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The Personal is Political: Gendered Morality in Indonesia's Halal Consumerism 个人即政治:印尼清真消费主义中的性别道德
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.2
Inaya Rakhmani
Abstract Recent scholarship on the shift to the right in Asian democracies has predominantly been focused on political organisations, leaving social movements outside of them largely understudied. This article brings forth the link between the rise of right-wing politics in Indonesia—often associated with Islamic populist narratives—and the role of the market. It studies the way halal consumerism has helped shape the narrative of the ummah, an idea that was mobilised during the largest religiously-driven demonstration in the capital city Jakarta on 2 December 2016. By explicating the melding of Islamic piety and consumerism, this study illustrates how halal consumerism aid middle-class Muslims in navigating the neo-liberal social world they live in. The article uses survey data to explore the social status and religious views of participants in the mass rally, and delves deeper through interviews with urban, middle-class female Muslims who envision a cross-class ummah that defends Islam against an imagined oppressor. This paper discusses their role in social process related to politico-religious conservatism, specifically in defending the ideal marriage and family through market mechanisms. Through this analysis, I find that the combination of Islamic morality and neo-liberal values politicises the domestic and traditional role of the female Muslim; this has contributed to social changes that hinder democratic developments.
最近关于亚洲民主国家右倾的学术研究主要集中在政治组织上,而对政治组织之外的社会运动的研究基本上不足。这篇文章提出了印尼右翼政治的兴起与市场的作用之间的联系——通常与伊斯兰民粹主义的叙述有关。它研究了清真消费主义如何帮助塑造乌玛的叙述,这一想法是在2016年12月2日首都雅加达最大的宗教驱动示威活动中动员起来的。通过阐释伊斯兰虔诚和消费主义的融合,本研究说明了清真消费主义如何帮助中产阶级穆斯林在他们所生活的新自由主义社会中导航。本文使用调查数据来探讨群众集会参与者的社会地位和宗教观点,并通过对城市中产阶级女性穆斯林的采访进行更深入的研究,这些女性穆斯林设想建立一个跨阶级的乌玛,捍卫伊斯兰教,反对想象中的压迫者。本文探讨了他们在与政治宗教保守主义相关的社会过程中的作用,特别是通过市场机制捍卫理想的婚姻和家庭。通过这一分析,我发现伊斯兰道德与新自由主义价值观的结合使女性穆斯林的国内和传统角色政治化;这促成了阻碍民主发展的社会变革。
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引用次数: 9
Achieving Goal 16 of the Sustainable Development Goals and Environmental Lessons for Malaysia 实现可持续发展目标的目标16和马来西亚的环境教训
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.9
S. Tan
Abstract On September 2015, countries around the world pledged to end poverty, protect the planet, and hit specific developmental targets within fifteen years at the signing of th|e United Nations 2030 Agenda. Within the 2030 Agenda are seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). Goal 16 of the SDG contains twelve targets; of these, Target 16.3 is aimed at ensuring equal access to justice for all and Target 16.10 at ensuring public access to information. Malaysia as a signatory has pledged its commitment to fulfilling these SDGs. This paper's primary focus is on the fulfilment of Targets 16.3 and 16.10 within Malaysia's legal environmental framework. At present, there are provisions that ensure equal access to justice and those that ensure public access to information; however, it is suggested that these are insufficient, uncommon, and limited. This paper proposes an amendment to the Federal Constitution to include the express right to a clean environment, and demonstrates, through comparative study, the success similar provisions have had on the environmental protection laws of other countries such as India, the Philippines, South Africa, Nepal, the Netherlands, and Nigeria. It then considers what possible lessons Malaysia could glean from these national experiences in fulfilling its goals for Targets 16.3 and 16.10 before concluding with the proposition that Malaysia should consider an express constitutional right to a clean environment if she intends to meet her SDG goals.
2015年9月,世界各国签署了《联合国2030年议程》,承诺在15年内消除贫困,保护地球,实现具体发展目标。《2030年议程》包含17项可持续发展目标。可持续发展目标的目标16包含12个具体目标;其中,具体目标16.3旨在确保所有人平等诉诸司法,具体目标16.10旨在确保公众获得信息。马来西亚作为签署国已承诺致力于实现这些可持续发展目标。本文的主要重点是在马来西亚的法律环境框架内实现目标16.3和16.10。目前,有确保平等诉诸司法的规定和确保公众获得信息的规定;然而,有人认为这些是不够的,不常见的和有限的。本文提出修改联邦宪法,将清洁环境的明示权纳入其中,并通过比较研究,论证了印度、菲律宾、南非、尼泊尔、荷兰、尼日利亚等其他国家环境保护法中类似条款的成功。然后,它考虑马来西亚在实现其目标16.3和16.10的目标方面可以从这些国家经验中吸取哪些可能的教训,最后提出马来西亚如果打算实现其可持续发展目标,就应该考虑对清洁环境的明确宪法权利。
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引用次数: 3
TRN volume 7 issue 2 Cover and Front matter TRN第7卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.15
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引用次数: 0
Hegemonic Distortions: The Securitisation of the Insurgency in Thailand's Deep South 霸权扭曲:泰国南部叛乱的证券化
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.13
Nicole Jenne, J. Chang
Abstract The conflict between the Thai state and the Malay-Muslim insurgency in the country's Deep South is one of Southeast Asia's most persistent internal security challenges. The start of the current period of violence dates back to the early 2000s, and since then, a significant number of studies exploring the renewed escalation have been published. In this study, we argue that existing scholarship has not adequately accounted for the external environment in which political decisions were taken on how to deal with the southern insurgency. We seek to show how the internationally dominant, hegemonic security agenda of so-called non-traditional security (NTS) influenced the Thai government's approach to the conflict. Building upon the Copenhagen School's securitisation theory, we show how the insurgency became securitised under the dominant NTS narrative, leading to the adoption of harsh measures and alienating discourses that triggered the escalation of violence that continues today. The specific NTS frameworks that ‘distorted’ the Thai state's approach of one that had been informed solely by local facts and conditions were those of anti-narcotics and Islamist terrorism, albeit in different ways. Based on the findings from the case study, the article concludes with a reflection on the role of the hegemonic NTS agenda and its implications for Southeast Asian politics and scholarship.
泰国政府与该国南部腹地的马来穆斯林叛乱之间的冲突是东南亚最持久的内部安全挑战之一。当前这段暴力时期的开始可以追溯到21世纪初,从那时起,已经发表了大量探索重新升级的研究。在本研究中,我们认为现有的学术研究并没有充分考虑如何应对南方叛乱的政治决策所处的外部环境。我们试图展示所谓非传统安全(NTS)的国际主导、霸权安全议程如何影响泰国政府对冲突的处理方式。在哥本哈根学派的证券化理论的基础上,我们展示了叛乱是如何在NTS的主导叙事下被证券化的,导致采取严厉措施和疏远的话语,从而引发了持续至今的暴力升级。具体的NTS框架“扭曲”了泰国政府的做法,即只根据当地的事实和条件来判断,这是反毒品和伊斯兰恐怖主义的框架,尽管方式不同。基于案例研究的结果,本文最后反思了NTS霸权议程的作用及其对东南亚政治和学术的影响。
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引用次数: 3
TRN volume 7 issue 1 Cover and Front matter TRN第7卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.7
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引用次数: 0
Lives Lived in “Someone Else's Hands”: Precarity and Profit-making of Migrants and Left-behind Children in the Philippines 生活在“别人的手中”:菲律宾移民和留守儿童的不稳定和营利
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.6
Cheryll Alipio
Abstract In the labour brokerage state of systematic recruitment and export for the maximisation of labour, development, and profit, the Philippines continues to simultaneously fashion migrant workers as temporary, yet heroic and sacrificial. As the largest migrant-sending country in Southeast Asia and the third largest remittance recipient in Asia, the Philippines’ discourse of migrants as modern-day heroes and martyrs reveals the interplay of nationalist myths and cultural values, alongside the neoliberal favouring of finance and flexible labour, to craft filial migrants and celebrate mobile, capitalist subjects over migrants’ welfare and well-being. The article explores the contemporaneous institutionalisation of migrant labour and migrants’ institutionalised uncertainty lived every day to investigate how this profound precariousness in the Philippines is perpetuated historically to shape the resilience and realities of migrants and their left-behind children today. Drawing from news reports and films on migrant lives and ethnographic fieldwork in the Philippines, this article considers how the formation and deployment of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) turns from a focus on sustaining the nation to supporting migrant families and developing translocal communities. Through this examination, the paper seeks to uncover who profits and is indebted from the precarity created and sustained by the larger economic system built on transnational labour migration.
在以劳动力、发展和利润最大化为目的的系统性招聘和输出的劳动力中介状态下,菲律宾继续同时将农民工塑造成暂时的、英勇的和牺牲的形象。作为东南亚最大的移民输出国和亚洲第三大汇款接收国,菲律宾将移民视为现代英雄和烈士的话语揭示了民族主义神话和文化价值观的相互作用,以及新自由主义对金融和灵活劳动力的青睐,以培养孝顺的移民,并庆祝流动的资本主义主体,而不是移民的福利和福祉。本文探讨了当代移民劳工的制度化和移民每天生活的制度化不确定性,以调查菲律宾这种深刻的不稳定性是如何在历史上永存的,从而塑造了今天移民及其留守儿童的适应能力和现实。本文从菲律宾移民生活的新闻报道和电影以及民族志田野调查中,探讨海外菲律宾劳工(ofw)的形成和部署如何从关注维持国家转变为支持移民家庭和发展跨地方社区。通过这种考察,本文试图揭示谁从建立在跨国劳动力迁移基础上的更大的经济体系所创造和维持的不稳定中获利和负债。
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引用次数: 5
TRN volume 7 issue 1 Cover and Back matter TRN第7卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.8
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引用次数: 0
Southeast Asian Trajectories of Labour Mobility: Precarity, Translocality, and Resilience 东南亚劳动力流动轨迹:不稳定性、跨地区性和弹性
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.4
Oliver Tappe, Minh Thu Nhien Nguyen
Abstract Within and across Southeast Asian national borders, there has been a growing circulation of labour, capital, people, and goods. Meanwhile, urbanisation, agrarian changes, and liberal economic restructuring have been drawing a large section of the rural population into mobile economies and trade networks. This special issue explores the linkage between mobility and the growing precaritisation of labour resulting from neoliberalised development policies, nationalist citizenship regimes, and discourses, and arbitrary state power. Arguably, the consequent insecurity and uncertainty have profound implications for the social and economic life of migrant labourers. Although these conditions engender dangers and risks, they also hold possibilities for crafting translocal livelihoods and social relations. In this introduction, we investigate the diverse trajectories of labour migration in Southeast Asia through a critical discussion on the concept of ‘precarity’ that underscores the resilience of labour migrants despite the precarious conditions of their lives. The special issue suggests that, while precarious labour has long been part of regimes of control and exploitation in the region, precarity today is shaped by the blurry boundaries between the legal and the illegal, between local and global lives, and between different worlds of belonging.
在东南亚国家内部和国界之间,劳动力、资本、人员和货物的流动日益频繁。与此同时,城市化、土地变化和自由经济结构调整吸引了大量农村人口进入流动经济和贸易网络。本期特刊探讨了流动性与新自由主义发展政策、民族主义公民制度和话语以及专断的国家权力所导致的日益不稳定的劳动力之间的联系。可以说,随之而来的不安全和不确定性对移徙工人的社会和经济生活产生了深远的影响。尽管这些条件带来了危险和风险,但它们也为建立跨地方生计和社会关系提供了可能性。在这篇引言中,我们通过对“不稳定性”概念的批判性讨论来研究东南亚劳动力迁移的不同轨迹,该概念强调了劳动力移民的复原力,尽管他们的生活条件不稳定。这期特刊表明,尽管不稳定的劳动力长期以来一直是该地区控制和剥削制度的一部分,但今天的不稳定是由合法与非法之间、当地生活与全球生活之间、以及不同归属世界之间模糊的界限塑造的。
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引用次数: 10
Understanding the Nature of Rural Change: The Benefits of Migration and the (Re)creation of Precarity for Men and Women in Rural Central Java, Indonesia 《理解农村变化的本质:中爪哇农村男女移民的好处和不稳定的(再)创造》,印度尼西亚
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-21 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.3
G. Nooteboom
Abstract During the last two decades, rural-urban migration and government programs have improved livelihood conditions in Javanese villages and brought down levels of poverty considerably. This article, based on two extended surveys in nine villages in Central Java, aims to understand the nature of change in rural Java by focusing on gender and precarity. As a result of migration, old forms of precarity have not completely disappeared: Families without children, elderly and people unable to work continue to live precarious lives. For those who work in the cities, dependence on single-source, low incomes, predominantly earned by men who work in construction, continues to keep families and especially women vulnerable for livelihood shocks and stresses. Increasingly, women from poor families work in low-paid agricultural jobs or keep the family farm running. Migration to the cities makes it possible for many families to stay in the village and live the ‘good’ village life. The village is generally perceived, socially and ideologically, as a ‘better’ place. The flip-side of this preference is a reproduction of traditional family values and limited room to maneuver for women. Very few interesting and suitable jobs for educated women exist in rural areas. Women from poorer families need to work in agriculture. Their dependence on working men with single sources of income, continues the risk to end up or fall back into living precarious lives.
在过去的二十年中,农村向城市迁移和政府项目改善了爪哇村庄的生计条件,大大降低了贫困水平。本文基于对中爪哇9个村庄的两次扩展调查,旨在通过关注性别和不稳定性来了解爪哇农村变化的本质。由于移徙,旧有形式的不稳定并未完全消失:没有子女的家庭、老人和无法工作的人继续过着不稳定的生活。对于那些在城市工作的人来说,依赖单一来源的低收入,主要是建筑工人的收入,继续使家庭,特别是妇女容易受到生计冲击和压力。越来越多来自贫困家庭的妇女从事低薪农业工作或维持家庭农场的经营。移民到城市使得许多家庭有可能留在农村,过着“好的”农村生活。从社会和意识形态上来说,这个村庄通常被认为是一个“更好”的地方。这种偏好的另一面是传统家庭价值观的再现和女性的有限活动空间。在农村地区,对于受过教育的妇女来说,很少有有趣和合适的工作。来自贫困家庭的妇女需要从事农业工作。她们依赖于收入来源单一的工作男性,继续面临着最终陷入或重新陷入不稳定生活的风险。
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引用次数: 9
Patterns of Precarity: Historical Trajectories of Vietnamese Labour Mobility 不稳定的模式:越南劳动力流动的历史轨迹
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2019.1
Oliver Tappe
Abstract In past and present Vietnam, the dialectic of precarity and resilience shapes the everyday lives of mobile labourers. Vietnamese labour mobility is characterised by an interplay between precariousness ‘at home’ and the uncertainties of migration. The paper aims to highlight continuities and contingencies in the longue durée of Vietnamese work migration through a historical contextualisation of precarious labour relations. Both colonial ‘coolie’ workers and present-day labour migrants share similar experiences, for example socioeconomic marginalisation in the regions of origin, opportunity and risk, and emerging translocal identities.
在过去和现在的越南,不稳定性和弹性的辩证关系塑造了流动工人的日常生活。越南劳动力流动的特点是“在国内”的不稳定性和移民的不确定性之间的相互作用。本文旨在通过不稳定的劳动关系的历史背景,强调越南工作移民的长期持续时间的连续性和偶然性。殖民时期的“苦力”工人和当今的劳工移民都有相似的经历,例如在原籍地区的社会经济边缘化,机会和风险,以及新兴的跨地方身份。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
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