A characteristic feature of the Spanish spoken in the Mexican state of Chihuahua is the pronunciation of the standard phoneme /tʃ/ ( ) as a non-standard allophone [ʃ] ( ). The present study analyzes the social and linguistic factors that influence variation in the Mexico-United States border community of Ciudad Juarez. Direct and indirect elicitations techniques were used to gather tokens of /tʃ/ from a sample of 40 local speakers who varied in age, sex, socioeconomic status, education level, and degree of bilingualism. The data was perceptually and acoustically interpreted and then statistically examined using variable rules analysis. On the linguistic side, the results show that [s], [i], [u] in preceding phonological context favor weakening. On the social side, the most prone participants to produce [ʃ] were: young men from low socioeconomic status, regardless of being Spanish monolinguals or Spanish-English sequential bilinguals. These findings indicate an ongoing gender shift with respect to previous research in the same community.
墨西哥奇瓦瓦州所说的西班牙语的一个特点是标准音素/t t /()作为非标准音素[j]()的发音。本研究分析了影响华雷斯市墨西哥-美国边境社区变化的社会和语言因素。使用直接和间接引出技术从40个不同年龄、性别、社会经济地位、教育水平和双语程度的当地使用者样本中收集/t t /的标记。对数据进行感知和声学解释，然后使用可变规则分析进行统计检查。在语言方面，结果表明[s]， [i]， [u]在前面的语音语境中有利于弱读。在社会方面，最容易产生[j]的参与者是:来自低社会经济地位的年轻人，无论他们是西班牙语单语者还是西班牙语-英语连续双语者。这些发现表明，与以前在同一社区进行的研究相比，性别正在发生变化。
{"title":"The variant [ʃ] in the Spanish of Ciudad Juárez","authors":"Luis A Mendez","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4102","url":null,"abstract":"A characteristic feature of the Spanish spoken in the Mexican state of Chihuahua is the pronunciation of the standard phoneme /tʃ/ ( ) as a non-standard allophone [ʃ] ( ). The present study analyzes the social and linguistic factors that influence variation in the Mexico-United States border community of Ciudad Juarez. Direct and indirect elicitations techniques were used to gather tokens of /tʃ/ from a sample of 40 local speakers who varied in age, sex, socioeconomic status, education level, and degree of bilingualism. The data was perceptually and acoustically interpreted and then statistically examined using variable rules analysis. On the linguistic side, the results show that [s], [i], [u] in preceding phonological context favor weakening. On the social side, the most prone participants to produce [ʃ] were: young men from low socioeconomic status, regardless of being Spanish monolinguals or Spanish-English sequential bilinguals. These findings indicate an ongoing gender shift with respect to previous research in the same community.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"315 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116624042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines some aspects of nominal inflection. It focuses in particular on noun classification with evidence drawn mainly from Spanish where noun classification surfaces as formal Gender. Under a minimalist lens, this feature is a puzzling grammatical element because it seems uncongenial to the idea of optimal design. I examine some syntactic evidence to assess the syntactic locus of Gender features in nominal structures, and conjecture that noun classification simply externalizes some basic properties of the linguistic system in the functional domain. I motivate my conclusions on the basis of empirical evidence and recent theoretical proposals that argue for the adoption of a much more abstract conception of syntactic constructs than those we have generally been considering.
{"title":"A note on the locus and function of formal gender","authors":"M. Picallo","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4097","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines some aspects of nominal inflection. It focuses in particular on noun classification with evidence drawn mainly from Spanish where noun classification surfaces as formal Gender. Under a minimalist lens, this feature is a puzzling grammatical element because it seems uncongenial to the idea of optimal design. I examine some syntactic evidence to assess the syntactic locus of Gender features in nominal structures, and conjecture that noun classification simply externalizes some basic properties of the linguistic system in the functional domain. I motivate my conclusions on the basis of empirical evidence and recent theoretical proposals that argue for the adoption of a much more abstract conception of syntactic constructs than those we have generally been considering.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129464329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mediante la utilizacion del paradigma variacionista y el empleo de un corpus integrado por textos de inmediatez comunicativa, mayoritariamente de caracter epistolar, en esta investigacion se analiza un caso de la sintaxis particularmente resistente al cambio: la alternancia entre soluciones pronominales ( que y, en menor medida, cual ) y adverbiales ( donde ) en las relativas oblicuas locativas desde el siglo XVI hasta la primera mitad del XX. De los tres analisis de regresion independientes realizados, uno por cada periodo (siglos XVI, XVIII y XX), se deriva un avance paulatino, aunque moderado, de las formas pronominales a lo largo de los siglos y la progresiva disminucion del adverbio donde . Con todo, algunos factores linguisticos se revelan especialmente persistentes en la explicacion de la variabilidad (semantica, funcion sintactica y categoria del antecedente, junto al priming estructural y la sintaxis de la clausula regente), lo que dificulta la progresion del cambio. Con respecto a los factores extralinguisticos, la frecuencia de los relativos pronominales en los contextos comunicativos mas distantes, asi como su uso preferente por parte de las elites sociales y las generaciones adultas, muestra que estas formas se han adscrito a lo largo de la historia a los registros mas formales y prestigiosos.
{"title":"Sobre puntos de la gramática particularmente resistentes al cambio: cuatro (largos) siglos en la evolución de las relativas oblicuas de lugar. Un análisis variacionista","authors":"J. B. Arroyo, Mónica Velando Casanova","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4084","url":null,"abstract":"Mediante la utilizacion del paradigma variacionista y el empleo de un corpus integrado por textos de inmediatez comunicativa, mayoritariamente de caracter epistolar, en esta investigacion se analiza un caso de la sintaxis particularmente resistente al cambio: la alternancia entre soluciones pronominales ( que y, en menor medida, cual ) y adverbiales ( donde ) en las relativas oblicuas locativas desde el siglo XVI hasta la primera mitad del XX. De los tres analisis de regresion independientes realizados, uno por cada periodo (siglos XVI, XVIII y XX), se deriva un avance paulatino, aunque moderado, de las formas pronominales a lo largo de los siglos y la progresiva disminucion del adverbio donde . Con todo, algunos factores linguisticos se revelan especialmente persistentes en la explicacion de la variabilidad (semantica, funcion sintactica y categoria del antecedente, junto al priming estructural y la sintaxis de la clausula regente), lo que dificulta la progresion del cambio. Con respecto a los factores extralinguisticos, la frecuencia de los relativos pronominales en los contextos comunicativos mas distantes, asi como su uso preferente por parte de las elites sociales y las generaciones adultas, muestra que estas formas se han adscrito a lo largo de la historia a los registros mas formales y prestigiosos.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114333948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En este articulo se analizan las principales interferencias morfosintacticas del fines en las producciones en espanol de escolares de dos tipos de ensenanza bilingue: la escuela bilingue y los cursos de mantenimiento de la lengua materna. La recoleccion de datos se efectuo en dos periodos distintos, separados por un tiempo de dos anos. Los alumnos bilingues de primaria tienen una gran influencia de la lengua dominante, el fines, que se plasma en sus producciones linguisticas, tanto orales como escritas. El analisis muestra que las principales interferencias morfosintacticas se centran en cuatro tipos distintos: discordancia en genero, uso erroneo de preposiciones, uso erroneo de algunos verbos y del tiempo verbal y omision de articulos. Los resultados muestran como el numero de interferencias desciende a traves del tiempo, quedando patente la relacion inversamente proporcional entre el numero de interferencias y competencia, evidenciando una adquisicion incompleta de su lengua minoritaria.
{"title":"Interferencias morfosintácticas del finés en las producciones en español de escolares bilingües","authors":"Judith Ansó Ros","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4087","url":null,"abstract":"En este articulo se analizan las principales interferencias morfosintacticas del fines en las producciones en espanol de escolares de dos tipos de ensenanza bilingue: la escuela bilingue y los cursos de mantenimiento de la lengua materna. La recoleccion de datos se efectuo en dos periodos distintos, separados por un tiempo de dos anos. Los alumnos bilingues de primaria tienen una gran influencia de la lengua dominante, el fines, que se plasma en sus producciones linguisticas, tanto orales como escritas. El analisis muestra que las principales interferencias morfosintacticas se centran en cuatro tipos distintos: discordancia en genero, uso erroneo de preposiciones, uso erroneo de algunos verbos y del tiempo verbal y omision de articulos. Los resultados muestran como el numero de interferencias desciende a traves del tiempo, quedando patente la relacion inversamente proporcional entre el numero de interferencias y competencia, evidenciando una adquisicion incompleta de su lengua minoritaria.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121980704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by- phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives in Spanish. Departing from the observation that adjectival participles derived from change-of-state verbs ban agent-oriented modification but those derived from stative causative verbs allow it, I put forth a novel theoretical account that derives the restrictions solely from the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate, syntactically modelled and independently motivated. I extend my proposal to German and Hebrew, which display a similar behavior, and propose a parametric account for languages like Greek that freely allow by- phrases and agent-oriented modification regardless of the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate.
{"title":"Aspect and Argument structure in adjectival passives","authors":"A. García-Pardo","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4095","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by- phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives in Spanish. Departing from the observation that adjectival participles derived from change-of-state verbs ban agent-oriented modification but those derived from stative causative verbs allow it, I put forth a novel theoretical account that derives the restrictions solely from the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate, syntactically modelled and independently motivated. I extend my proposal to German and Hebrew, which display a similar behavior, and propose a parametric account for languages like Greek that freely allow by- phrases and agent-oriented modification regardless of the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133195716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines bilinguals’ gender use strategies in code-switched agreement (i.e. the moon is bonita) and concord (i.e. la moon) structures. Thirty-five L1 Spanish-L2 English adult bilinguals and 43 L1 English-L2 Spanish adults with an intermediate (N=18) or advanced (N=25) level of proficiency in Spanish completed an acceptability judgment task in which they rated code-switched Adjectival Predicates and DPs. The results show that only the L1 Spanish-L2 English bilinguals prefer the Adj (in the case of agreement) or the D (in the case of concord) to be marked for the gender of the Spanish translation equivalent of the English N, but that all groups rate agreement structures higher than concord structures. Both of these findings corroborate previous work on intrasentential code-switching, however, this is the first study to offer an account for the contrast in processing difficulty between agreement and concord structures. We argue that this difference can be explained in terms of the way in which the features are valued in agreement and in concord. Under the double-feature valuation mechanism (Liceras et al., 2008) in agreement both features are valued in a single direction, while in concord the features are valued in two different directions. It is this unidirectionality of the feature valuation mechanism in agreement that makes code-switched agreement structures such as Adjectival Predicates easier to process.
本研究考察了双语者在语码转换协议结构(即“月亮是bonita”)和和谐结构(即“月亮”)中的性别使用策略。35名一级西班牙语-二级英语成人双语者和43名一级英语-二级西班牙语成人双语者完成了一项可接受性判断任务，其中西班牙语熟练程度为中级(N=18)或高级(N=25)。结果表明，只有L1西班牙语- l2英语双语者倾向于用Adj(在一致的情况下)或D(在和谐的情况下)来标记西班牙语翻译中相当于英语N的性别，但所有群体都认为协议结构高于和谐结构。这两项研究结果都证实了之前关于本质语码转换的研究，然而，这是第一次为认同结构和和谐结构在处理难度上的对比提供了一个解释。我们认为，这种差异可以用特征在一致和和谐中被评价的方式来解释。在双特征评估机制下(Liceras et al.， 2008)，在协议中，两个特征在一个方向上进行评估，而在协调中，特征在两个不同的方向上进行评估。正是这种协议中特征评估机制的单向性使得诸如形容词谓词之类的代码切换协议结构更容易处理。
{"title":"The representation of gender in the mind of Spanish-English bilinguals: Insights from code-switched Adjectival Predicates","authors":"Rachel Klassen, J. Liceras","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4100","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines bilinguals’ gender use strategies in code-switched agreement (i.e. the moon is bonita) and concord (i.e. la moon) structures. Thirty-five L1 Spanish-L2 English adult bilinguals and 43 L1 English-L2 Spanish adults with an intermediate (N=18) or advanced (N=25) level of proficiency in Spanish completed an acceptability judgment task in which they rated code-switched Adjectival Predicates and DPs. The results show that only the L1 Spanish-L2 English bilinguals prefer the Adj (in the case of agreement) or the D (in the case of concord) to be marked for the gender of the Spanish translation equivalent of the English N, but that all groups rate agreement structures higher than concord structures. Both of these findings corroborate previous work on intrasentential code-switching, however, this is the first study to offer an account for the contrast in processing difficulty between agreement and concord structures. We argue that this difference can be explained in terms of the way in which the features are valued in agreement and in concord. Under the double-feature valuation mechanism (Liceras et al., 2008) in agreement both features are valued in a single direction, while in concord the features are valued in two different directions. It is this unidirectionality of the feature valuation mechanism in agreement that makes code-switched agreement structures such as Adjectival Predicates easier to process.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125873571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with clitic left dislocation (CLLD) in infinitive clauses (IC) in Spanish and Catalan. The goal of this paper is twofold. First, I provide evidence that CLLDed constituents can target the left edge of ICs, contrary to previous claims in the literature (e.g. Ojea 2013). The results should not be surprising, considering that Romance CLLD is not a Main Clause Phenomena (Jimenez-Fernandez & Miyagawa 2013, Authier & Haegeman 2015). Second, this sets aside CLLD from other left peripheral fronting operations in these languages, which are systematically unavailable at the left edge of IC. I argue that the data presented here does not obviously follow from any current approach about the deficiency of non-finite domains. I defend, instead, that the data can be accounted for under Ott (2015)'s proposal about CLLD, where the dislocated constituent is the remnant of a clause ellipsis operation and it is paratactically integrated in the host clause. Further, I will speculate about how this approach can account for the linear positions where CLLDed phrases can occur.
{"title":"Topics at the left edge of infinitive clauses in Spanish and Catalan","authors":"Javier Fernández-Sánchez","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3852","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with clitic left dislocation (CLLD) in infinitive clauses (IC) in Spanish and Catalan. The goal of this paper is twofold. First, I provide evidence that CLLDed constituents can target the left edge of ICs, contrary to previous claims in the literature (e.g. Ojea 2013). The results should not be surprising, considering that Romance CLLD is not a Main Clause Phenomena (Jimenez-Fernandez & Miyagawa 2013, Authier & Haegeman 2015). Second, this sets aside CLLD from other left peripheral fronting operations in these languages, which are systematically unavailable at the left edge of IC. I argue that the data presented here does not obviously follow from any current approach about the deficiency of non-finite domains. I defend, instead, that the data can be accounted for under Ott (2015)'s proposal about CLLD, where the dislocated constituent is the remnant of a clause ellipsis operation and it is paratactically integrated in the host clause. Further, I will speculate about how this approach can account for the linear positions where CLLDed phrases can occur.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133708204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the main facts about how information structure is syntactically codified in Spanish, with particular attention to the syntax of topics and foci. These facts will be used to assess whether cartographic and minimalist approaches can, in their pure version, account precisely for this set of facts in a predictive way. We discuss the taxonomy of topics and foci, the evidence for their syntactic position, their A’-movement properties, the asymmetries between left- and right-dislocated elements, and the availability of information structure inside subordinate clauses.
{"title":"Information structure and its syntactic manifestation in Spanish: facts and proposals","authors":"Antonio Fábregas","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3850","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the main facts about how information structure is syntactically codified in Spanish, with particular attention to the syntax of topics and foci. These facts will be used to assess whether cartographic and minimalist approaches can, in their pure version, account precisely for this set of facts in a predictive way. We discuss the taxonomy of topics and foci, the evidence for their syntactic position, their A’-movement properties, the asymmetries between left- and right-dislocated elements, and the availability of information structure inside subordinate clauses.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125975649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this paper is to investigate the polysemy of Spanish spatial prepositions (a, en, hacia, among others), and offer a syntactic and semantic treatment of this phenomenon. The core idea behind this account is that these prepositions can denote sets of possible locations that are involved in spatial relations. Consequently, the compositional interaction of polysemous prepositions with other parts of speech can determine which specific sense emerges in a sentence. The analysis is couched in a Type-Logical Grammar approach. It addresses data that have not previously been analysed in the literature, involving so-called Boolean constructions (e.g. en la estacion y la calle). Also, the paper shows that a single treatment can capture all the relevant data. Therefore, the analysis shows that polysemy is a grammar phenomenon that is better accounted for in architectures with a distinct syntactic/derivational component (e.g. Distributed Morphology), than in architectures lacking this component (e.g. Cognitive Linguistics approaches). Consequences for a theory of grammar are discussed.
本文的目的是研究西班牙语空间介词(a、en、hacia等)的多义现象，并对这一现象进行句法和语义处理。这种说法背后的核心思想是，这些介词可以表示空间关系中涉及的一组可能的位置。因此，多义介词与其他词性的构成相互作用决定了句子中出现的特定意义。该分析采用类型逻辑语法方法。它处理以前没有在文献中分析过的数据，涉及所谓的布尔结构(例如en la estacion y la call)。此外，本文还表明，单一处理可以捕获所有相关数据。因此，分析表明，一词多义是一种语法现象，在具有独特的句法/衍生成分(如分布式形态学)的体系结构中，比在缺乏这种成分的体系结构中(如认知语言学方法)得到更好的解释。讨论了一种语法理论的结果。
{"title":"On the polysemy of Spanish spatial Ps","authors":"F. Ursini, Adriano Giannella","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3633","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of this paper is to investigate the polysemy of Spanish spatial prepositions (a, en, hacia, among others), and offer a syntactic and semantic treatment of this phenomenon. The core idea behind this account is that these prepositions can denote sets of possible locations that are involved in spatial relations. Consequently, the compositional interaction of polysemous prepositions with other parts of speech can determine which specific sense emerges in a sentence. The analysis is couched in a Type-Logical Grammar approach. It addresses data that have not previously been analysed in the literature, involving so-called Boolean constructions (e.g. en la estacion y la calle). Also, the paper shows that a single treatment can capture all the relevant data. Therefore, the analysis shows that polysemy is a grammar phenomenon that is better accounted for in architectures with a distinct syntactic/derivational component (e.g. Distributed Morphology), than in architectures lacking this component (e.g. Cognitive Linguistics approaches). Consequences for a theory of grammar are discussed.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"144 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127302130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper a novel view of the distribution of null subjects in Spanish is explored in which the discourse category which the antecedent of pro is analysed. Implementing Frascarelli’s (2007) work, I propose that the crucial condition to meet is for the null subject to be coreferential with an Aboutness-Shift Topic, which must be either an explicit or null copy in the local domain where pro is inserted. When null, this antecedent can refer back to any type of discourse category. The analysis is supported by an experiment run among native speakers of Spanish.
{"title":"When discourse met null subjects","authors":"Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3727","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper a novel view of the distribution of null subjects in Spanish is explored in which the discourse category which the antecedent of pro is analysed. Implementing Frascarelli’s (2007) work, I propose that the crucial condition to meet is for the null subject to be coreferential with an Aboutness-Shift Topic, which must be either an explicit or null copy in the local domain where pro is inserted. When null, this antecedent can refer back to any type of discourse category. The analysis is supported by an experiment run among native speakers of Spanish.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133312319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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