Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061083
P. Pochet
This article argues that the political landscape at the national level is an important element in the development and failures of European social policy. Our understanding of the European social dimension cannot be limited to the various interests of groups of bureaucrats or the goodwill of the Commission (or some of its members). It must take into account the bigger picture of the evolution of national electorates and the place of social issues in national and European elections, which in turn impacts the political balance in the EU institutions. National politics resound at European and transnational level in different global projects (to name the major ones: neoliberal, neomercantilist, social democrat and now green) (Van Apeldoorn and Horn, 2019. Bulmer and Joseph, 2016). However, this article will not explore how these EU/global transnational hegemonic projects are developing and interacting. This article demonstrates the complex impact, shaped by many factors, of the political left/right balance on developments in EU social policy and integration over the past 20 years. Almost 25 years ago, the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) unwittingly initiated a new stage in European social policy. At the time, attention was focused on the new (social) changes that were being made to the Treaty of Maastricht, which had launched the risky and unstable venture of the single currency without prior political union. This was also the year of political victory for two, albeit very different, parties of the European Left: the French Socialist Party of Lionel Jospin and Tony Blair’s New Labour in the United Kingdom. It marked the beginning of a brief period of domination of centre-left governments in the European political landscape, between 1997 and 2004 (Manow et al., 2004; Pochet, 2019) but without a fully shared vision on how to develop a Social Europe project.
本文认为,国家层面的政治格局是欧洲社会政策发展和失败的一个重要因素。我们对欧洲社会层面的理解不能局限于官僚集团的各种利益或欧盟委员会(或其某些成员)的善意。它必须考虑到国家选民演变的更大图景,以及国家和欧洲选举中社会问题的地位,这反过来又影响欧盟机构的政治平衡。国家政治在欧洲和跨国层面上在不同的全球项目中回响(举几个主要的例子:新自由主义、新重商主义、社会民主主义和现在的绿色)(Van Apeldoorn和Horn, 2019年)。Bulmer and Joseph, 2016)。然而,本文将不探讨这些欧盟/全球跨国霸权项目是如何发展和相互作用的。这篇文章展示了在过去的20年里,政治上的左右平衡对欧盟社会政策和一体化发展的复杂影响,受到许多因素的影响。大约25年前,《阿姆斯特丹条约》(1997)在不知不觉中开启了欧洲社会政策的一个新阶段。当时,人们的注意力集中在《马斯特里赫特条约》(Treaty of Maastricht)正在发生的新的(社会)变化上,该条约在没有事先建立政治联盟的情况下启动了冒险而不稳定的单一货币。今年也是欧洲左翼的两个政党(尽管非常不同)取得政治胜利的一年:莱昂内尔•若斯潘(Lionel Jospin)领导的法国社会党和托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)领导的英国新工党。它标志着1997年至2004年间中左翼政府在欧洲政治格局中短暂统治时期的开始(Manow et al., 2004;Pochet, 2019),但在如何发展社会欧洲项目方面没有完全共同的愿景。
{"title":"Round Table. From Lisbon to Porto: taking stock of developments in EU social policy: Why politics matter","authors":"P. Pochet","doi":"10.1177/10242589211061083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211061083","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the political landscape at the national level is an important element in the development and failures of European social policy. Our understanding of the European social dimension cannot be limited to the various interests of groups of bureaucrats or the goodwill of the Commission (or some of its members). It must take into account the bigger picture of the evolution of national electorates and the place of social issues in national and European elections, which in turn impacts the political balance in the EU institutions. National politics resound at European and transnational level in different global projects (to name the major ones: neoliberal, neomercantilist, social democrat and now green) (Van Apeldoorn and Horn, 2019. Bulmer and Joseph, 2016). However, this article will not explore how these EU/global transnational hegemonic projects are developing and interacting. This article demonstrates the complex impact, shaped by many factors, of the political left/right balance on developments in EU social policy and integration over the past 20 years. Almost 25 years ago, the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) unwittingly initiated a new stage in European social policy. At the time, attention was focused on the new (social) changes that were being made to the Treaty of Maastricht, which had launched the risky and unstable venture of the single currency without prior political union. This was also the year of political victory for two, albeit very different, parties of the European Left: the French Socialist Party of Lionel Jospin and Tony Blair’s New Labour in the United Kingdom. It marked the beginning of a brief period of domination of centre-left governments in the European political landscape, between 1997 and 2004 (Manow et al., 2004; Pochet, 2019) but without a fully shared vision on how to develop a Social Europe project.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"45 1","pages":"521 - 526"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76232785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061070
Hyojin Seo
This article aims to empirically explore how European labour markets are segmented and who the outsiders are. The article moves beyond the dichotomous approach to understanding labour market division, often based solely on examining employment relationships. Taking a multi-dimensional approach to defining labour market precariousness, this study incorporates aspects such as income, job prospects and subjective insecurity. Latent Class Analysis is used on data taken from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey to extend the traditional definition of outsider-ness. Four labour market segments are found: insiders and three different types of outsiders: typical outsiders, dead-end insiders and subjective outsiders. Looking at the cross-national aspect, variations are found in the segmentation patterns, especially in terms of who the outsiders are. The findings show the need to examine various aspects of labour precariousness in order to capture the complexity of post-industrialised labour markets and identify different types of outsiders across Europe that need to be protected for building a more cohesive society.
{"title":"‘Dual’ labour market? Patterns of segmentation in European labour markets and the varieties of precariousness","authors":"Hyojin Seo","doi":"10.1177/10242589211061070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211061070","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to empirically explore how European labour markets are segmented and who the outsiders are. The article moves beyond the dichotomous approach to understanding labour market division, often based solely on examining employment relationships. Taking a multi-dimensional approach to defining labour market precariousness, this study incorporates aspects such as income, job prospects and subjective insecurity. Latent Class Analysis is used on data taken from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey to extend the traditional definition of outsider-ness. Four labour market segments are found: insiders and three different types of outsiders: typical outsiders, dead-end insiders and subjective outsiders. Looking at the cross-national aspect, variations are found in the segmentation patterns, especially in terms of who the outsiders are. The findings show the need to examine various aspects of labour precariousness in order to capture the complexity of post-industrialised labour markets and identify different types of outsiders across Europe that need to be protected for building a more cohesive society.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"12 1","pages":"485 - 503"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72722316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061068
W. Kowalsky
{"title":"Book Review: Zwischen Globalismus und Demokratie: Politische Ökonomie im ausgehenden Neoliberalismus","authors":"W. Kowalsky","doi":"10.1177/10242589211061068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211061068","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"1 1","pages":"541 - 547"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72670512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211061082
Caroline de la Porte
{"title":"Round Table. From Lisbon to Porto: taking stock of developments in EU social policy: Opening up the Pandora’s Box of EU Social Rights","authors":"Caroline de la Porte","doi":"10.1177/10242589211061082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211061082","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"16 1","pages":"513 - 519"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83133931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-14DOI: 10.1177/10242589211043342
J. Holgate, G. Alberti, I. Byford, I. Greenwood
The industrial relations literature tends to argue that workers join trade unions primarily for instrumental reasons, for example, to obtain assistance if there is a problem at work. But this clearly does not apply to people who are not in work. It is in many ways counterintuitive to join a trade union when one is not an employee or in paid employment, looking for a job, or retired. Generally, there is little material benefit in doing so. Others have noted, however, that personal values, particularly associated with the ideological left, can cultivate a predisposition toward joining a union that is not based on a purely material calculus. Nevertheless, this analysis is usually applied to workers. The research reflected in this article aims to understand the motivation of people who are not in paid employment, such as jobseekers/unemployed, students and retirees, to join labour unions and become active within them. It does so through a case study of the United Kingdom’s largest private sector union, Unite, and considers the contribution to, or rationale for, union activism within community membership and the possibilities for rethinking trade unionism beyond its traditional workplace base.
{"title":"Trade union community membership: exploring what people who are not in paid employment could contribute to union activism","authors":"J. Holgate, G. Alberti, I. Byford, I. Greenwood","doi":"10.1177/10242589211043342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211043342","url":null,"abstract":"The industrial relations literature tends to argue that workers join trade unions primarily for instrumental reasons, for example, to obtain assistance if there is a problem at work. But this clearly does not apply to people who are not in work. It is in many ways counterintuitive to join a trade union when one is not an employee or in paid employment, looking for a job, or retired. Generally, there is little material benefit in doing so. Others have noted, however, that personal values, particularly associated with the ideological left, can cultivate a predisposition toward joining a union that is not based on a purely material calculus. Nevertheless, this analysis is usually applied to workers. The research reflected in this article aims to understand the motivation of people who are not in paid employment, such as jobseekers/unemployed, students and retirees, to join labour unions and become active within them. It does so through a case study of the United Kingdom’s largest private sector union, Unite, and considers the contribution to, or rationale for, union activism within community membership and the possibilities for rethinking trade unionism beyond its traditional workplace base.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"70 1","pages":"469 - 483"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90778210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1177/10242589211041216
Halliki Kreinin
The issue of fracking highlights the variability of trade union approaches to the environment in the UK energy sector, as reflected in their narratives and strategic organising orientations. Stories alone cannot change the material interests underlying complex societal conflicts, yet transformative policies on the climate crisis cannot emerge without a coherent story about the environmental crises and possible solutions. This article uses unions’ positions on fracking as a proxy for opposing/supporting/hedging against climate action to see how divergent positions amongst the UK’s three biggest unions in the energy sector (UNISON, Unite and GMB) and the TUC are reinforced or challenged by internal union narratives and strategic foci. Drawing on four in-depth expert interviews and 148 union documents, the main union narratives and strategies are analysed and clustered. The article’s key insight is that unions’ specific narratives differ depending on a union’s orientation. Pro-fracking unions address the short-term immediate financial and material concerns of members and hence promote business partnerships, while anti-fracking unions develop broad-based grass-roots alliances to address the climate crisis. The key entry point for transformative coalitions lies in promoting a coherent and positive narrative about transformative change, in line with scientific evidence.
{"title":"The divergent narratives and strategies of unions in times of social-ecological crises: fracking and the UK energy sector","authors":"Halliki Kreinin","doi":"10.1177/10242589211041216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211041216","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of fracking highlights the variability of trade union approaches to the environment in the UK energy sector, as reflected in their narratives and strategic organising orientations. Stories alone cannot change the material interests underlying complex societal conflicts, yet transformative policies on the climate crisis cannot emerge without a coherent story about the environmental crises and possible solutions. This article uses unions’ positions on fracking as a proxy for opposing/supporting/hedging against climate action to see how divergent positions amongst the UK’s three biggest unions in the energy sector (UNISON, Unite and GMB) and the TUC are reinforced or challenged by internal union narratives and strategic foci. Drawing on four in-depth expert interviews and 148 union documents, the main union narratives and strategies are analysed and clustered. The article’s key insight is that unions’ specific narratives differ depending on a union’s orientation. Pro-fracking unions address the short-term immediate financial and material concerns of members and hence promote business partnerships, while anti-fracking unions develop broad-based grass-roots alliances to address the climate crisis. The key entry point for transformative coalitions lies in promoting a coherent and positive narrative about transformative change, in line with scientific evidence.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"69 1","pages":"453 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86686548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-11DOI: 10.1177/10242589211035040
Adrián Todolí-Signes
It is increasingly common for companies to use artificial intelligence mechanisms to manage work. This study examines the health hazards caused by these new forms of technological management. Occupational risks can be reduced if they are taken into account when programming an algorithm. This study confirms the need for algorithms to be correctly programmed, taking account of these occupational risks. In the same way as supervisors have to be trained in risk prevention to be able to perform their work, the algorithm must be programmed to weigh up the occupational risks – and when such features do not exist, steps must be taken to prevent the algorithm being used to direct workers. The algorithm must assess all (known) factors posing a risk to workers’ health and safety. It therefore seems necessary to incorporate a mandatory risk assessment performed by specialists in the programming of algorithms so that all ascertained risks can be taken into account.
{"title":"Making algorithms safe for workers: occupational risks associated with work managed by artificial intelligence","authors":"Adrián Todolí-Signes","doi":"10.1177/10242589211035040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211035040","url":null,"abstract":"It is increasingly common for companies to use artificial intelligence mechanisms to manage work. This study examines the health hazards caused by these new forms of technological management. Occupational risks can be reduced if they are taken into account when programming an algorithm. This study confirms the need for algorithms to be correctly programmed, taking account of these occupational risks. In the same way as supervisors have to be trained in risk prevention to be able to perform their work, the algorithm must be programmed to weigh up the occupational risks – and when such features do not exist, steps must be taken to prevent the algorithm being used to direct workers. The algorithm must assess all (known) factors posing a risk to workers’ health and safety. It therefore seems necessary to incorporate a mandatory risk assessment performed by specialists in the programming of algorithms so that all ascertained risks can be taken into account.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"54 1","pages":"433 - 452"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75954360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211028460
Mathew Johnson, J. Rubery, M. Egan
This article critically analyses a major trade union initiative in the United Kingdom to raise standards in public contracts for domiciliary care, and in turn to improve wages and working conditions for outsourced care workers. The campaign successfully built alliances with national employer representatives, and around 25 per cent of commissioning bodies in England, Scotland and Wales have signed a voluntary charter that guarantees workers an hourly living wage, payment for travel time and regular working hours. The campaign overall, however, has had only limited effects on standards across the sector, in which low wages, zero-hours contracts and weak career paths predominate. Furthermore, the campaign has not yet yielded significant gains in terms of union recruitment, although there are signs of sporadic mobilisations of care workers in response to localised disputes.
{"title":"Raising the bar? The impact of the UNISON ethical care campaign in UK domiciliary care","authors":"Mathew Johnson, J. Rubery, M. Egan","doi":"10.1177/10242589211028460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211028460","url":null,"abstract":"This article critically analyses a major trade union initiative in the United Kingdom to raise standards in public contracts for domiciliary care, and in turn to improve wages and working conditions for outsourced care workers. The campaign successfully built alliances with national employer representatives, and around 25 per cent of commissioning bodies in England, Scotland and Wales have signed a voluntary charter that guarantees workers an hourly living wage, payment for travel time and regular working hours. The campaign overall, however, has had only limited effects on standards across the sector, in which low wages, zero-hours contracts and weak career paths predominate. Furthermore, the campaign has not yet yielded significant gains in terms of union recruitment, although there are signs of sporadic mobilisations of care workers in response to localised disputes.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"51 1","pages":"367 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80101490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211031369
Annette Thörnquist
This article investigates why it took over 20 years of trade union struggle before workers in Swedish elder care were granted the right to free workwear. How did the Swedish Municipal Workers’ Union (Kommunal) tackle the problem; what obstacles did the union face; and why was the matter finally regulated by the state (in 2015 and 2018) and not by collective agreement in line with the Swedish model of self-regulation? The study draws mainly on an analysis of important court cases. The results indicate that the process was protracted mainly because of the unclear legal basis for pursuing demands concerning workwear, municipalities’ (local authorities’) opposition to a general obligation to provide workwear, mainly for financial reasons, and the fact that the issue was deadlocked between the remits of two government authorities, representing patient safety and work safety respectively. The main reason why the union eventually preferred to fight for a legislative solution was that a negotiated solution would probably have come at the expense of other urgent union demands in this female-dominated low-wage sector. When Kommunal intensified the struggle for free workwear in the 2010s, the union also stepped up its struggle against the structural gender differences in wages in the municipal sector.
{"title":"Trade union struggle for workwear in Swedish elder care","authors":"Annette Thörnquist","doi":"10.1177/10242589211031369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211031369","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates why it took over 20 years of trade union struggle before workers in Swedish elder care were granted the right to free workwear. How did the Swedish Municipal Workers’ Union (Kommunal) tackle the problem; what obstacles did the union face; and why was the matter finally regulated by the state (in 2015 and 2018) and not by collective agreement in line with the Swedish model of self-regulation? The study draws mainly on an analysis of important court cases. The results indicate that the process was protracted mainly because of the unclear legal basis for pursuing demands concerning workwear, municipalities’ (local authorities’) opposition to a general obligation to provide workwear, mainly for financial reasons, and the fact that the issue was deadlocked between the remits of two government authorities, representing patient safety and work safety respectively. The main reason why the union eventually preferred to fight for a legislative solution was that a negotiated solution would probably have come at the expense of other urgent union demands in this female-dominated low-wage sector. When Kommunal intensified the struggle for free workwear in the 2010s, the union also stepped up its struggle against the structural gender differences in wages in the municipal sector.","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"08 1","pages":"337 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85938205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/10242589211029485a
Mathew Johnson, Valeria Pulignano
{"title":"ÉDITORIAL","authors":"Mathew Johnson, Valeria Pulignano","doi":"10.1177/10242589211029485a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10242589211029485a","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":23253,"journal":{"name":"Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research","volume":"18 1","pages":"279 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89654869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}