus their discursive, structural and formal features, illustrate their formulaic nature. Among the most important of these features is the fact that there is a predominance of face-enhancing compliments (1) formulated as declarative, copulative and exclamatory sentences; (2) containing a short repertoire of adjectives with a positive meaning; (3) modified by intensifiers that help to reinforce and guarantee the face-enhancing effect of the speech act; (4) consisting of isolated utterances; (5) occupying a second turn position in adjacency pairs; and (6) that were rarely responded to with direct acceptances by their addressees.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126170565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, the properties of Spanish evaluative prenominal possessives (i.e. the affective possessive preceding a proper name, the so-called “emphatic possessive”, and the possessive in the Old and American Spanish doubled possessive construction) are thoroughly described, and compared with those of canonical prenominal possessives. It is mainly proposed that evaluative possessives, in contrast to canonical prenominal possessives, are not base-generated as nominal modifiers and then raise to D0, but are directly merged (mostly) within the DP domain, thus capturing the fact that affective, emphatic and doubling possessives just evaluate the relation between the possessum and the possessor, and are not interpreted as complements of the noun. In order to account for their different distribution, it is further argued that the three types of Spanish evaluative prenominal possessives are inserted (basically) in different structural positions in an split-DP.
{"title":"Evaluative prenominal possessives in Spanish","authors":"Luis Eguren","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4254","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, the properties of Spanish evaluative prenominal possessives (i.e. the affective possessive preceding a proper name, the so-called “emphatic possessive”, and the possessive in the Old and American Spanish doubled possessive construction) are thoroughly described, and compared with those of canonical prenominal possessives. It is mainly proposed that evaluative possessives, in contrast to canonical prenominal possessives, are not base-generated as nominal modifiers and then raise to D0, but are directly merged (mostly) within the DP domain, thus capturing the fact that affective, emphatic and doubling possessives just evaluate the relation between the possessum and the possessor, and are not interpreted as complements of the noun. In order to account for their different distribution, it is further argued that the three types of Spanish evaluative prenominal possessives are inserted (basically) in different structural positions in an split-DP.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116855254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb ( parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well ( Me parece que ... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.
DDPP在提升结构中的分布——取决于嵌入子句的形式属性——对格理论和运动至关重要。同样，根据协议事实，DDPP的行为引发了有关运动类型的相关讨论(A-Movement/A ' -Movement)。然而，这种分布在某些西班牙方言中并不那么清楚，这显示了双重一致效应。这意味着嵌入的动词以及提升动词(表语“似乎”)呈现屈折数(和人称)形态:表语“似乎”-n que lo olvida-n(似乎)。第三方物流，它忘记了。(“他们似乎忘记了他”)。对这些品种的数据分析使我们能够从描述和理论的角度定义许多相关的特征。描述性地说，可以识别出一些显著的特殊性，关于DP的位置，它触发了这些结构与和格体验者的一致和相互作用(Me parece que…)(在我看来……)。从理论的角度来看，这些数据对一致性的方法、案例与运动之间的关系以及西班牙语中关于体验者悖论的讨论产生了影响。此外，它们允许我们识别一个新的经验域，其中DP复数特征在Probe-Goal域中具有积极作用。
{"title":"'Parecen que lo olvidan': Plurals did it again","authors":"María Mare, Enrique Pato","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4317","url":null,"abstract":"The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb ( parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well ( Me parece que ... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124824053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Este estudio sociolinguistico analiza, a traves de la descripcion oral de un dibujo, una entrevista grabada y dos cuestionarios linguisticos, la manera en que 40 hablantes bilingues de Tejas de tres grupos generacionales usan el gerundio espanol en la oralidad y en la escritura. Tambien se investigaron las formas que alternan con los gerundios que los informantes emplean. Se analizo ademas si en el uso de estar + -ndo existe una transferencia del gerundio ingles en el discurso oral y escrito y si los gerundios se relacionan con el sexo y el grupo generacional de los participantes. Finalmente, se evaluo la seguridad linguistica de los hablantes cuando estos diferencian entre gerundios “esperados” y gerundios “no esperados”. Los resultados revelaron que utilizan mas el gerundio estar +-ndo y con menor frecuencia la forma andar + -ndo y los gerundios independientes. Ademas, se hallo que en contextos variables los gerundios alternan con el presente, el imperfecto y el presente perfecto pero en contextos categoricos no ocurren esas alternancias. Asi mismo, se hallo una transferencia del gerundio ingles en el uso estar + -ndo en el habla controlada y el habla no controlada particularmente en la tercera generacion de hablantes. Por otro lado, no se identifico ninguna asociacion entre el sexo de los participantes, la generacion y los gerundios. Finalmente, se encontro que los hablantes tienen seguridad linguistica cuando usan el gerundio en forma escrita pero muestran inseguridad linguistica al seleccionar entre usos “esperados” y usos “no esperados” del gerundio.
{"title":"El uso del gerundio en el español de Tejas","authors":"C. Romero","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4128","url":null,"abstract":"Este estudio sociolinguistico analiza, a traves de la descripcion oral de un dibujo, una entrevista grabada y dos cuestionarios linguisticos, la manera en que 40 hablantes bilingues de Tejas de tres grupos generacionales usan el gerundio espanol en la oralidad y en la escritura. Tambien se investigaron las formas que alternan con los gerundios que los informantes emplean. Se analizo ademas si en el uso de estar + -ndo existe una transferencia del gerundio ingles en el discurso oral y escrito y si los gerundios se relacionan con el sexo y el grupo generacional de los participantes. Finalmente, se evaluo la seguridad linguistica de los hablantes cuando estos diferencian entre gerundios “esperados” y gerundios “no esperados”. Los resultados revelaron que utilizan mas el gerundio estar +-ndo y con menor frecuencia la forma andar + -ndo y los gerundios independientes. Ademas, se hallo que en contextos variables los gerundios alternan con el presente, el imperfecto y el presente perfecto pero en contextos categoricos no ocurren esas alternancias. Asi mismo, se hallo una transferencia del gerundio ingles en el uso estar + -ndo en el habla controlada y el habla no controlada particularmente en la tercera generacion de hablantes. Por otro lado, no se identifico ninguna asociacion entre el sexo de los participantes, la generacion y los gerundios. Finalmente, se encontro que los hablantes tienen seguridad linguistica cuando usan el gerundio en forma escrita pero muestran inseguridad linguistica al seleccionar entre usos “esperados” y usos “no esperados” del gerundio.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133993814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Adjectival comparatives like txiki baino txikiago ‘smaller than small’ in Basque exhibit some striking properties that present a challenge for previous analyses of inequality comparatives. The research on this unstudied type of adjectival comparatives in Basque – henceforth small comparatives – is especially interesting due to the rich morphology and freedom of word order that Basque displays. These two properties are vital for the testing of the hypotheses on the structure of these comparatives. First, the examination of the underlying structure of the standard of comparison reveals that these adjectival modifiers are inequality comparatives with a phrasal standard. Second, the study of the extraction constraints of the standard and the particular distribution of small comparatives evidence the fact that the standard marker in these comparatives behaves as a coordinating conjunction, and that these modifiers can appear inside a Determiner Phrase, in contrast with previously analysed adjectival comparatives. These properties are explained by assuming the functional analysis of adjectives and comparative markers (- ago ‘-er, more’), and proposing a coordination analysis of these phrasal comparatives. The study of small comparatives hence shows that the coordination analysis of comparative structures is necessary not only for clausal comparatives (Napoli & Nespor 1983 for Italian; Saez 1992 for Spanish; and Lechner 2004 for English and German) but also for phrasal comparatives such as small comparatives.
像txiki baino txikiago这样的形容词比较级在巴斯克语中的意思是“小于小”，它表现出了一些惊人的特性，这对之前对不平等比较级的分析提出了挑战。由于巴斯克语中丰富的词法和自由的词序，对巴斯克语中这种未被研究过的形容词比较级的研究尤其有趣。这两个性质对于检验这些比较级结构的假设是至关重要的。首先，对比较标准的基本结构的考察表明，这些形容词修饰语与短语标准是不相等的比较级。其次，对标准级的提取约束和小比较级的特殊分布的研究表明，这些比较级中的标准标记作为一个并列连词，并且这些修饰语可以出现在限定词短语中，这与之前分析的形容词比较级不同。通过对形容词和比较级标记(- ago ' -er, more ')的功能分析，并提出对这些短语比较级的协调分析来解释这些特性。因此，对小比较级的研究表明，比较结构的协调分析不仅对于小句比较级是必要的(Napoli & Nespor 1983 for意大利语;1992年西班牙赛斯;和Lechner 2004年的英语和德语)，也适用于短语比较级，如小比较级。
{"title":"Smaller than small comparatives: the case of Basque","authors":"Laura Vela-Plo","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4398","url":null,"abstract":"Adjectival comparatives like txiki baino txikiago ‘smaller than small’ in Basque exhibit some striking properties that present a challenge for previous analyses of inequality comparatives. The research on this unstudied type of adjectival comparatives in Basque – henceforth small comparatives – is especially interesting due to the rich morphology and freedom of word order that Basque displays. These two properties are vital for the testing of the hypotheses on the structure of these comparatives. First, the examination of the underlying structure of the standard of comparison reveals that these adjectival modifiers are inequality comparatives with a phrasal standard. Second, the study of the extraction constraints of the standard and the particular distribution of small comparatives evidence the fact that the standard marker in these comparatives behaves as a coordinating conjunction, and that these modifiers can appear inside a Determiner Phrase, in contrast with previously analysed adjectival comparatives. These properties are explained by assuming the functional analysis of adjectives and comparative markers (- ago ‘-er, more’), and proposing a coordination analysis of these phrasal comparatives. The study of small comparatives hence shows that the coordination analysis of comparative structures is necessary not only for clausal comparatives (Napoli & Nespor 1983 for Italian; Saez 1992 for Spanish; and Lechner 2004 for English and German) but also for phrasal comparatives such as small comparatives.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121047027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Derivational Complexity Hypothesis (Jakubowicz & Strik 2008) proposes that computationally complex structures interact with syntactic constraints in linguistic production, causing the rise of avoidance strategies in child L1 and adult L2 speakers. These avoidance strategies have until recently been understudied in the field of SLA (as opposed to the use of ungrammatical structures), but they actively compete with target-like forms during the language acquisition process and can therefore advance our understanding of non-native linguistic development. This article provides evidence for the DCH based on avoidance strategies shown by non-native speakers of Spanish in the production of the wh- island ( How did you say when the jewels were stolen? ). Through a game-based elicitation task, speakers at the intermediate and near-native level were prompted to produce questions containing a wh- island. The results show that intermediate speakers of Spanish significantly avoid producing questions that contain an island, as opposed to native and near-native speakers. The strategies used instead of the target are of a less complex nature (pronominalization of the second clause, omission of the middle verb), therefore supporting the DCH. Near-native and native data, on the other hand, show a use of creative strategies that is absent from the intermediate data. Off-target constructions by these groups often consist of questions that are structurally more complex than the intended target forms (use of relative clauses and embedded NPs).
{"title":"Proficiency Matters: L2 Avoidance in Spanish Complex Wh- Production","authors":"María Turrero-García","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4098","url":null,"abstract":"The Derivational Complexity Hypothesis (Jakubowicz & Strik 2008) proposes that computationally complex structures interact with syntactic constraints in linguistic production, causing the rise of avoidance strategies in child L1 and adult L2 speakers. These avoidance strategies have until recently been understudied in the field of SLA (as opposed to the use of ungrammatical structures), but they actively compete with target-like forms during the language acquisition process and can therefore advance our understanding of non-native linguistic development. This article provides evidence for the DCH based on avoidance strategies shown by non-native speakers of Spanish in the production of the wh- island ( How did you say when the jewels were stolen? ). Through a game-based elicitation task, speakers at the intermediate and near-native level were prompted to produce questions containing a wh- island. The results show that intermediate speakers of Spanish significantly avoid producing questions that contain an island, as opposed to native and near-native speakers. The strategies used instead of the target are of a less complex nature (pronominalization of the second clause, omission of the middle verb), therefore supporting the DCH. Near-native and native data, on the other hand, show a use of creative strategies that is absent from the intermediate data. Off-target constructions by these groups often consist of questions that are structurally more complex than the intended target forms (use of relative clauses and embedded NPs).","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"290 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133977245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Una distincion ya clasica en la bibliografia linguistica diferencia dos tipos de adjetivos: los denominados adjetivos de nivel individual, como alto y los adjetivos de nivel de estadio como sucio (en lo sucesivo adjetivos i-level y s-level respectivamente, por su denominacion en ingles). Para Chierchia (1995), los adjetivos i-level presentan en su Estructura Argumental (EA) un argumento eventivo saturado desde el lexicon e interpretado en Forma Logica como generico, mientras que los adjetivos s-level presentan ese mismo argumento sin saturar en su EA. Para Kratzer (1995), por el contrario, solo los adjetivos s-level contarian en su EA con dicho argumento eventivo. El objetivo de esta investigacion es ofrecer evidencia que apoye una de estas dos propuestas teoricas. Para ello, una vez resumidas las conclusiones de trabajos anteriores (teoricos y empiricos), se presentara un experimento conductual, en el que se miden tiempos de lectura. Los resultados de este experimento parecen apoyar la propuesta de Chierchia (1995), dado que los adjetivos i-level muestran una mayor carga lexica (con efectos de coercion) que los adjetivos s-level .
{"title":"Adjetivos i-level y s-level. Nuevas evidencias experimentales","authors":"María del Carmen Horno-Chéliz, J. Igoa","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4220","url":null,"abstract":"Una distincion ya clasica en la bibliografia linguistica diferencia dos tipos de adjetivos: los denominados adjetivos de nivel individual, como alto y los adjetivos de nivel de estadio como sucio (en lo sucesivo adjetivos i-level y s-level respectivamente, por su denominacion en ingles). Para Chierchia (1995), los adjetivos i-level presentan en su Estructura Argumental (EA) un argumento eventivo saturado desde el lexicon e interpretado en Forma Logica como generico, mientras que los adjetivos s-level presentan ese mismo argumento sin saturar en su EA. Para Kratzer (1995), por el contrario, solo los adjetivos s-level contarian en su EA con dicho argumento eventivo. El objetivo de esta investigacion es ofrecer evidencia que apoye una de estas dos propuestas teoricas. Para ello, una vez resumidas las conclusiones de trabajos anteriores (teoricos y empiricos), se presentara un experimento conductual, en el que se miden tiempos de lectura. Los resultados de este experimento parecen apoyar la propuesta de Chierchia (1995), dado que los adjetivos i-level muestran una mayor carga lexica (con efectos de coercion) que los adjetivos s-level .","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115157838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aspectual modifiers that have adverbial and adjectival counterparts are an important source of information for researching lexical aspect in the nominal domain. One class of such modifiers are adverbs of completeness ( completamente 'completely', totalmente 'totally'), which are maximizers when modify adjectives, and their correspondent adjectives ( completo 'complete', total 'total'). This paper addresses the inheritance of aspectual features and its relation to degree in event nominalizations of incremental theme verbs ( traducccion 'translation', destruccion 'destruction') through the analysis modification by adjectives of completeness in Spanish. The proposal combines a syntactic account of deverbal nominalizations with a scalar approach to aspect. Adjectives of completeness are argued to be aspectual modifiers, with a contribution equivalent to that of their adverbial counterparts both in the verbal and in the adjectival domain, establishing thus a parallelism between degree modification of adjectives, verbs and nominals.
{"title":"Adjectives of completeness as maximizers of event nominalizations","authors":"Melania S. Masiá","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4200","url":null,"abstract":"Aspectual modifiers that have adverbial and adjectival counterparts are an important source of information for researching lexical aspect in the nominal domain. One class of such modifiers are adverbs of completeness ( completamente 'completely', totalmente 'totally'), which are maximizers when modify adjectives, and their correspondent adjectives ( completo 'complete', total 'total'). This paper addresses the inheritance of aspectual features and its relation to degree in event nominalizations of incremental theme verbs ( traducccion 'translation', destruccion 'destruction') through the analysis modification by adjectives of completeness in Spanish. The proposal combines a syntactic account of deverbal nominalizations with a scalar approach to aspect. Adjectives of completeness are argued to be aspectual modifiers, with a contribution equivalent to that of their adverbial counterparts both in the verbal and in the adjectival domain, establishing thus a parallelism between degree modification of adjectives, verbs and nominals.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130271981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines Spanish echo questions, an understudied phenomenon even in extensively described languages such as English. In particular, it focuses on a very particular type of echo questions, such as those made in response to a previous yes/no question (e.g. – Did you buy { mumble } ?; –Did I buy what? ) and makes a detailed description, on the one hand, of inherent echo features, common across most languages, and, on the other, those language-specific. In particular, I argue that wh-in-situ is not the only possible option in Spanish EQs in order to get a proper, echo interpretation. In addition, I offer some evidence from Spanish data in favour of a particular syntactic structure underlying this sort of questions (Sobin 2010).
{"title":"On wh-movement in Spanish Echo Questions","authors":"Ekaterina F. Chernova","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4146","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines Spanish echo questions, an understudied phenomenon even in extensively described languages such as English. In particular, it focuses on a very particular type of echo questions, such as those made in response to a previous yes/no question (e.g. – Did you buy { mumble } ?; –Did I buy what? ) and makes a detailed description, on the one hand, of inherent echo features, common across most languages, and, on the other, those language-specific. In particular, I argue that wh-in-situ is not the only possible option in Spanish EQs in order to get a proper, echo interpretation. In addition, I offer some evidence from Spanish data in favour of a particular syntactic structure underlying this sort of questions (Sobin 2010).","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116130275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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