Muhammad Maigari Abdullahi, Usman Ahmad Karofi, Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Quadir, Ibrahim Arafat
This article identifies different operational codenames adopted by the Nigerian military in special domestic operations from 1966-2019 and examined whether the operations were executed in line with the codenames. In Nigeria, the military has an established tradition of codenaming special operations, in both internal and foreign missions. Since 1966, the Nigerian military has been involved in internal security management and codenamed all the operations using both English and local language names. The aftermath of the first military coup d'état on 15th January 1966, was the beginning of military involvement in domestic security operations in addition to their constitutional responsibility of defending the territorial integrity of the country. The Effect Perspective (TEP) is adopted as the theoretical framework which gives proper nuance to the study. Methodologically, data were elicited through in-depth interviews. The findings explain why several military operations have failed to achieve the objectives of their codenames. It concludes that there is no correlation between the operational codenames and their outcomes of special military operations in Nigeria because the desired results of restoring peace have not been achieved within the specific time frame given when they were launched. The paper concludes that the majority of special military operations launched in Nigeria failed below expectations and unable to restore peace in their country in line with the operational codenames as a result of factors identified in the study.
{"title":"An Assessment of Special Military Operations in Internal Security Management\u0000in Nigeria (1966-2019)","authors":"Muhammad Maigari Abdullahi, Usman Ahmad Karofi, Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Quadir, Ibrahim Arafat","doi":"10.33674/120206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/120206","url":null,"abstract":"This article identifies different operational codenames adopted by the\u0000Nigerian military in special domestic operations from 1966-2019 and\u0000examined whether the operations were executed in line with the\u0000codenames. In Nigeria, the military has an established tradition of\u0000codenaming special operations, in both internal and foreign missions.\u0000Since 1966, the Nigerian military has been involved in internal security\u0000management and codenamed all the operations using both English and local language names. The aftermath of the first military coup d'état on\u000015th January 1966, was the beginning of military involvement in domestic\u0000security operations in addition to their constitutional responsibility of\u0000defending the territorial integrity of the country. The Effect Perspective\u0000(TEP) is adopted as the theoretical framework which gives proper\u0000nuance to the study. Methodologically, data were elicited through in-depth interviews. The findings explain why several military operations\u0000have failed to achieve the objectives of their codenames. It concludes that\u0000there is no correlation between the operational codenames and their\u0000outcomes of special military operations in Nigeria because the desired\u0000results of restoring peace have not been achieved within the specific time\u0000frame given when they were launched. The paper concludes that the\u0000majority of special military operations launched in Nigeria failed below\u0000expectations and unable to restore peace in their country in line with the\u0000operational codenames as a result of factors identified in the study.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133589427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, we have seen an aggravation of relations between the leading nuclear powers. These relations have entered a phase of irreconcilable contradictions and political problems. This paper is devoted to the problem of preserving the nuclear-free status of Central Asian countries. The study of this issue is very relevant in the context of the intensified global geopolitical struggle between Russia, China, the United States, and Iran. The authors used the method of expert survey and scenario approach to study the stated issues. Based on the data obtained, scenarios for the development of the geopolitical situation in the region under consideration were developed.
{"title":"Influence of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty Termination on the\u0000Regional Security of Central Asia","authors":"S. Cebotari, Selena Stejaru","doi":"10.33674/120205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/120205","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, we have seen an aggravation of relations between the\u0000leading nuclear powers. These relations have entered a phase of\u0000irreconcilable contradictions and political problems. This paper is\u0000devoted to the problem of preserving the nuclear-free status of Central\u0000Asian countries. The study of this issue is very relevant in the context of\u0000the intensified global geopolitical struggle between Russia, China, the\u0000United States, and Iran. The authors used the method of expert survey\u0000and scenario approach to study the stated issues. Based on the data\u0000obtained, scenarios for the development of the geopolitical situation in\u0000the region under consideration were developed.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"92 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133787805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In modern times, the security of the Black Sea region is given great attention in international politics. This is an important area of interest for the EuroAtlantic Alliance, as evidenced by the European Parliament's Strategy for the Black Sea, adopted in 2011. NATO's close attention at the 2016 Warsaw Summit and the Parliamentary Assembly in Bucharest in 2017 shows its interest in this issue, as well as at the 2019 Washington Ministerial meeting, which approved a package of security actions The Black Sea. After the annexation of Crimea by Russia, we can safely say that the region is included in the sphere of interests of global players. The Black Sea is simultaneously a confrontation line between global powers, where the interests of Russia and NATO, Russia and the European Union, on the one hand, and Turkey, Russia, and the United States, on the other, diverge. The article discusses the importance and role of the Black Sea in the context of global security. The policy of modernization and development of missile defense systems and strategic strike weapons in the Black Sea region is also being discussed. The main approaches and characteristics of NATO's regional security policy in the Black Sea are discussed.
{"title":"NATO Regional Approaches to Missile Defense – in the Context of Black Sea\u0000Security","authors":"Alika Guchua","doi":"10.33674/120201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/120201","url":null,"abstract":"In modern times, the security of the Black Sea region is given great attention\u0000in international politics. This is an important area of interest for the EuroAtlantic Alliance, as evidenced by the European Parliament's Strategy for\u0000the Black Sea, adopted in 2011. NATO's close attention at the 2016 Warsaw\u0000Summit and the Parliamentary Assembly in Bucharest in 2017 shows its\u0000interest in this issue, as well as at the 2019 Washington Ministerial meeting,\u0000which approved a package of security actions The Black Sea. After the\u0000annexation of Crimea by Russia, we can safely say that the region is\u0000included in the sphere of interests of global players. The Black Sea is\u0000simultaneously a confrontation line between global powers, where the\u0000interests of Russia and NATO, Russia and the European Union, on the one\u0000hand, and Turkey, Russia, and the United States, on the other, diverge. The\u0000article discusses the importance and role of the Black Sea in the context of\u0000global security. The policy of modernization and development of missile\u0000defense systems and strategic strike weapons in the Black Sea region is also\u0000being discussed. The main approaches and characteristics of NATO's\u0000regional security policy in the Black Sea are discussed.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115710971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian assertive actions over the last decade have led some observers to think that the Kremlin is employing fundamentally new concepts of an armed conflict. Subsequently, the scholars of the field came up with several buzzwords and ill-defined concepts such as ‘hybrid warfare’ and ‘Gerasimov Doctrine’. This paper claims that the novelty of Russian actions is not in terms of its military transformations per se, but rather the specific way the military had been integrated with other instruments—mostly state-run and coordinated information operations. Thus, the study puts a novel emphasis on information operations and asserts that, while in certain cases Moscow still uses the conventional military, the Kremlin's new plan is to achieve goals through information online in the first place. Thus, the paper focuses on analysing the evolution of Russian information strategy. In doing so, quantitative content analysis is deployed to examine narratives built by RIA Novosti and Russia Today/RT during the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 and annexation of Crimea in 2014. The comparative analysis of the two successive cases demonstrates the gradual progression of Russian information strategy insofar as by 2014, in contrast to 2008, pro-Kremlin media exploited some contested areas of international law in a more sophisticated manner to depict compatibility of the Russian actions with the democratic procedures and standards of international law.
{"title":"Russia’s Weapon of Words in Numbers. Evolution of Russian Assertive\u0000(Dis)Information Actions: Comparative Analysis of the Cases of RussoGeorgian War 2008 & Annexation of Crimea 2014 .","authors":"Revaz Topuria","doi":"10.33674/120203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/120203","url":null,"abstract":"Russian assertive actions over the last decade have led some observers to\u0000think that the Kremlin is employing fundamentally new concepts of an\u0000armed conflict. Subsequently, the scholars of the field came up with\u0000several buzzwords and ill-defined concepts such as ‘hybrid warfare’ and\u0000‘Gerasimov Doctrine’. This paper claims that the novelty of Russian\u0000actions is not in terms of its military transformations per se, but rather\u0000the specific way the military had been integrated with other\u0000instruments—mostly state-run and coordinated information operations.\u0000Thus, the study puts a novel emphasis on information operations and\u0000asserts that, while in certain cases Moscow still uses the conventional\u0000military, the Kremlin's new plan is to achieve goals through information\u0000online in the first place. Thus, the paper focuses on analysing the\u0000evolution of Russian information strategy. In doing so, quantitative\u0000content analysis is deployed to examine narratives built by RIA Novosti\u0000and Russia Today/RT during the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 and\u0000annexation of Crimea in 2014. The comparative analysis of the two\u0000successive cases demonstrates the gradual progression of Russian\u0000information strategy insofar as by 2014, in contrast to 2008, pro-Kremlin\u0000media exploited some contested areas of international law in a more sophisticated manner to depict compatibility of the Russian actions with\u0000the democratic procedures and standards of international law.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125359106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Swego rodzaju rewitalizacja idei Intermarium po 1990 r., skłania do bliższego przyjrzenia się tej idei, takiej, jaką była postrzegana w okresie międzywojennym i porównania jej z obecnymi wizjami utworzenia regionu ścisłej współpracy politycznej, ekonomicznej i militarnej na obszarze pomiędzy Morzami Bałtyckim, Czarnym i Śródziemnym. Porównanie to sprzyja tworzeniu pewnych analogii pomiędzy metodami forsowania tej idei w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych ubiegłego wieku, a realizowanymi obecnie sposobami osiągania celów polityczno-ekonomicznych z wykorzystaniem tzw. wojen hybrydowych. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe działania wykorzystywane dla promowania koncepcji Intermarium w okresie międzywojennym, w tym uzupełniającą ją, inną wizję geopolityczną – prometeizm. Dostrzeżono pewne analogie między tymi działaniami, a realizowanymi obecnie przedsięwzięciami na obszarze Międzymorza. Scharakteryzowano te przedsięwzięcia jako elementy wojny hybrydowej. Zwrócono uwagę na sprzeczność interesów mocarstw jądrowych w tym regionie, co może prowadzić do konfrontacji. Jednak ze względu na wzajemny szantaż jądrowy konfrontacja ta ma przede wszystkim charakter hybrydowy z elementami wojen ekonomicznych, informacyjnych i dyplomatycznych. Podkreślono rolę i znaczenie służb specjalnych w tego typu działaniach.
{"title":"INTERMARIUM, JAKO KONCEPCJA DZIAŁAŃ HYBRYDOWYCH. WCZORAJ I DZIŚ\u0000(INTERMARIUM AS AN IDEA OF THE HYBRID WAR. IN THE PAST AND IN THE PRESENT DAYS)","authors":"K. Surdyk","doi":"10.33674/201913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/201913","url":null,"abstract":"Swego rodzaju rewitalizacja idei Intermarium po 1990 r., skłania do bliższego przyjrzenia się tej idei, takiej, jaką była postrzegana w okresie międzywojennym i porównania jej z obecnymi wizjami utworzenia regionu ścisłej współpracy politycznej, ekonomicznej i militarnej na obszarze pomiędzy Morzami Bałtyckim, Czarnym i Śródziemnym. Porównanie to sprzyja tworzeniu pewnych analogii pomiędzy metodami forsowania tej idei w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych ubiegłego wieku, a realizowanymi obecnie sposobami osiągania celów polityczno-ekonomicznych z wykorzystaniem tzw. wojen hybrydowych. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe działania wykorzystywane dla promowania koncepcji Intermarium w okresie międzywojennym, w tym uzupełniającą ją, inną wizję geopolityczną – prometeizm. Dostrzeżono pewne analogie między tymi działaniami, a realizowanymi obecnie przedsięwzięciami na obszarze Międzymorza. Scharakteryzowano te przedsięwzięcia jako elementy wojny hybrydowej. Zwrócono uwagę na sprzeczność interesów mocarstw jądrowych w tym regionie, co może prowadzić do konfrontacji. Jednak ze względu na wzajemny szantaż jądrowy konfrontacja ta ma przede wszystkim charakter hybrydowy z elementami wojen ekonomicznych, informacyjnych i dyplomatycznych. Podkreślono rolę i znaczenie służb specjalnych w tego typu działaniach.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"174 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115301992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the paper is to answer the question: what is the main reason why the Central and Eastern Europe countries did not enter into fruitful and long-term cooperation both in the interwar period and after the collapse of the Soviet Union despite a far-reaching commonality of interests? Conflicts between these countries are not decisive factors in their lack of integration. The degree of integration is proportional to the degree of involvement in Central and Eastern Europe of powers that could act as an external hegemony. In the interwar period, the United States, England and France, and after 1989, the United States had the right potential to undertake such a task in its interest. None of them, however, took up such a role in the long run. Attempts to integrate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to date, starting from the Versailles conference, indicate that the American protectorate is a necessary factor for implementing closer forms of cooperation between these countries.
{"title":"INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE IN THE 20TH AND 21ST CENTURIES","authors":"A. Kuź","doi":"10.33674/20197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/20197","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to answer the question: what is the main reason why the Central and Eastern Europe countries did not enter into fruitful and long-term cooperation both in the interwar period and after the collapse of the Soviet Union despite a far-reaching commonality of interests? Conflicts between these countries are not decisive factors in their lack of integration. The degree of integration is proportional to the degree of involvement in Central and Eastern Europe of powers that could act as an external hegemony. In the interwar period, the United States, England and France, and after 1989, the United States had the right potential to undertake such a task in its interest. None of them, however, took up such a role in the long run. Attempts to integrate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to date, starting from the Versailles conference, indicate that the American protectorate is a necessary factor for implementing closer forms of cooperation between these countries.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122999266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstrakt: Polityka Rosji i jej obecnego prezydenta – Władimira Putina – wzbudza na świecie wiele kontrowersji, jednak z drugiej strony grupy wspierające działania państwa rosyjskiego, którego głównym celem jest odbudowa swojej silnej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej nie są zjawiskiem rzadkim. Swoje poparcie dla działań Moskwy wyrażają poprzez środki masowego przekazu, m.in. przez internet. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony będzie internetowym portalom, sprzyjającym polityce Moskwy, istniejącym w krajach Europy Środkowej – państw pogranicza Wschodu i Zachodu, przez długi czas będących częścią radzieckiej strefy wpływów, zaś obecnie integrujących się ze strukturami europejskimi. Praca postara się przedstawić najważniejsze treści prezentowane na tych stronach, stosunek do wzrastającego znaczenia Rosji w stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prób odzyskania pozycji mocarstwa (m.in. odniesienie do konfliktu ukraińskiego) a także w jaki sposób te portale i ich aktywność wpływają na procesy społeczno-polityczne, istniejące w tych państwach i czy witryny te mogą być aktywnym instrumentem wykorzystywanym przez Rosję w procesie kształtowania i prowadzenia działań określanych mianem wojny informacyjnej. Abstract: The current politics of Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin is considered as very controversial, but from the other hand many groups support the actions, which are concerned on increasing the strong position of Russia at the international area. Their advocacy for its policy is showed by many means of transitions like Internet. The main focus of this article will be interested in internet portals, which promote the Russian politics which exist in Central European countries like Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Mentioned countries exist on sui generis borderland of East and West. They were for many years parts of Soviet sphere of influence and now try to arrange their position in West European structures. Article will try to answer which type of contents can be found on this websites, their attitude to expanding role of Russia in international relations and Moscow's attempts for recupering the superpower status (like opinion about Ukrainian conflict) and in which way these portals and their activities can influence social and political processes, which are conducted in these states. At least article will mention how described websites can be used as active instrument in the process of shaping and carrying on movements which can be called as information war.
{"title":"PROROSYJSKIE PORTALE INTERNETOWE W POLSCE I INNYCH KRAJACH EUROPY ŚRODKOWEJ JAKO ISTOTNY ELEMENT KSZTAŁTOWANIA PROWADZONEJ PRZEZ ROSJĘ WOJNY INFORMACYJNEJ","authors":"Olga Jastrzębska","doi":"10.33674/220187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220187","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrakt:\u0000Polityka Rosji i jej obecnego prezydenta – Władimira Putina – wzbudza na świecie wiele kontrowersji, jednak z drugiej strony grupy wspierające działania państwa rosyjskiego, którego głównym celem jest odbudowa swojej silnej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej nie są zjawiskiem rzadkim. Swoje poparcie dla działań Moskwy wyrażają poprzez środki masowego przekazu, m.in. przez internet. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony będzie internetowym portalom, sprzyjającym polityce Moskwy, istniejącym w krajach Europy Środkowej – państw pogranicza Wschodu i Zachodu, przez długi czas będących częścią radzieckiej strefy wpływów, zaś obecnie integrujących się ze strukturami europejskimi. Praca postara się przedstawić najważniejsze treści prezentowane na tych stronach, stosunek do wzrastającego znaczenia Rosji w stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prób odzyskania pozycji mocarstwa (m.in. odniesienie do konfliktu ukraińskiego) a także w jaki sposób te portale i ich aktywność wpływają na procesy społeczno-polityczne, istniejące w tych państwach i czy witryny te mogą być aktywnym instrumentem wykorzystywanym przez Rosję w procesie kształtowania i prowadzenia działań określanych mianem wojny informacyjnej. \u0000\u0000Abstract: \u0000The current politics of Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin is considered as very controversial, but from the other hand many groups support the actions, which are concerned on increasing the strong position of Russia at the international area. Their advocacy for its policy is showed by many means of transitions like Internet. The main focus of this article will be interested in internet portals, which promote the Russian politics which exist in Central European countries like Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Mentioned countries exist on sui generis borderland of East and West. They were for many years parts of Soviet sphere of influence and now try to arrange their position in West European structures. Article will try to answer which type of contents can be found on this websites, their attitude to expanding role of Russia in international relations and Moscow's attempts for recupering the superpower status (like opinion about Ukrainian conflict) and in which way these portals and their activities can influence social and political processes, which are conducted in these states. At least article will mention how described websites can be used as active instrument in the process of shaping and carrying on movements which can be called as information war.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"1992 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129750873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstrakt: Współczesna polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie jest elementem szerokiej strategii ukierunkowanej na cele w środowisku międzynarodowym oraz na cele wewnątrzpaństwowe. Polityka ta jest konfrontacyjna na płaszczyźnie Rosja – Zachód i stanowi koło zamachowe w dążeniu kraju do odzyskania dominującej roli w świecie. Zaangażowanie Federacji Rosyjskiej w konflikt w Syrii jest konsekwencją jej mocarstwowej polityki w zmieniającym się środowisku międzynarodowym. Głównym celem było wyeliminowanie rozwiązań USA i innych państw Zachodu w zakresie interwencji humanitarnej w Syrii. Poza tym utrzymując reżim Baszara al-Asada Federacja Rosyjska podjęła realizację własnego ładu na Bliskim Wschodzie, gdzie chce odgrywać kluczową rolę. Pomagają jej w tym Iran – wieloletni oponent USA oraz Turcja – nowy koalicjant, które mają też swoje partykularne cele w regionie. W przypadku polityki wewnętrznej, rosyjskie elity polityczne chcą utrwalić władzę populistyczną, oferując narodowi drogę dokonań państwa, szczególnie w wymiarze międzynarodowym – wskazując siłę militarną i wyższość polityczną, jako podstawowe elementy odbudowy mocarstwowej roli Federacji Rosyjskiej w świecie. Te kierunki polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej dają obraz konsekwentnych, a jednocześnie zaskakujących działań Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie. Abstract: Contemporary policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East is an element of a broad strategy focused on international and internal purposes. This policy is confrontational at the level of Russia - the West and constitutes a flywheel in the pursuit of the country to regain its dominant role in the world. The involvement of the Russian Federation in the conflict in Syria is a consequence of its superpower policy in the changing international environment. The main goal was to eliminate the solutions of the USA and other Western countries in the field of humanitarian intervention in Syria. What is more, maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad, the Russian Federation has embarked on the implementation of its own order in the Middle East, where it wants to play a key role. Iran, a long-term opponent of the USA, and Turkey, a new coalition partner that also has its particular goals in the region, are the countries which help Russia in this area. In the case of domestic policy, Russia’s power elites want to consolidate populist power by presenting the nation country’s accomplishments, especially in the international dimension, indicating military strength and political superiority as the basic elements of rebuilding the superpower role of the Russian Federation in the world. These external and internal policies give a picture of the consistent and also surprising actions of the Russian Federation in the Middle East
{"title":"INTERWENCJA FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ W SYRII – STUDIUM PRZYPADKU ROSYJSKIEJ POLITYKI NA BLISKIM WSCHODZIE","authors":"D. Brążkiewicz","doi":"10.33674/220183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220183","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrakt: \u0000Współczesna polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie jest elementem szerokiej strategii ukierunkowanej na cele w środowisku międzynarodowym oraz na cele wewnątrzpaństwowe. Polityka ta jest konfrontacyjna na płaszczyźnie Rosja – Zachód i stanowi koło zamachowe w dążeniu kraju do odzyskania dominującej roli w świecie. Zaangażowanie Federacji Rosyjskiej w konflikt w Syrii jest konsekwencją jej mocarstwowej polityki w zmieniającym się środowisku międzynarodowym. Głównym celem było wyeliminowanie rozwiązań USA i innych państw Zachodu w zakresie interwencji humanitarnej w Syrii. Poza tym utrzymując reżim Baszara al-Asada Federacja Rosyjska podjęła realizację własnego ładu na Bliskim Wschodzie, gdzie chce odgrywać kluczową rolę. Pomagają jej w tym Iran – wieloletni oponent USA oraz Turcja – nowy koalicjant, które mają też swoje partykularne cele w regionie. W przypadku polityki wewnętrznej, rosyjskie elity polityczne chcą utrwalić władzę populistyczną, oferując narodowi drogę dokonań państwa, szczególnie w wymiarze międzynarodowym – wskazując siłę militarną i wyższość polityczną, jako podstawowe elementy odbudowy mocarstwowej roli Federacji Rosyjskiej w świecie. Te kierunki polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej dają obraz konsekwentnych, a jednocześnie zaskakujących działań Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie.\u0000\u0000Abstract: \u0000Contemporary policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East is an element of a broad strategy focused on international and internal purposes. This policy is confrontational at the level of Russia - the West and constitutes a flywheel in the pursuit of the country to regain its dominant role in the world. The involvement of the Russian Federation in the conflict in Syria is a consequence of its superpower policy in the changing international environment. The main goal was to eliminate the solutions of the USA and other Western countries in the field of humanitarian intervention in Syria. What is more, maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad, the Russian Federation has embarked on the implementation of its own order in the Middle East, where it wants to play a key role. Iran, a long-term opponent of the USA, and Turkey, a new coalition partner that also has its particular goals in the region, are the countries which help Russia in this area. In the case of domestic policy, Russia’s power elites want to consolidate populist power by presenting the nation country’s accomplishments, especially in the international dimension, indicating military strength and political superiority as the basic elements of rebuilding the superpower role of the Russian Federation in the world. These external and internal policies give a picture of the consistent and also surprising actions of the Russian Federation in the Middle East","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128429062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Modern day worldview wars are distinguished by the extraordinary role that information and its suppliers play in building perceptions of war events, whether real, falsified or invented. The paper analyses the means by which modern pro-Russian media try to reach their targets in the hybrid/information war. The following narratives are specially noted as defining the current stage of the worldview war against Ukraine: narratives intending to humiliate the dignity of Ukrainian language speakers and the national idea, intending to raise malice and chagrin in speakers, intending to confuse and disorient, intending to involve into pre-meditated ideologems. As concerns linguistic means of recipient disorientation, the following are noted: simulacra, metonymies, resources of semantic-grammatical and semantic modality, logical, semantic and formal hybrids (chimeras), quotation marks and their verbal expression (the “so-called”), resources of sacral language, linguistic mind games, rhetorical questions. Receiver’s confusion is achieved by using linguistic means in a non-typical function, whereby the most common are simulacra, metonymies and the semantic-grammatical modality, and the most effective ones are hybrids of several kinds and mind games. The paper’s conclusion is that ideological tenets of old and new times presented in pro-Russian media in all their linguistic and semiotic variety are imprinted with means which are but missiles for a suggestive, non-rationally-controlled introduction and promotion of pro-Kremlin narratives.
{"title":"NARRATIVES OF THE “OTHER” IN TIMES OF WORLDVIEW WARS: TRUE FACE, MASKED FACE","authors":"Natalia Slukhaii","doi":"10.33674/2201820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201820","url":null,"abstract":"Modern day worldview wars are distinguished by the extraordinary role that information and its suppliers play in building perceptions of war events, whether real, falsified or invented. The paper analyses the means by which modern pro-Russian media try to reach their targets in the hybrid/information war. The following narratives are specially noted as defining the current stage of the worldview war against Ukraine: narratives intending to humiliate the dignity of Ukrainian language speakers and the national idea, intending to raise malice and chagrin in speakers, intending to confuse and disorient, intending to involve into pre-meditated ideologems. As concerns linguistic means of recipient disorientation, the following are noted: simulacra, metonymies, resources of semantic-grammatical and semantic modality, logical, semantic and formal hybrids (chimeras), quotation marks and their verbal expression (the “so-called”), resources of sacral language, linguistic mind games, rhetorical questions. Receiver’s confusion is achieved by using linguistic means in a non-typical function, whereby the most common are simulacra, metonymies and the semantic-grammatical modality, and the most effective ones are hybrids of several kinds and mind games. The paper’s conclusion is that ideological tenets of old and new times presented in pro-Russian media in all their linguistic and semiotic variety are imprinted with means which are but missiles for a suggestive, non-rationally-controlled introduction and promotion of pro-Kremlin narratives.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129369269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict in Donbass is the greatest problem of Ukraine. As a result of this conflict, Ukraine has lost a part of its territory, a lot of money etc. But it is only a part of the problem. Some problems are invisible and arise only after a certain period of time. One of these problems is internally displaced persons. The article examines the problems that arise in the practice of realization of the rights of internally displaced persons in Ukraine and outlines possible ways of further work of state authorities of Ukraine in this area. The problem of internally displaced persons is nationwide since it concerns a very large number of people and is extremely important from a political point of view. It should be noted that the state is trying to resolve this problem in every possible way, but many issues remain unsolved regarding internally displaced persons, which led to the choice of the topic of our research. Speaking about the state's efforts to resolve the problems associated with the internally displaced persons, above all, implies attempts to regulate new relations for our country at the legislative level. At the same time, the legislation of Ukraine should be harmonized with generally accepted international norms, which should include the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. Regarding the Ukrainian legislation on the internally displaced persons, at the legal level, these relations are regulated by the Law of Ukraine “On Providing Rights and Freedoms of Internally Displaced Persons” and many other by-laws. If the legal regulation of the problems of internally displaced persons is generally at an appropriate level, then in practice there are a lot of problems that range from small households to the most important ones, such as the right to vote in elections at different levels.
{"title":"PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN DONBASS","authors":"Andrii Butyrskyi","doi":"10.33674/2201816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201816","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict in Donbass is the greatest problem of Ukraine. As a result of this conflict, Ukraine has lost a part of its territory, a lot of money etc. But it is only a part of the problem. Some problems are invisible and arise only after a certain period of time. One of these problems is internally displaced persons. The article examines the problems that arise in the practice of realization of the rights of internally displaced persons in Ukraine and outlines possible ways of further work of state authorities of Ukraine in this area. The problem of internally displaced persons is nationwide since it concerns a very large number of people and is extremely important from a political point of view. It should be noted that the state is trying to resolve this problem in every possible way, but many issues remain unsolved regarding internally displaced persons, which led to the choice of the topic of our research. Speaking about the state's efforts to resolve the problems associated with the internally displaced persons, above all, implies attempts to regulate new relations for our country at the legislative level. At the same time, the legislation of Ukraine should be harmonized with generally accepted international norms, which should include the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. Regarding the Ukrainian legislation on the internally displaced persons, at the legal level, these relations are regulated by the Law of Ukraine “On Providing Rights and Freedoms of Internally Displaced Persons” and many other by-laws. If the legal regulation of the problems of internally displaced persons is generally at an appropriate level, then in practice there are a lot of problems that range from small households to the most important ones, such as the right to vote in elections at different levels.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"167 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131992762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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