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Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung最新文献

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Dorett Elodie Werhahn-Piorkowski, Die Regule Cancellarie Innozenz’ VIII. und Alexanders VI.: Überlieferungsgeschichte, Inkunabelkatalog und Edition der päpstlichen Kanzleiregeln im frühen Buchdruck (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Schriften 76) 下一个亚历山大六世:传记、生册和早期出版的《教宗指南》
M. Schmoeckel
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引用次数: 0
Australian Jurists and Christianity, ed. Geoff Lindsay/Wayne Hudson with a forward by Bruce Kercher 《澳大利亚法学家与基督教》,杰夫·林赛/韦恩·哈德森主编,布鲁斯·克尔彻为前锋
Jason Taliadoros
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引用次数: 0
Law and Christianity in Latin America. The Work of Great Jurists, hg. von M.C. Mirow/Rafael Domingo (= Law and Religion) 拉丁美洲的法律与基督教。《伟大法学家的著作》,冯·m·c·米罗/拉斐尔·多明戈著(法律与宗教)
J. Sedano
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引用次数: 0
Law and the Christian Tradition in Italy. The Legacy of the Great Jurists, ed. Orazio Condorelli/Rafael Domingo (= Law and Christianity) 意大利的法律与基督教传统。《伟大法学家的遗产》,奥拉齐奥·康多雷利/拉斐尔·多明戈编(=《法律与基督教》)
Malte Becker
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引用次数: 0
Markus Weskott, Gewissen und Gewissensfreiheit im neueren Protestantismus. Denkansätze von Thielicke bis Rendtorff (= Ethik – Grundlagen und Handlungsfelder 16) 现代基督新教运动中的马可·韦科特,良心和良心自由。道德规范与行为领域16
Daniel Rossa
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引用次数: 0
VI. Lutherische Konfessionsbildung. „Lutherische Orthodoxie“ aus rechtshistorischer Sicht 五。东正教在法律上的历史
M. Schmoeckel
Abstract The development of the Lutheran Denomination. “Lutheran Orthodoxy” in the perspective of Legal History. The term ‘Lutheran Orthodoxy’ is mostly used for the majority of Lutherans following the ‘Formular of Concord’ of 1577. Originally, however, the term was coined with a polemic intention to reveal the hardhearted persecution of religious minorities. In a legal perspective it stands for a debate within Saxon Protestants, which starting in 1573 led to the incrimination of Calvinists as well as Philippists (followers of Philipp Melanchthon), but also established, eventually, the Lutheran denomination in the Empire and in other countries. When criminal persecution was no longer to be expected, this kind of debate was carried on among Lutheran lawyers in order to claim true Lutheranism for their own teaching. With Christian Thomasius, however, the repression itself became a reproach – which coins the common perception until today.
路德教派的发展。法律史视角下的“路德正教”。“路德正教”一词主要用于大多数遵循1577年“康科德公式”的路德教徒。然而,这个词最初是为了揭露对宗教少数群体的残酷迫害而创造的。从法律的角度来看,它代表了撒克逊新教徒内部的一场辩论,这场辩论始于1573年,导致加尔文主义者和腓立比主义者(菲利普·梅兰希顿的追随者)被指控有罪,但最终也在帝国和其他国家建立了路德教派。当刑事迫害不再可能发生时,这种争论在路德教的律师中进行,以声称自己的教义是真正的路德教。然而,对于克里斯蒂安·托马修来说,镇压本身变成了一种指责——直到今天,这种看法仍然是普遍的。
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引用次数: 0
IV. Ira Dei venit de coelo in filios diffidentiae. Zur Verbindung von Häresie und Sodomie aus kanonistischer Perspektive 四世,伊拉第一次献给菲洛斯的异端和兽交的权威
Kevin Kulp
Summary This paper questions the narrative widely used in historical research that from the time after the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), the canonical punishment of sodomy was tightened and sodomy was ultimately persecuted as heresy. Particular attention is paid to the ecclesiastical prosecution of heresy in the pontificate of Gregory IX in comparison to the treatment of the offence at the Lateran Councils of 1179 and 1215 as well as in the confession summa of Raymund of Peñafort. Due to the opposing presentations of the issue by Raymund and Gregory, this essay also contributes to the question of the relationship between the Pope and the compiler of the Liber Extra.
本文对历史研究中广泛使用的叙述提出质疑,即从第四次拉特兰会议(1215)之后,鸡奸的规范惩罚收紧,鸡奸最终被视为异端而受到迫害。特别要注意的是,在格雷戈里九宗座异端的教会起诉比较在1179年和1215年拉特兰理事会以及在忏悔总结Peñafort雷蒙德的罪行的待遇。由于雷蒙德和格列高利对这一问题的对立陈述,本文也有助于探讨教皇与《外传》编纂者之间的关系问题。
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引用次数: 0
II. Power as Privilege: The Maxim Privilegium meretur amittere, qui potestate sibi concessa abutitur
Bruce C. Brasington
Summary We trace the transmission and influence of a late-antique maxim, “Privilegium meretur amittere, qui potestate sibi concessa abutitur” [PMA] down to the early modern period. Appearing first in a decretal of Pope Simplicius, it spread not only through the canon law but also into a variety of other texts, for example theological and political treatises. PMA deserves attention alongside the more famous “Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus approbetur” through its contribution to the idea of limited government.
我们追溯古今晚期的格言“Privilegium mermerere, qui potestate sibi concessa abutur”(PMA)的传播和影响,直至近代早期。它首先出现在教皇辛普利西乌斯的法令中,它不仅通过教会法传播,而且传播到其他各种文本中,例如神学和政治论文。PMA由于对有限政府理念的贡献,值得与更著名的“上帝是万能的,而不是万能的”(Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus approber)一起受到关注。
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引用次数: 0
V. Der Dekretalenapparat Papst Innozenz’ IV. Ein bekannter Unbekannter 教宗英诺森四世这样颁布的指令
M. Bertram
Abstract The Apparatus on the Decretals by pope Innocent IV: A known unknown. Other than the usual approach which focuses on the juridical content of the famous decretal commentary, the present paper highlights its structural and formal features. Peculiarities include unusual methods of argumentation, striking disproportions in the attention given to individual decretals, increasing frequency of gaps due to rudimentary treatment of certain decretals and complete omission of others, a program of textual criticism halfway abandoned, a rich tradition, where some 30 early editions, ca. 160 medieval manuscripts and a mysterious originale remain without apparent connections, a daunting jungle of so called additiones. The paper, which asks many questions leaving them without answers, should nevertheless help to understand the incomparable commentary.
教皇英诺森四世的《法令上的装置》:一个已知的未知。本文不同于以往对著名法令评注的法律内容的研究,着重强调了其结构和形式特征。奇特之处包括:不同寻常的论证方法,对个别decdecals的关注明显不平衡,由于对某些decdecals的原始处理和对其他decdecals的完全遗漏而导致的空白越来越频繁,一个半途而废的文本批评程序,一个丰富的传统,其中大约30个早期版本,大约160个中世纪手稿和一个神秘的原始版本没有明显的联系,一个令人生畏的所谓补充的丛林。这篇论文提出了许多问题,却没有给出答案,但它应该有助于理解这篇无与伦比的评论。
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引用次数: 0
The Violent Shepherd: Constructing Legitimate Violence in Pre-Nicene Christianity 暴力牧人:建构前尼西亚基督教的合法暴力
Francesco Rotiroti
Summary In the present article, I analyze Greek and Latin sources of pre-Nicene Christianity and argue that violence, although generally overlooked, constitutes an intrinsic and significant aspect of the early Christian model of pastoral rule. I premise my argument on an understanding of violence that rejects so-called ‘legitimist’ definitions, which subordinate the judgment on violence to a judgment on legitimacy and reserve the label of violence for illegitimate actions alone. Congenitally embedded in a network of conflictual relations, the shepherd of early Christian imagery is primarily tasked with the salvation of the sheep from enemies whose ambiguous identity, I argue, often betrays their provenance from within the flock. The shepherd is also engaged in disciplining his animals through measures that include severe physical punishments and exclusion from the herd. To conclude, I argue that the pastoral metaphor is itself an especially powerful instrument in the discursive construction of legitimate violence. For a relevant strand of ancient thought, to frame a particular institution in terms of the shepherd-flock relationship is, I argue, to conceive of it as replicative of the natural and normative order of reality, while also making certain acts of violence appear as the preferable course of action to be sought in the government of the community.
在本文中,我分析了前尼西亚基督教的希腊语和拉丁语来源,并认为暴力虽然通常被忽视,但构成了早期基督教教牧统治模式的内在和重要方面。我把我的论点建立在对暴力的理解上,这种理解拒绝了所谓的“合法主义”定义,这种定义把对暴力的判断从属于对合法性的判断,并把暴力的标签单独留给非法的行为。我认为,早期基督教形象中的牧羊人天生就被嵌入了一个冲突关系的网络中,他的主要任务是将羊群从敌人手中拯救出来,这些敌人的模糊身份往往暴露了他们在羊群中的来源。牧羊人还会通过严厉的体罚和排斥羊群等措施来管教他的动物。综上所述,我认为牧灵隐喻本身是一种特别有力的工具,可以用来建构合法的暴力。对于一个相关的古代思想,我认为,根据牧羊人与羊群的关系来构建一个特定的制度,就是把它想象成现实的自然和规范秩序的复制,同时也使某些暴力行为成为在社区政府中寻求的优选行动方案。
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Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung
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