After the collapse of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria many states faced the problem of the foreign fighters wanting to return. Some governments refused to accept their citizens arguing that they pose too much of a threat to the public. Are the governments across the world justified to revoke the citizenships of the former members of the Caliphate? Do states have a responsibility for their own citizens and are obligated to help them no matter the circumstances? These are the questions that this article examines from the legal and political point of view. The article examines a high profile case study of Shamima Begun – a former jihadi wife, who travelled to Syria as a teenager, caught in a battle for her British citizenship
{"title":"Life after ISIS: the problem of the Islamic State foreign fighters","authors":"Aleksandra Ciślar","doi":"10.33674/220195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220195","url":null,"abstract":"After the collapse of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria many states faced the\u0000problem of the foreign fighters wanting to return. Some governments refused to\u0000accept their citizens arguing that they pose too much of a threat to the public.\u0000Are the governments across the world justified to revoke the citizenships of the\u0000former members of the Caliphate? Do states have a responsibility for their own\u0000citizens and are obligated to help them no matter the circumstances? These are\u0000the questions that this article examines from the legal and political point of\u0000view. The article examines a high profile case study of Shamima Begun –\u0000a former jihadi wife, who travelled to Syria as a teenager, caught in a battle for\u0000her British citizenship","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126607461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From 2016, the powerful and permanent ideological impact of the Russian messages on the global community is perceived as one of the most important challenges for the western civilization at the beginning of the 21st century. It is without a doubt that the challenge is more acute for the so-called “young democracies”. Georgia is considered to be one of such states. Thus, we have decided to use Georgia as the example to discuss the general essence of propaganda, the mechanisms of its use, the level of resistance by the local societies towards it and the influence that this phenomenon can have on a small country. There is no doubt that the success of the propagandist attacks on the sovereignty of a state directly depends on the level of trust of the wide layers of the society towards the governmental structures of the target state. The higher the level of mistrust, the more successful is the propagandist campaign conducted against a state, and vice versa: the higher the level of adequacy between the government and society, stronger the society is in withstanding the propagandist attacks. In case of Georgia, the ideological frame of the Georgian society is saturated by the mix of the right-conservative ideas with the left-socialist directions, where all the narratives of outside political actors definitely find their support. Based on this, we can suppose that their rhetoric places the society at the risk of negative radicalization
{"title":"Projecting the Foreign propaganda on the Georgian Politics","authors":"M. Urushadze","doi":"10.33674/220194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220194","url":null,"abstract":"From 2016, the powerful and permanent ideological impact of the Russian\u0000messages on the global community is perceived as one of the most important\u0000challenges for the western civilization at the beginning of the 21st century. It\u0000is without a doubt that the challenge is more acute for the so-called “young\u0000democracies”. Georgia is considered to be one of such states. Thus, we have\u0000decided to use Georgia as the example to discuss the general essence\u0000of propaganda, the mechanisms of its use, the level of resistance by the local\u0000societies towards it and the influence that this phenomenon can have on a\u0000small country. There is no doubt that the success of the propagandist attacks\u0000on the sovereignty of a state directly depends on the level of trust of the wide\u0000layers of the society towards the governmental structures of the target state.\u0000The higher the level of mistrust, the more successful is the propagandist\u0000campaign conducted against a state, and vice versa: the higher the level of\u0000adequacy between the government and society, stronger the society is in\u0000withstanding the propagandist attacks. In case of Georgia, the ideological\u0000frame of the Georgian society is saturated by the mix of the right-conservative\u0000ideas with the left-socialist directions, where all the narratives of outside\u0000political actors definitely find their support. Based on this, we can suppose\u0000that their rhetoric places the society at the risk of negative radicalization","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"149 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122500594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The geopolitical location of Israel in the Middle East region is extremely unfavorable. As a result, Israeli policymakers were forced to develop a comprehensive mechanism of responding in relation to real or potential threats. Currently, one of these mechanisms is focused on deterring. It should be noted that in the context of Israeli security policy, in recent years initiatives devoted to prevention have started to play a decisive role. According to the Israeli security strategy, deterrence should be connected with three elements: a credible threat of conducting by Israel forces offensive retaliatory actions, the extension of armed forces and seeking to reduce resources and development opportunities in the context of groups hostile to Israel. Taking into account current political events in the Middle East, I will try to point out the essence of the Israeli deterrence doctrine
{"title":"Odstraszanie jako element strategii bezpieczeństwa Izraela","authors":"Michał Harkot","doi":"10.33674/220196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220196","url":null,"abstract":"The geopolitical location of Israel in the Middle East region is extremely\u0000unfavorable. As a result, Israeli policymakers were forced to develop\u0000a comprehensive mechanism of responding in relation to real or potential\u0000threats. Currently, one of these mechanisms is focused on deterring. It should\u0000be noted that in the context of Israeli security policy, in recent years initiatives\u0000devoted to prevention have started to play a decisive role. According to the Israeli security strategy, deterrence should be connected with three elements:\u0000a credible threat of conducting by Israel forces offensive retaliatory actions,\u0000the extension of armed forces and seeking to reduce resources and development\u0000opportunities in the context of groups hostile to Israel. Taking into account\u0000current political events in the Middle East, I will try to point out the essence\u0000of the Israeli deterrence doctrine","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130693858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: The purpose of this research paper is to examine the online recruitment processes and socio-economic factors that allow for the radicalisation of people in Great Britain. The paper will address the following questions: 1) what are ISIS recruitment methods? 2) what makes the recruitment successful? 3) is religious motivation the main factor why people decide to fight for the Islamic State? According to the US National Counterterrorism Centre, in the recent years Islamic State (ISIS) recruited an estimate of 3,400 Westerners ready to fight its cause around the globe. Islamic State has a far more successful rate in luring members from the West than Al-Qaeda. In a relatively short time ISIS went from being an unknown terror cell to threatening worldwide security. Great Britain experienced a number of terrorist attacks in the recent years and the responsibility for them had been claimed by ISIS. However, with the arrival of easy access to the internet the radicalisation of young Britons has been on the rise in the recent years. The studies suggest that there are different motivations for joining Islamic State. Foreign fighters are made to believe that the terrorist group offers values that western democracies seem to lack, namely a common purpose, good morals and sense of belonging. These values are attractive for Muslims and for the new converts alike. Additionally, ISIS recruiters run an online propaganda machine. The process of radicalisation moved from the mosques into more effective online chat-rooms and social media forums.
{"title":"FIGHTING FOR ISIS – THE CASE OF GREAT BRITAIN","authors":"Aleksandra Cieslar","doi":"10.33674/2201810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201810","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: \u0000The purpose of this research paper is to examine the online recruitment processes and socio-economic factors that allow for the radicalisation of people in Great Britain. The paper will address the following questions: 1) what are ISIS recruitment methods? 2) what makes the recruitment successful? 3) is religious motivation the main factor why people decide to fight for the Islamic State? According to the US National Counterterrorism Centre, in the recent years Islamic State (ISIS) recruited an estimate of 3,400 Westerners ready to fight its cause around the globe. Islamic State has a far more successful rate in luring members from the West than Al-Qaeda. In a relatively short time ISIS went from being an unknown terror cell to threatening worldwide security. Great Britain experienced a number of terrorist attacks in the recent years and the responsibility for them had been claimed by ISIS. However, with the arrival of easy access to the internet the radicalisation of young Britons has been on the rise in the recent years. The studies suggest that there are different motivations for joining Islamic State. Foreign fighters are made to believe that the terrorist group offers values that western democracies seem to lack, namely a common purpose, good morals and sense of belonging. These values are attractive for Muslims and for the new converts alike. Additionally, ISIS recruiters run an online propaganda machine. The process of radicalisation moved from the mosques into more effective online chat-rooms and social media forums.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"155-156 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133705414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Major Russian media outlets produce narratives which are subordinated to concepts and ideologemes defined by their systemic nature and strong structure. These ideologemes are the binding glue of the seemingly chaotic narratives of the current ideological war. The chief among these concepts is Russianness (“russkost’”), in turn connected with others such as the Russian civilization, Russians, the Western civilization, the Western man, Ukrainians and others, which together along with their correlates produce the insidiously enforced worldview. The content of these ideologemes, gleaned from publications of leading Russian media ideologists, diverges widely from the expected, carries a high evaluative load, is suggestive and strongly polarized
{"title":"Composition and structure of the ideological matrix of Russian media","authors":"N. Slukhai","doi":"10.33674/220197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/220197","url":null,"abstract":"Major Russian media outlets produce narratives which are subordinated to\u0000concepts and ideologemes defined by their systemic nature and strong\u0000structure. These ideologemes are the binding glue of the seemingly chaotic\u0000narratives of the current ideological war. The chief among these concepts is\u0000Russianness (“russkost’”), in turn connected with others such as the Russian\u0000civilization, Russians, the Western civilization, the Western man, Ukrainians\u0000and others, which together along with their correlates produce the insidiously\u0000enforced worldview. The content of these ideologemes, gleaned from\u0000publications of leading Russian media ideologists, diverges widely from the\u0000expected, carries a high evaluative load, is suggestive and strongly polarized","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"75 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131546198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: As of today, Europe has to face new asymmetric threats, including Hybrid Warfare, terrorist attacks, and illegal migration that transcend the common security aspects and have further roots beyond its borders, in unsolved hot spot areas, like Eastern and Southern neighbourhood. For many military theorists, the Ukrainian Crisis represented a huge opportunity to restart debates regarding hybridity in future warfare. Some definitions and conceptual elements regarding hybrid threats and hybrid challenges have been developed since the Second Lebanon War of 2006 and were improved after the 2008 Chechen War. Hybrid Warfare theory has been developed by Russia since 2004, as the future conflict concept to counter NATO’s expansion to the East and the installation of the US Anti-Missile Shield in Europe. meanwhile, Western Governments has defined the hybrid threat as an issue rather than as an operating concept that requires a solution. as a result, up to now no American National Strategy or doctrine has incorporated this theory as a new form of future conflicts. In conjunction with reviewing and adjusting strategies and war fighting concepts, the defence community must re-evaluate the force structure needed for future conflicts and build adequate capabilities. With a wider range of threats that may require the need to employ various capabilities simultaneously, NATO and member states must continue their efforts to strive for greater joint operations and possibly inter-dependence. With EU support, they must transform their industrial-era organizational structures into more agile, information-, and knowledge-based enterprises, which requires a large investment in ideas, technology, and people.
{"title":"RUSSIA: FROM COLD WAR VIA “PEACE DIVIDEND” TO HYBRID WAR IN EUROPE. HOW TO RECONCILE EUROPE'S STRATEGIC INTERESTS WITH RUSSIA'S LEGITIMATE INTERESTS","authors":"C. Ioniță","doi":"10.33674/2201813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201813","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:\u0000As of today, Europe has to face new asymmetric threats, including Hybrid Warfare, terrorist attacks, and illegal migration that transcend the common security aspects and have further roots beyond its borders, in unsolved hot spot areas, like Eastern and Southern neighbourhood. For many military theorists, the Ukrainian Crisis represented a huge opportunity to restart debates regarding hybridity in future warfare. Some definitions and conceptual elements regarding hybrid threats and hybrid challenges have been developed since the Second Lebanon War of 2006 and were improved after the 2008 Chechen War. Hybrid Warfare theory has been developed by Russia since 2004, as the future conflict concept to counter NATO’s expansion to the East and the installation of the US Anti-Missile Shield in Europe. meanwhile, Western Governments has defined the hybrid threat as an issue rather than as an operating concept that requires a solution. as a result, up to now no American National Strategy or doctrine has incorporated this theory as a new form of future conflicts. In conjunction with reviewing and adjusting strategies and war fighting concepts, the defence community must re-evaluate the force structure needed for future conflicts and build adequate capabilities. With a wider range of threats that may require the need to employ various capabilities simultaneously, NATO and member states must continue their efforts to strive for greater joint operations and possibly inter-dependence. With EU support, they must transform their industrial-era organizational structures into more agile, information-, and knowledge-based enterprises, which requires a large investment in ideas, technology, and people.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123333137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Hybrid warfare is predominant tendency in the 21st century, therefore all states should take into consideration the possible threats and results caused by hybrid warfare strategies and tactics. Likewise, the elements of hybrid warfare are discussed from the recent conflicts. With all ensuing consequences, the article analyzes all possible evidence to detect future expansion of untraditional warfare. The important role the OSCE plays in supporting the Transdniestrian conflict. We underline the need to advance the work of the Permanent Conference on Political Issues in the Framework of the Negotiation Process for the Transdniestrian Settlement in the “5+2” format as the only mechanism to achieve a comprehensive and sustainable resolution of the conflict. Emphasize the need to achieve tangible progress in the negotiations on all three baskets of the agreed agenda for the negotiation process. Express satisfaction with the commitment of the political representatives and programs of political parties to meet on a regular basis and encourage the sides to increase the continuity and effectiveness of the process. To this end, the Mission facilitates co-operation in Moldova is to help achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting political settlement of the Transdniestrian conflict based on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldova and a special status for Transdniestria.
{"title":"THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN CONFLICT AS A PHENOMENON OF HYBRID WAR","authors":"Marina Gorbatiuc","doi":"10.33674/2201812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201812","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Hybrid warfare is predominant tendency in the 21st century, therefore all states should take into consideration the possible threats and results caused by hybrid warfare strategies and tactics. Likewise, the elements of hybrid warfare are discussed from the recent conflicts. With all ensuing consequences, the article analyzes all possible evidence to detect future expansion of untraditional warfare. The important role the OSCE plays in supporting the Transdniestrian conflict. We underline the need to advance the work of the Permanent Conference on Political Issues in the Framework of the Negotiation Process for the Transdniestrian Settlement in the “5+2” format as the only mechanism to achieve a comprehensive and sustainable resolution of the conflict. Emphasize the need to achieve tangible progress in the negotiations on all three baskets of the agreed agenda for the negotiation process. Express satisfaction with the commitment of the political representatives and programs of political parties to meet on a regular basis and encourage the sides to increase the continuity and effectiveness of the process. To this end, the Mission facilitates co-operation in Moldova is to help achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting political settlement of the Transdniestrian conflict based on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldova and a special status for Transdniestria.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"72 9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122477570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Economic security constitutes one of the main areas of research carried out by representatives of security studies. Its level is conditioned by many factors of economic, political, law or cultural character. The article points out the conditions connected with the process of climate warming and their meaning for shaping the economic security. As a hypothesis it has been assumed that it is crucial to make a significant change in the scope of shaping the consumption model and the role of the state in shaping the processes of development. It serves the creation of economic force with a simultaneous balanced approach to the use of natural resources. The article has a review character, it's aim is to indicate the necessity of a change into the more active role of the state in shaping the security and economic order. In this context, the use of works developed by the Swedish school of economy and Scandinavian studies over peace (including mainly the peace economics) can become the basis to create the development model which uses the approach that connects the economic, natural and institutional interests. The creation of economic security bases of a state must, in a pragmatic and responsible way, include the limitation of natural resources and at the same time take into account the social aims connected with the quality of people’s lives.
{"title":"Bezpieczeństwo ekonomiczne, zmiany klimatyczne, wyzwania","authors":"M. Leszczyński","doi":"10.33674/2201910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201910","url":null,"abstract":"Economic security constitutes one of the main areas of research carried out by\u0000representatives of security studies. Its level is conditioned by many factors\u0000of economic, political, law or cultural character. The article points out the\u0000conditions connected with the process of climate warming and their meaning\u0000for shaping the economic security. As a hypothesis it has been assumed that it\u0000is crucial to make a significant change in the scope of shaping the consumption\u0000model and the role of the state in shaping the processes of development.\u0000It serves the creation of economic force with a simultaneous balanced\u0000approach to the use of natural resources. The article has a review character,\u0000it's aim is to indicate the necessity of a change into the more active role of the\u0000state in shaping the security and economic order. In this context, the use\u0000of works developed by the Swedish school of economy and Scandinavian\u0000studies over peace (including mainly the peace economics) can become the\u0000basis to create the development model which uses the approach that connects\u0000the economic, natural and institutional interests. The creation of economic\u0000security bases of a state must, in a pragmatic and responsible way, include the\u0000limitation of natural resources and at the same time take into account the social\u0000aims connected with the quality of people’s lives.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114222799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict that has been flaming up since 2014 in the East of Ukraine is a real multi-faceted war between Russia and Ukraine. It is also called the Anti-terrorist operation (ATO), Joint forces operation or “hybrid” war, as in Ukraine at the legislative level it has not been acknowledged as a war. When a war is defined as “hybrid” it is suggested that it is not a full-scale intervention of the Russian Federation and thus it is easier for many politician to justify their inactivity; just crossing the Ukrainian border, Russian forces take off chevrons and other identification marks. The West take advantage of this, pretending to be doubtful and, herewith, its reaction is reasonably less determined; and it vivifies “conspiracy theories” as to Putin’s probable allies. Legislative ambiguity generates not only enhancement of military threat, but also different psychological insinuation, which affect the conscious state of the Ukrainian society.
{"title":"CONFLICT IN EASTERN UKRAINE AND ITS PSYCHOLOGICAL PECULIARITIES","authors":"Vira Burdyak","doi":"10.33674/2201819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201819","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict that has been flaming up since 2014 in the East of Ukraine is a real multi-faceted war between Russia and Ukraine. It is also called the Anti-terrorist operation (ATO), Joint forces operation or “hybrid” war, as in Ukraine at the legislative level it has not been acknowledged as a war. When a war is defined as “hybrid” it is suggested that it is not a full-scale intervention of the Russian Federation and thus it is easier for many politician to justify their inactivity; just crossing the Ukrainian border, Russian forces take off chevrons and other identification marks. The West take advantage of this, pretending to be doubtful and, herewith, its reaction is reasonably less determined; and it vivifies “conspiracy theories” as to Putin’s probable allies. Legislative ambiguity generates not only enhancement of military threat, but also different psychological insinuation, which affect the conscious state of the Ukrainian society.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132455668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Decision of the Russian Federation to support the regime of Bashar Assad in its fight with terrorists and opposition became a crucial event in the world politics with the long-term consequences for global international relations, for the future of the Middle East and for Russia itself. One of the most important questions in this context is why Kremlin decided to interfere and what are the political and military lessons of its campaign in Syria? It can be said that the main political goal of Vladimir Putin was to make the United States take Russia into account as a serious (if not equal) player in the international arena, and he reached that goal, making his state a key factor in the Middle East. There was a doubt if Russian army is able to act effectively abroad and change Syrian situation at low cost. It proved that it is efficient enough, showing the advantages of Russian weaponry, and got valuable experience in many spheres. At the same time, the end of the Kremlin game in Syria is not clear, but this can be an inevitable price of its revived imperial ambitions.
{"title":"Political and military lessons of the Russian campaign in Syria","authors":"V. Volovoj","doi":"10.33674/2201913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33674/2201913","url":null,"abstract":"Decision of the Russian Federation to support the regime of Bashar Assad in\u0000its fight with terrorists and opposition became a crucial event in the world\u0000politics with the long-term consequences for global international relations,\u0000for the future of the Middle East and for Russia itself. One of the most\u0000important questions in this context is why Kremlin decided to interfere and\u0000what are the political and military lessons of its campaign in Syria? It can be\u0000said that the main political goal of Vladimir Putin was to make the United\u0000States take Russia into account as a serious (if not equal) player in the\u0000international arena, and he reached that goal, making his state a key factor\u0000in the Middle East. There was a doubt if Russian army is able to act\u0000effectively abroad and change Syrian situation at low cost. It proved that it is\u0000efficient enough, showing the advantages of Russian weaponry, and got\u0000valuable experience in many spheres. At the same time, the end of the\u0000Kremlin game in Syria is not clear, but this can be an inevitable price of its\u0000revived imperial ambitions.","PeriodicalId":256788,"journal":{"name":"Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem","volume":"82 22","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131770037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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