This study investigates L2 Spanish rhotic production in intermediate learners of Spanish, specifically addressing the duration of the influence of L1 English rhotic articulations and a phonetic environment involving English taps on the acquisition of Spanish taps and trills that Olsen (2012) found. Results from multiple linear regressions involving thirty-five students in Spanish foreign language classes show that the effect of English rhotic articulations evident in beginners has disappeared after four semesters of Spanish study. However, results from paired samples t -tests show that these more advanced learners produced accurate taps significantly more in words containing phonetic environments that produce taps in English. This effect is taken as evidence that L1 phonetic influences have a shorter duration on L2 production than do L1 phonological influences. These results provide insights into L2 rhotic acquisition which Spanish educators and students can use to formulate reasonable pronunciation expectations.
{"title":"Limitations of the influence of English phonetics and phonology on L2 Spanish rhotics","authors":"M. Olsen","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3898","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates L2 Spanish rhotic production in intermediate learners of Spanish, specifically addressing the duration of the influence of L1 English rhotic articulations and a phonetic environment involving English taps on the acquisition of Spanish taps and trills that Olsen (2012) found. Results from multiple linear regressions involving thirty-five students in Spanish foreign language classes show that the effect of English rhotic articulations evident in beginners has disappeared after four semesters of Spanish study. However, results from paired samples t -tests show that these more advanced learners produced accurate taps significantly more in words containing phonetic environments that produce taps in English. This effect is taken as evidence that L1 phonetic influences have a shorter duration on L2 production than do L1 phonological influences. These results provide insights into L2 rhotic acquisition which Spanish educators and students can use to formulate reasonable pronunciation expectations.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"16 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114102762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Este articulo se adentra en la sintaxis de las exclamativas cualitativas del espanol. Para ello, distinguimos entre exclamativas y exclamaciones y proponemos cuales son los criterios sintacticos que nos van a permitir identificar una estructura exclamativa en espanol. A diferencia de otros analisis previos acerca de este tipo de oraciones (vease Zanuttini y Portner 2003), vamos a defender que las exclamativas del espanol pueden estar encabezadas por operadores que no pertenecen al grupo de elementos denominados como [qu]. Este es el caso de las estructuras exclamativas introducidas por vaya ( iVaya vestido lleva!) , particula reanalizada como un operador exclamativo. Concretamente, nos vamos a centrar en los contrastes entre las exclamativas encabezadas por que+N y aquellas introducidas por vaya+N , para proponer un analisis sintactico que de cuenta del comportamiento de este tipo de construcciones. A partir de estos datos del espanol vamos a sostener que la miratividad es una propiedad relevante en las exclamativas y que se va a concretar en la sintaxis de estas construcciones.
{"title":"Aproximación sintáctica a las oraciones exclamativas del español","authors":"Irene Tirado","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3877","url":null,"abstract":"Este articulo se adentra en la sintaxis de las exclamativas cualitativas del espanol. Para ello, distinguimos entre exclamativas y exclamaciones y proponemos cuales son los criterios sintacticos que nos van a permitir identificar una estructura exclamativa en espanol. A diferencia de otros analisis previos acerca de este tipo de oraciones (vease Zanuttini y Portner 2003), vamos a defender que las exclamativas del espanol pueden estar encabezadas por operadores que no pertenecen al grupo de elementos denominados como [qu]. Este es el caso de las estructuras exclamativas introducidas por vaya ( iVaya vestido lleva!) , particula reanalizada como un operador exclamativo. Concretamente, nos vamos a centrar en los contrastes entre las exclamativas encabezadas por que+N y aquellas introducidas por vaya+N , para proponer un analisis sintactico que de cuenta del comportamiento de este tipo de construcciones. A partir de estos datos del espanol vamos a sostener que la miratividad es una propiedad relevante en las exclamativas y que se va a concretar en la sintaxis de estas construcciones.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131594626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates TP-ellipsis in Spanish in the context of multiple-complementizer clauses (i.e., … que XP que ellipsis licensor ellipsis site ). The paper argues for a standard ΣP-account of TP ellipsis, with the polarity/focal item (e.g., tambien/tampoco/si/no) crucially involved in the licensing of ellipsis. It is argued that the XP-que sequence is hosted in TopicP. The XP is a contrastive topic functioning as the remnant of TP-ellipsis and que is an instance of recomplementation que –a topic marker. The ellipsis licensor, for its part, sits in a CP-related projection that follows TopicP. Given the parallelism drawn here between the items that can partake in the licensing of TP-ellipsis and run-of-the-mill focused phrases, the paper puts forth the claim that ΣP and FocusP should be conflated. Similarly, I explore the relationship established between TopicP (the remnant) and ΣP/FocusP (the ellipsis licensor) in the process of TP ellipsis as well as offer an account of the inability of jussive/optative que to survive ellipsis, unlike recomplementation que.
本文研究了西班牙语中多补语从句(即…que XP que ellipsis许可方ellipsis site)语境下的tp -省略。本文提出了TP省略的标准ΣP-account，其中极性/焦点项(例如，tambien/tampoco/si/no)在省略许可中至关重要。本文认为XP-que序列驻留在TopicP中。XP是作为tp省略的残余的对比主题，而que是作为主题标记的补语que的实例。对于省略号许可方而言，它位于TopicP之后的cp相关投影中。考虑到可以参与tp省略许可和普通重点短语之间的平行关系，本文提出ΣP和FocusP应该合并的主张。同样，我也探讨了在TP省略过程中，TopicP(残体)和ΣP/FocusP(省略许可方)之间建立的关系，并解释了与补语不同，jussive/ optionative que无法在省略中存活下来。
{"title":"TP-ellipsis with a polarity particle in multiple-complementizer contexts in Spanish: on topical remnants and focal licensors","authors":"J. Villa-García","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3781","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates TP-ellipsis in Spanish in the context of multiple-complementizer clauses (i.e., … que XP que ellipsis licensor ellipsis site ). The paper argues for a standard ΣP-account of TP ellipsis, with the polarity/focal item (e.g., tambien/tampoco/si/no) crucially involved in the licensing of ellipsis. It is argued that the XP-que sequence is hosted in TopicP. The XP is a contrastive topic functioning as the remnant of TP-ellipsis and que is an instance of recomplementation que –a topic marker. The ellipsis licensor, for its part, sits in a CP-related projection that follows TopicP. Given the parallelism drawn here between the items that can partake in the licensing of TP-ellipsis and run-of-the-mill focused phrases, the paper puts forth the claim that ΣP and FocusP should be conflated. Similarly, I explore the relationship established between TopicP (the remnant) and ΣP/FocusP (the ellipsis licensor) in the process of TP ellipsis as well as offer an account of the inability of jussive/optative que to survive ellipsis, unlike recomplementation que.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114323076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Following fundamental minimalist assumptions, this study aims to explain the distribution of nominal ellipsis (NE, henceforth) in Spanish as the result of last resort constraints at different components of the grammar. The current proposal is that NE in Spanish is a special case of trace deletion that results from the creation of an imperfect/defective/smaller copy, which must be interpreted as an anaphora (concretely, as a (definite) pronoun) at the semantic interface (hence, SEM) due to its ‘reduced’ size. Therefore, the structure created in narrow syntax will be interpreted as any other copy at the phonological interface (hence, PHON), where it is not pronounced, but it will be interpreted as a (definite) pronoun at SEM. This approach derives the partitive character of the NE construction and the impossibility of having NE with some Determiners and prenominal Adjectives as the result of an SEM clash between the presence of the anaphora and the meaning of the Determiner
{"title":"Nominal ellipsis as a collaborative effort","authors":"Emma Ticio","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3130","url":null,"abstract":"Following fundamental minimalist assumptions, this study aims to explain the distribution of nominal ellipsis (NE, henceforth) in Spanish as the result of last resort constraints at different components of the grammar. The current proposal is that NE in Spanish is a special case of trace deletion that results from the creation of an imperfect/defective/smaller copy, which must be interpreted as an anaphora (concretely, as a (definite) pronoun) at the semantic interface (hence, SEM) due to its ‘reduced’ size. Therefore, the structure created in narrow syntax will be interpreted as any other copy at the phonological interface (hence, PHON), where it is not pronounced, but it will be interpreted as a (definite) pronoun at SEM. This approach derives the partitive character of the NE construction and the impossibility of having NE with some Determiners and prenominal Adjectives as the result of an SEM clash between the presence of the anaphora and the meaning of the Determiner","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"2 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133076150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Subjunctive mood in complement clauses is licensed under selection from certain predicates or under the scope of a modal or negation. In contexts where mood choice varies, such as the complement of a negated epistemic verb no creer, it introduces a contrast in interpretation. The subjunctive is thought to contribute to a shift in the modal anchoring of the embedded clause, and is consequently interpreted as indicative of a dissociation between the epistemic models of the speaker and the subject. We provide evidence that these uses also interact with pragmatic context. Given independent claims that 1) the overt realization of first person subject pronouns is contrastive and 2) it generally serves to anchor discourse to the speaker’s perspective and 3) overt use is particularly frequent with epistemic verbs, we examined the interaction between negation, first person subject pronoun realization, and mood of the dependent clause for the verb creer . An analysis of oral speech from the Proyecto de Habla Culta revealed that for negative sentences (no creo que ), yo is overtly realized more frequently for cases with exceptional indicative dependents than for those with canonical subjunctive dependents; there was no association with mood for affirmative uses of creer . These results support analyses where negation has specific scope over the contrastive subject, rather than over the epistemic clause. As a consequence, the matrix proposition remains an assertion and use of indicative complements is licensed.
{"title":"Subjunctive and subject pronoun realization: a study of \"no creo que\"","authors":"S. Harrington, A. Pérez-Leroux","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3726","url":null,"abstract":"Subjunctive mood in complement clauses is licensed under selection from certain predicates or under the scope of a modal or negation. In contexts where mood choice varies, such as the complement of a negated epistemic verb no creer, it introduces a contrast in interpretation. The subjunctive is thought to contribute to a shift in the modal anchoring of the embedded clause, and is consequently interpreted as indicative of a dissociation between the epistemic models of the speaker and the subject. We provide evidence that these uses also interact with pragmatic context. Given independent claims that 1) the overt realization of first person subject pronouns is contrastive and 2) it generally serves to anchor discourse to the speaker’s perspective and 3) overt use is particularly frequent with epistemic verbs, we examined the interaction between negation, first person subject pronoun realization, and mood of the dependent clause for the verb creer . An analysis of oral speech from the Proyecto de Habla Culta revealed that for negative sentences (no creo que ), yo is overtly realized more frequently for cases with exceptional indicative dependents than for those with canonical subjunctive dependents; there was no association with mood for affirmative uses of creer . These results support analyses where negation has specific scope over the contrastive subject, rather than over the epistemic clause. As a consequence, the matrix proposition remains an assertion and use of indicative complements is licensed.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114057382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers new data to support findings about Topic extraction from adverbial clauses. Since such clauses are strong islands, they should not allow extraction of any kind, but we show here that if the appropriate conditions are met, Topics of the CLLD kind in Romance can move out of them. We propose that two conditions must be met for such movement to be possible: the first is that the adverbial clause must have undergone topicalisation in the first place; the second is that the adverbial clause is inherently topical from a semantic viewpoint. Contrast with other language families (Germanic, Quechua and Japanese) is provided and the semantic implications of the proposal are briefly discussed. Keywords: topicalisation; Clitic Left Dislocation; syntactic islands; adverbial clauses Este articulo ofrece nuevos datos sobre la extraccion de Topicos desde oraciones subordinadas adverbiales. Dado que dichas oraciones son islas fuertes, no deberian permitir extraccion de ningun tipo, pero mostramos que si se dan las condiciones apropiadas, los Topicos del tipo CLLD en lenguas romanicas pueden desplazarse fuera de ellas. Proponemos que se deben cumplir dos condiciones para que ese movimiento sea posible: la primera es que la propia subordinada adverbial se haya topicalizado en primer lugar; la segunda es que la subordinada adverbial sea inherentemente un Topico desde el punto de vista semantico. Proporcionamos tambien algunos contrastes con otras familias linguisticas (germanica, quechua y japones) y se discuten brevemente las implicaciones semanticas de la propuesta. Palabras clave: topicalizacion; dislocacion a la izquierda con clitico; islas sintacticas; oraciones adverbiales
本文为状语从句的主题提取提供了新的数据支持。由于这些条款是强岛屿，它们不应该允许任何类型的提取，但我们在这里表明，如果满足适当的条件，浪漫中的CLLD类型的主题可以移出它们。我们提出，要使这种移动成为可能，必须满足两个条件:第一，状语从句首先必须经历话题化;第二，从语义角度看，状语从句具有固有的主题性。并与其他语系(日耳曼语、克丘亚语和日语)进行了对比，并简要讨论了该建议的语义含义。关键词:topicalisation;左颌脱位;语法岛屿;状语从句的意思是:主语从句的主语从句是状语从句。护墙板,dichas oraciones儿子岛要塞,没有deberian permitir extraccion de不会蒂波佩罗mostramos如果se dan las身体状况适合您,洛杉矶Topicos del蒂波CLLD en代替romanicas含量desplazarse fuera de经济体。提示性的词用在主语上，谓语用在主语上，谓语用在主语上，谓语用在谓语上，谓语用在谓语上。从字面上看，这句话的意思是:从字面上看，这句话的意思是:从字面上看，这句话的意思是:从语言学家(德国、美国和日本)的语义学角度探讨语义学的语义含义。Palabras clave:话题化;脱位是一种疾病;岛sintacticas;oraciones状语
{"title":"Topic extraction from adverbial clauses","authors":"Carlos Rubio Alcalá","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3744","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers new data to support findings about Topic extraction from adverbial clauses. Since such clauses are strong islands, they should not allow extraction of any kind, but we show here that if the appropriate conditions are met, Topics of the CLLD kind in Romance can move out of them. We propose that two conditions must be met for such movement to be possible: the first is that the adverbial clause must have undergone topicalisation in the first place; the second is that the adverbial clause is inherently topical from a semantic viewpoint. Contrast with other language families (Germanic, Quechua and Japanese) is provided and the semantic implications of the proposal are briefly discussed. Keywords: topicalisation; Clitic Left Dislocation; syntactic islands; adverbial clauses Este articulo ofrece nuevos datos sobre la extraccion de Topicos desde oraciones subordinadas adverbiales. Dado que dichas oraciones son islas fuertes, no deberian permitir extraccion de ningun tipo, pero mostramos que si se dan las condiciones apropiadas, los Topicos del tipo CLLD en lenguas romanicas pueden desplazarse fuera de ellas. Proponemos que se deben cumplir dos condiciones para que ese movimiento sea posible: la primera es que la propia subordinada adverbial se haya topicalizado en primer lugar; la segunda es que la subordinada adverbial sea inherentemente un Topico desde el punto de vista semantico. Proporcionamos tambien algunos contrastes con otras familias linguisticas (germanica, quechua y japones) y se discuten brevemente las implicaciones semanticas de la propuesta. Palabras clave: topicalizacion; dislocacion a la izquierda con clitico; islas sintacticas; oraciones adverbiales","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116738602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper seeks to study the way in which the interpretation is fixed in the Spanish AL + infinitive construction. The reading of these adjuncts can be temporal or causal. Some studies that have approached this issue previously (Rigau 1993; Alonso-Ovalle 2002) have attributed the interpretative disparity to purely semantic reasons, while others (Rigau 1995; Hernanz 1999; Martines 2000) have described the phenomenon without delving too deep in the syntactic details that influence the reading. The aim of this analysis is to approach the problem of the interpretation considering factors of syntactic order. I will claim that the reading is fixed depending basically on two factor: 1) the kind of topological relation that is established in each case: in temporal adjunction, the C head selects an IP as its ground; on the contrary, in the causal adjunction the ground is an XP, a projection between IP and CP that generates opacity with regard to the reading of the temporality; and 2) the retrospective orientation that the auxiliary haber generates.
{"title":"A syntactic approach to the Spanish 'al + infinitive' construction","authors":"Pablo Rico","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3735","url":null,"abstract":"The paper seeks to study the way in which the interpretation is fixed in the Spanish AL + infinitive construction. The reading of these adjuncts can be temporal or causal. Some studies that have approached this issue previously (Rigau 1993; Alonso-Ovalle 2002) have attributed the interpretative disparity to purely semantic reasons, while others (Rigau 1995; Hernanz 1999; Martines 2000) have described the phenomenon without delving too deep in the syntactic details that influence the reading. The aim of this analysis is to approach the problem of the interpretation considering factors of syntactic order. I will claim that the reading is fixed depending basically on two factor: 1) the kind of topological relation that is established in each case: in temporal adjunction, the C head selects an IP as its ground; on the contrary, in the causal adjunction the ground is an XP, a projection between IP and CP that generates opacity with regard to the reading of the temporality; and 2) the retrospective orientation that the auxiliary haber generates.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133568561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Desde que Hugo Schuchardt defendiera que toda lengua es un continuum en variacion (Abad 1993: 76), como objeto de estudio la variacion linguistica ha sido abordada desde multiples enfoques cientificos que se han centrado en la variacion tanto como la diversidad dentro del sistema linguistico como la diversidad entre sistemas linguisticos distintos.A esta diversidad, concebida no solo como la dialectalidad interna del sistema (Abad 1993: 74) sino tambien como la heterogeneidad entre sistemas, esta dedicado el volumen editado por Esther Hernandez y Pedro Martin Butragueno, volumen cuyo fin ultimo, al reunir trabajos de muy variada perspectiva sobre la variacion, es ofrecer una definicion inclusiva de este concepto indisociable del uso linguistico.
{"title":"E. Hernández & P. Martín Butragueño (eds.), 'Variación y diversidad lingüística. Hacia una teoría convergente'","authors":"O. Ivanova","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3734","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3734","url":null,"abstract":"Desde que Hugo Schuchardt defendiera que toda lengua es un continuum en variacion (Abad 1993: 76), como objeto de estudio la variacion linguistica ha sido abordada desde multiples enfoques cientificos que se han centrado en la variacion tanto como la diversidad dentro del sistema linguistico como la diversidad entre sistemas linguisticos distintos.A esta diversidad, concebida no solo como la dialectalidad interna del sistema (Abad 1993: 74) sino tambien como la heterogeneidad entre sistemas, esta dedicado el volumen editado por Esther Hernandez y Pedro Martin Butragueno, volumen cuyo fin ultimo, al reunir trabajos de muy variada perspectiva sobre la variacion, es ofrecer una definicion inclusiva de este concepto indisociable del uso linguistico.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127511457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Not long after the premiere of Loxoro in 2011, a short-film by Claudia Llosa which presents the problems the transgender community faces in the capital of Peru, a new language variety became visible for the first time to the Lima society. Loxoro [‘lok.so.ɾo] or Hungaro [‘uŋ.ga.ɾo], as its speakers call it, is a language spoken by transsexuals and the gay community of Peru. The first clues about its existence were given by a comedian, Fernando Armas, in the mid 90’s, however it is said to have appeared not before the 60’s. Following some previous work on gay languages by Baker (2002) and languages and society ( cf. Halliday 1978), the main aim of the present article is to provide a primary sketch of this language in its phonological, morphological, lexical and sociological aspects, based on a small corpus extracted from the film of Llosa and natural dialogues from Peruvian TV-journals, in order to classify this variety within modern sociolinguistic models ( cf . Muysken 2010) and argue for the “anti-language” ( cf. Halliday 1978) nature of it.
{"title":"Lóxoro. Traces of a contemporary Peruvian genderlect","authors":"Luis Miguel Rojas-Berscia","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3725","url":null,"abstract":"Not long after the premiere of Loxoro in 2011, a short-film by Claudia Llosa which presents the problems the transgender community faces in the capital of Peru, a new language variety became visible for the first time to the Lima society. Loxoro [‘lok.so.ɾo] or Hungaro [‘uŋ.ga.ɾo], as its speakers call it, is a language spoken by transsexuals and the gay community of Peru. The first clues about its existence were given by a comedian, Fernando Armas, in the mid 90’s, however it is said to have appeared not before the 60’s. Following some previous work on gay languages by Baker (2002) and languages and society ( cf. Halliday 1978), the main aim of the present article is to provide a primary sketch of this language in its phonological, morphological, lexical and sociological aspects, based on a small corpus extracted from the film of Llosa and natural dialogues from Peruvian TV-journals, in order to classify this variety within modern sociolinguistic models ( cf . Muysken 2010) and argue for the “anti-language” ( cf. Halliday 1978) nature of it.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116913794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this paper is to show that some parentheticals are indeed syntactic orphans (cf. Haegeman 1988) and that this intuition can be formalized using tools independently motivated in linguistic theory. We concentrate on new data regarding clitic realization in what are commonly called Reduced Parenthetical Clauses (RPCs). We show that these constructions with clitic differ of their reduced counterpart in many aspects; crucially, they behave as root domains. Thus, we argue that they are derived independently from the host clause (in a parallel workspace) and their linear interpolation occurs during the Spell-Out process, assuming a dynamic version of cyclic Transfer (cf. Chomsky 2001, Uriagereka 1999).
{"title":"Cyclic transfer in the derivation of Complete Parenthetical Clauses","authors":"A. Aguilar","doi":"10.7557/1.5.1.3742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.1.3742","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of this paper is to show that some parentheticals are indeed syntactic orphans (cf. Haegeman 1988) and that this intuition can be formalized using tools independently motivated in linguistic theory. We concentrate on new data regarding clitic realization in what are commonly called Reduced Parenthetical Clauses (RPCs). We show that these constructions with clitic differ of their reduced counterpart in many aspects; crucially, they behave as root domains. Thus, we argue that they are derived independently from the host clause (in a parallel workspace) and their linear interpolation occurs during the Spell-Out process, assuming a dynamic version of cyclic Transfer (cf. Chomsky 2001, Uriagereka 1999).","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115621070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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