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Round Table. From Lisbon to Porto: taking stock of developments in EU social policy: Why politics matter 圆桌。从里斯本到波尔图:评估欧盟社会政策的发展:为什么政治很重要
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061083
P. Pochet
This article argues that the political landscape at the national level is an important element in the development and failures of European social policy. Our understanding of the European social dimension cannot be limited to the various interests of groups of bureaucrats or the goodwill of the Commission (or some of its members). It must take into account the bigger picture of the evolution of national electorates and the place of social issues in national and European elections, which in turn impacts the political balance in the EU institutions. National politics resound at European and transnational level in different global projects (to name the major ones: neoliberal, neomercantilist, social democrat and now green) (Van Apeldoorn and Horn, 2019. Bulmer and Joseph, 2016). However, this article will not explore how these EU/global transnational hegemonic projects are developing and interacting. This article demonstrates the complex impact, shaped by many factors, of the political left/right balance on developments in EU social policy and integration over the past 20 years. Almost 25 years ago, the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) unwittingly initiated a new stage in European social policy. At the time, attention was focused on the new (social) changes that were being made to the Treaty of Maastricht, which had launched the risky and unstable venture of the single currency without prior political union. This was also the year of political victory for two, albeit very different, parties of the European Left: the French Socialist Party of Lionel Jospin and Tony Blair’s New Labour in the United Kingdom. It marked the beginning of a brief period of domination of centre-left governments in the European political landscape, between 1997 and 2004 (Manow et al., 2004; Pochet, 2019) but without a fully shared vision on how to develop a Social Europe project.
本文认为,国家层面的政治格局是欧洲社会政策发展和失败的一个重要因素。我们对欧洲社会层面的理解不能局限于官僚集团的各种利益或欧盟委员会(或其某些成员)的善意。它必须考虑到国家选民演变的更大图景,以及国家和欧洲选举中社会问题的地位,这反过来又影响欧盟机构的政治平衡。国家政治在欧洲和跨国层面上在不同的全球项目中回响(举几个主要的例子:新自由主义、新重商主义、社会民主主义和现在的绿色)(Van Apeldoorn和Horn, 2019年)。Bulmer and Joseph, 2016)。然而,本文将不探讨这些欧盟/全球跨国霸权项目是如何发展和相互作用的。这篇文章展示了在过去的20年里,政治上的左右平衡对欧盟社会政策和一体化发展的复杂影响,受到许多因素的影响。大约25年前,《阿姆斯特丹条约》(1997)在不知不觉中开启了欧洲社会政策的一个新阶段。当时,人们的注意力集中在《马斯特里赫特条约》(Treaty of Maastricht)正在发生的新的(社会)变化上,该条约在没有事先建立政治联盟的情况下启动了冒险而不稳定的单一货币。今年也是欧洲左翼的两个政党(尽管非常不同)取得政治胜利的一年:莱昂内尔•若斯潘(Lionel Jospin)领导的法国社会党和托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)领导的英国新工党。它标志着1997年至2004年间中左翼政府在欧洲政治格局中短暂统治时期的开始(Manow et al., 2004;Pochet, 2019),但在如何发展社会欧洲项目方面没有完全共同的愿景。
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引用次数: 3
‘Dual’ labour market? Patterns of segmentation in European labour markets and the varieties of precariousness “双重”劳动力市场?欧洲劳动力市场的分割模式和各种不稳定性
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061070
Hyojin Seo
This article aims to empirically explore how European labour markets are segmented and who the outsiders are. The article moves beyond the dichotomous approach to understanding labour market division, often based solely on examining employment relationships. Taking a multi-dimensional approach to defining labour market precariousness, this study incorporates aspects such as income, job prospects and subjective insecurity. Latent Class Analysis is used on data taken from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey to extend the traditional definition of outsider-ness. Four labour market segments are found: insiders and three different types of outsiders: typical outsiders, dead-end insiders and subjective outsiders. Looking at the cross-national aspect, variations are found in the segmentation patterns, especially in terms of who the outsiders are. The findings show the need to examine various aspects of labour precariousness in order to capture the complexity of post-industrialised labour markets and identify different types of outsiders across Europe that need to be protected for building a more cohesive society.
本文旨在实证探讨欧洲劳动力市场是如何分割的,以及谁是局外人。这篇文章超越了理解劳动力市场分工的二分法,通常仅仅基于对雇佣关系的研究。本研究采用多维度的方法来定义劳动力市场的不稳定性,包括收入、就业前景和主观不安全感等方面。潜在类别分析用于2015年欧洲工作条件调查的数据,以扩展外部性的传统定义。研究发现了四种劳动力市场细分:内部人员和三种不同类型的外部人员:典型外部人员、死胡同内部人员和主观外部人员。从跨国的角度来看,在细分模式上存在差异,特别是在外来者是谁方面。研究结果表明,有必要研究劳动力不稳定性的各个方面,以把握后工业化劳动力市场的复杂性,并确定欧洲各地需要保护的不同类型的外来者,以建立一个更具凝聚力的社会。
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引用次数: 5
Book Review: Zwischen Globalismus und Demokratie: Politische Ökonomie im ausgehenden Neoliberalismus 这本书:全球化和民主:新兴自由主义的政治经济
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061068
W. Kowalsky
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引用次数: 4
Round Table. From Lisbon to Porto: taking stock of developments in EU social policy: Opening up the Pandora’s Box of EU Social Rights 圆桌。从里斯本到波尔图:评估欧盟社会政策的发展:打开欧盟社会权利的潘多拉盒子
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061082
Caroline de la Porte
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引用次数: 2
Trade union community membership: exploring what people who are not in paid employment could contribute to union activism 工会社区成员:探索无薪就业的人可以为工会行动主义做出什么贡献
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211043342
J. Holgate, G. Alberti, I. Byford, I. Greenwood
The industrial relations literature tends to argue that workers join trade unions primarily for instrumental reasons, for example, to obtain assistance if there is a problem at work. But this clearly does not apply to people who are not in work. It is in many ways counterintuitive to join a trade union when one is not an employee or in paid employment, looking for a job, or retired. Generally, there is little material benefit in doing so. Others have noted, however, that personal values, particularly associated with the ideological left, can cultivate a predisposition toward joining a union that is not based on a purely material calculus. Nevertheless, this analysis is usually applied to workers. The research reflected in this article aims to understand the motivation of people who are not in paid employment, such as jobseekers/unemployed, students and retirees, to join labour unions and become active within them. It does so through a case study of the United Kingdom’s largest private sector union, Unite, and considers the contribution to, or rationale for, union activism within community membership and the possibilities for rethinking trade unionism beyond its traditional workplace base.
劳资关系文献倾向于认为,工人加入工会主要是出于工具原因,例如,在工作中出现问题时获得帮助。但这显然不适用于没有工作的人。在很多方面,当一个人不是雇员或有薪工作、正在找工作或退休时加入工会是违反直觉的。一般来说,这样做几乎没有什么物质利益。然而,也有人指出,个人价值观,尤其是与意识形态左翼有关的价值观,可能会培养人们加入一个不基于纯粹物质考量的联盟的倾向。然而,这种分析通常适用于工人。本文中反映的研究旨在了解非有偿就业的人的动机,如求职者/失业者,学生和退休人员,加入工会并积极参与其中。它通过对英国最大的私营部门工会Unite的案例研究,并考虑了社区成员中工会行动主义的贡献或基本原理,以及重新思考工会主义超越其传统工作场所基础的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
The divergent narratives and strategies of unions in times of social-ecological crises: fracking and the UK energy sector 社会生态危机时期工会的不同叙述和策略:水力压裂法和英国能源部门
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211041216
Halliki Kreinin
The issue of fracking highlights the variability of trade union approaches to the environment in the UK energy sector, as reflected in their narratives and strategic organising orientations. Stories alone cannot change the material interests underlying complex societal conflicts, yet transformative policies on the climate crisis cannot emerge without a coherent story about the environmental crises and possible solutions. This article uses unions’ positions on fracking as a proxy for opposing/supporting/hedging against climate action to see how divergent positions amongst the UK’s three biggest unions in the energy sector (UNISON, Unite and GMB) and the TUC are reinforced or challenged by internal union narratives and strategic foci. Drawing on four in-depth expert interviews and 148 union documents, the main union narratives and strategies are analysed and clustered. The article’s key insight is that unions’ specific narratives differ depending on a union’s orientation. Pro-fracking unions address the short-term immediate financial and material concerns of members and hence promote business partnerships, while anti-fracking unions develop broad-based grass-roots alliances to address the climate crisis. The key entry point for transformative coalitions lies in promoting a coherent and positive narrative about transformative change, in line with scientific evidence.
水力压裂法的问题凸显了英国能源行业工会对待环境的方法的可变性,这反映在他们的叙述和战略组织方向上。故事本身无法改变复杂社会冲突背后的物质利益,但如果没有关于环境危机和可能解决方案的连贯故事,就不可能出现应对气候危机的变革性政策。本文以工会在水力压裂方面的立场作为反对/支持/对冲气候行动的代理,以了解英国能源行业三大工会(UNISON、Unite和GMB)和英国职工大会(TUC)之间的分歧立场是如何被内部工会叙事和战略焦点所加强或挑战的。根据四次深入的专家访谈和148份工会文件,对主要的工会叙述和战略进行了分析和归纳。这篇文章的关键观点是,工会的具体叙述因工会的定位而异。支持水力压裂法的工会解决了成员的短期财政和物质问题,从而促进了商业伙伴关系,而反对水力压裂法的工会则建立了广泛的基层联盟,以应对气候危机。变革性联盟的关键切入点在于,根据科学证据,促进对变革性变革进行连贯和积极的叙述。
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引用次数: 3
Making algorithms safe for workers: occupational risks associated with work managed by artificial intelligence 使算法对工人更安全:与人工智能管理的工作相关的职业风险
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211035040
Adrián Todolí-Signes
It is increasingly common for companies to use artificial intelligence mechanisms to manage work. This study examines the health hazards caused by these new forms of technological management. Occupational risks can be reduced if they are taken into account when programming an algorithm. This study confirms the need for algorithms to be correctly programmed, taking account of these occupational risks. In the same way as supervisors have to be trained in risk prevention to be able to perform their work, the algorithm must be programmed to weigh up the occupational risks – and when such features do not exist, steps must be taken to prevent the algorithm being used to direct workers. The algorithm must assess all (known) factors posing a risk to workers’ health and safety. It therefore seems necessary to incorporate a mandatory risk assessment performed by specialists in the programming of algorithms so that all ascertained risks can be taken into account.
公司使用人工智能机制来管理工作越来越普遍。本研究考察了这些新形式的技术管理造成的健康危害。如果在编写算法时考虑到职业风险,则可以减少职业风险。这项研究证实,考虑到这些职业风险,需要正确编程算法。就像管理者必须接受风险预防方面的培训才能完成他们的工作一样,必须对算法进行编程,以衡量职业风险——当这些特征不存在时,必须采取措施防止算法被用来指导工人。该算法必须评估对工人健康和安全构成风险的所有(已知)因素。因此,似乎有必要在算法的规划中纳入由专家进行的强制性风险评估,以便能够考虑到所有确定的风险。
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引用次数: 8
Raising the bar? The impact of the UNISON ethical care campaign in UK domiciliary care 提高标准?UNISON伦理关怀运动对英国居家护理的影响
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211028460
Mathew Johnson, J. Rubery, M. Egan
This article critically analyses a major trade union initiative in the United Kingdom to raise standards in public contracts for domiciliary care, and in turn to improve wages and working conditions for outsourced care workers. The campaign successfully built alliances with national employer representatives, and around 25 per cent of commissioning bodies in England, Scotland and Wales have signed a voluntary charter that guarantees workers an hourly living wage, payment for travel time and regular working hours. The campaign overall, however, has had only limited effects on standards across the sector, in which low wages, zero-hours contracts and weak career paths predominate. Furthermore, the campaign has not yet yielded significant gains in terms of union recruitment, although there are signs of sporadic mobilisations of care workers in response to localised disputes.
本文批判性地分析了英国一项主要的工会倡议,该倡议旨在提高居家护理公共合同的标准,进而改善外包护理工作者的工资和工作条件。该运动成功地与全国雇主代表建立了联盟,英格兰、苏格兰和威尔士约25%的委托机构签署了一份自愿章程,保证工人按小时支付生活工资、支付旅行时间和正常工作时间。然而,总的来说,这场运动对整个行业的标准影响有限,低工资、零时工合同和职业道路薄弱占主导地位。此外,在工会招募方面,这场运动尚未取得重大进展,尽管有迹象表明,针对局部纠纷,护理人员有零星的动员。
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引用次数: 5
Trade union struggle for workwear in Swedish elder care 瑞典老年人护理行业工会为工作服而斗争
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211031369
Annette Thörnquist
This article investigates why it took over 20 years of trade union struggle before workers in Swedish elder care were granted the right to free workwear. How did the Swedish Municipal Workers’ Union (Kommunal) tackle the problem; what obstacles did the union face; and why was the matter finally regulated by the state (in 2015 and 2018) and not by collective agreement in line with the Swedish model of self-regulation? The study draws mainly on an analysis of important court cases. The results indicate that the process was protracted mainly because of the unclear legal basis for pursuing demands concerning workwear, municipalities’ (local authorities’) opposition to a general obligation to provide workwear, mainly for financial reasons, and the fact that the issue was deadlocked between the remits of two government authorities, representing patient safety and work safety respectively. The main reason why the union eventually preferred to fight for a legislative solution was that a negotiated solution would probably have come at the expense of other urgent union demands in this female-dominated low-wage sector. When Kommunal intensified the struggle for free workwear in the 2010s, the union also stepped up its struggle against the structural gender differences in wages in the municipal sector.
这篇文章调查了为什么经过20多年的工会斗争,瑞典的老年护理工人才被授予免费工作服的权利。瑞典市政工人联盟(公社)如何处理这个问题?工会面临什么障碍?为什么这件事最终由国家(在2015年和2018年)监管,而不是通过符合瑞典自我监管模式的集体协议?这项研究主要基于对重要法庭案件的分析。结果表明,这一进程被拖延的主要原因是追求有关工作服的要求的法律依据不明确,市政当局(地方当局)反对提供工作服的一般义务,主要是出于财政原因,以及这一问题在分别代表患者安全和工作安全的两个政府当局的职权范围内陷入僵局。工会最终倾向于争取立法解决方案的主要原因是,在这个以女性为主的低工资行业,谈判解决方案可能会以牺牲工会的其他紧迫要求为代价。当公社工会在2010年代加强争取自由工作服的斗争时,工会也加强了反对市政部门工资的结构性性别差异的斗争。
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引用次数: 0
ÉDITORIAL
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589211029485a
Mathew Johnson, Valeria Pulignano
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research
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