Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1877560
A. Chilunjika, Dhowoch Orozu Lokine Daky, Sharon R. T. Muzvidziwa-Chilunjika
Abstract In the quest to become autonomous, southern Sudan opted for secession from northern Sudan in 2011. Among other reasons, the major cause for this secession was to redress the imbalances perpetrated by the Arab minority, who discriminated against the people of the southern part of Sudan. The chief aim of this study was to assess the impact of secession from Sudan on the political economy of South Sudan in the period 2011–2017. The field research was conducted in South Sudan, Juba district, focusing on the surrounding areas of Munuki, Amarat, Sherikhat, Nyakuron, and Thongpiny. The study embraced blended decolonial research methods for data gathering. Techniques such as questionnaires and interviews were utilised. The authors discovered that the secession has had a negative impact on the political economy of South Sudan, as the newly founded state has been affected by the syndrome of dependence on its former parent state (Sudan), which creates perpetual problems. The research findings lead to the conclusion that for secession to have a positive impact on the political economy of African nations, robust institutions should be established soon after secession, there should be equality among ethnic groups, and sound policies should be established to stimulate their economies.
{"title":"Secession and the Political Economy of South Sudan from 2011 to 2017","authors":"A. Chilunjika, Dhowoch Orozu Lokine Daky, Sharon R. T. Muzvidziwa-Chilunjika","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1877560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1877560","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the quest to become autonomous, southern Sudan opted for secession from northern Sudan in 2011. Among other reasons, the major cause for this secession was to redress the imbalances perpetrated by the Arab minority, who discriminated against the people of the southern part of Sudan. The chief aim of this study was to assess the impact of secession from Sudan on the political economy of South Sudan in the period 2011–2017. The field research was conducted in South Sudan, Juba district, focusing on the surrounding areas of Munuki, Amarat, Sherikhat, Nyakuron, and Thongpiny. The study embraced blended decolonial research methods for data gathering. Techniques such as questionnaires and interviews were utilised. The authors discovered that the secession has had a negative impact on the political economy of South Sudan, as the newly founded state has been affected by the syndrome of dependence on its former parent state (Sudan), which creates perpetual problems. The research findings lead to the conclusion that for secession to have a positive impact on the political economy of African nations, robust institutions should be established soon after secession, there should be equality among ethnic groups, and sound policies should be established to stimulate their economies.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116006186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1868270
F. Nganje
Abstract Against the backdrop of a renewed discourse on Pan-African unity and solidarity, this article analyses and interrogates the role of local peace committees (LPCs) as mechanisms for building peace and fostering social cohesion in South African townships and informal settlements affected by xenophobic conflict. Drawing on both documentary sources and interviews, the article makes the case that, in the absence of serious national or regional efforts to promote cross-border social integration, the grassroots peacebuilding initiatives of LPCs have become indispensable for reviving and rooting the Pan- African ideal of integration and solidarity in the experiences of the African masses. However, I also argue that, because LPCs are by definition embedded in community dynamics, which can sometimes be a source of oppression and violence, a critical, reflexive, and transformative framework is required to unlock their potential for peacebuilding and cross-border social cohesion. Given the complexities of the social conflicts LPCs are called upon to mediate, their success also depends to a large extent on a supportive institutional framework, even though informality and independence are their main currency.
{"title":"Pan-Africanism from Below? The Peacebuilding Role of Local Peace Committees in South Africa","authors":"F. Nganje","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1868270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1868270","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Against the backdrop of a renewed discourse on Pan-African unity and solidarity, this article analyses and interrogates the role of local peace committees (LPCs) as mechanisms for building peace and fostering social cohesion in South African townships and informal settlements affected by xenophobic conflict. Drawing on both documentary sources and interviews, the article makes the case that, in the absence of serious national or regional efforts to promote cross-border social integration, the grassroots peacebuilding initiatives of LPCs have become indispensable for reviving and rooting the Pan- African ideal of integration and solidarity in the experiences of the African masses. However, I also argue that, because LPCs are by definition embedded in community dynamics, which can sometimes be a source of oppression and violence, a critical, reflexive, and transformative framework is required to unlock their potential for peacebuilding and cross-border social cohesion. Given the complexities of the social conflicts LPCs are called upon to mediate, their success also depends to a large extent on a supportive institutional framework, even though informality and independence are their main currency.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134311788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1848396
Viwe Ndayi
Abstract This article considers the representation of disability as a criminalised un- African identity in the film Black Panther (directed by Ryan Coogler, 2018). Relying heavily on centuries of differentiation and the hierarchical ordering of bodies “that matter”, the film represents bodies as sites of writing and reading the politics of being and belonging in a future African society. Mass media representations of morality and criminality rely on this principle too. To construct the Wakandan moral identity, the film creates a criminalised non- Wakandan narrative that primarily relies on (dis)ability and futuristic prosthetic devices. A comparison between the characterisation of two white male characters, Ulysses Klaue and Everett Kenneth Ross, is presented in order to highlight their relationship to disability and its representation as a criminalised non-Wakandan concept. Klaue’s prosthetic arm is framed to represent greed, theft, punishment, and death. The article further considers how the film explores the intersection between disability, gender, and class. Nakia’s and Shuri’s relationships to Ross is juxtaposed with Linda’s relationship to Klaue in order to illustrate how the film constructs disability as a question of class and nationality. The article concludes by drawing lessons from Black Panther that can be used by film makers and media content producers alike. It highlights that in trying to imagine a desired African future, there is a need to embrace the complexities and multilayered nature of African bodies.
{"title":"Black Panther: (De)criminalising (Dis)abilities in Reimagining Africa","authors":"Viwe Ndayi","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1848396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1848396","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article considers the representation of disability as a criminalised un- African identity in the film Black Panther (directed by Ryan Coogler, 2018). Relying heavily on centuries of differentiation and the hierarchical ordering of bodies “that matter”, the film represents bodies as sites of writing and reading the politics of being and belonging in a future African society. Mass media representations of morality and criminality rely on this principle too. To construct the Wakandan moral identity, the film creates a criminalised non- Wakandan narrative that primarily relies on (dis)ability and futuristic prosthetic devices. A comparison between the characterisation of two white male characters, Ulysses Klaue and Everett Kenneth Ross, is presented in order to highlight their relationship to disability and its representation as a criminalised non-Wakandan concept. Klaue’s prosthetic arm is framed to represent greed, theft, punishment, and death. The article further considers how the film explores the intersection between disability, gender, and class. Nakia’s and Shuri’s relationships to Ross is juxtaposed with Linda’s relationship to Klaue in order to illustrate how the film constructs disability as a question of class and nationality. The article concludes by drawing lessons from Black Panther that can be used by film makers and media content producers alike. It highlights that in trying to imagine a desired African future, there is a need to embrace the complexities and multilayered nature of African bodies.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"227 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114109080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1848395
Tiffany Caesar
Abstract Phyllis Ntantala was born in South Africa in the 1920s and moved to the USA in the 1960s. She used her writings as a weapon to confront injustices meted out to African people the world over. Her struggle made a significant contribution to Pan-Africanism, as she identified not only with the struggles of black South Africans, but also with the struggles of African Americans. This Pan-African approach comes out strongly in her autobiography, A Life’s Mosaic: The Autobiography of Phyllis Ntantala (1992). The text captures not only the struggles of the African people in South Africa as they resisted and challenged discriminatory practices by a white settler minority community, but also that of the African-American community, as it depicts the dramatic struggles of the civil rights movement, led by figures such as Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King, Jr. To those who assumed that Ntantala would be grateful for the privileges she enjoyed in the USA, and which she lacked in her native South Africa, she responded that in her country she “lived as a black person”, and that in the USA she “was also a black person”; consequently, she “looked at things from a black person’s perspective” (1992, 198). This article is an academic and intellectual celebration of Phyllis Ntantala’s contribution to Pan- African struggles as an intellectual, woman, and mother. It is written from an Afrocentric and Pan-Africanist perspective by an African-American woman.
{"title":"Phyllis Ntantala Revisited: The Politics of Mothering Black Resistance Movements through Writing","authors":"Tiffany Caesar","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1848395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1848395","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Phyllis Ntantala was born in South Africa in the 1920s and moved to the USA in the 1960s. She used her writings as a weapon to confront injustices meted out to African people the world over. Her struggle made a significant contribution to Pan-Africanism, as she identified not only with the struggles of black South Africans, but also with the struggles of African Americans. This Pan-African approach comes out strongly in her autobiography, A Life’s Mosaic: The Autobiography of Phyllis Ntantala (1992). The text captures not only the struggles of the African people in South Africa as they resisted and challenged discriminatory practices by a white settler minority community, but also that of the African-American community, as it depicts the dramatic struggles of the civil rights movement, led by figures such as Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King, Jr. To those who assumed that Ntantala would be grateful for the privileges she enjoyed in the USA, and which she lacked in her native South Africa, she responded that in her country she “lived as a black person”, and that in the USA she “was also a black person”; consequently, she “looked at things from a black person’s perspective” (1992, 198). This article is an academic and intellectual celebration of Phyllis Ntantala’s contribution to Pan- African struggles as an intellectual, woman, and mother. It is written from an Afrocentric and Pan-Africanist perspective by an African-American woman.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127148464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1884986
Patricia Nunley
Abstract The most vulnerable students in the USA's public education system are young African American children. They are vulnerable to developmental abuse or spirit molestation. This article focuses on early education programmes employing Western theories and concepts touted as best practices as the source for spirit molestation. These theories have global presence and are blindly adopted internationally despite their racist epistemological undergirding and the readily available evidence of their lack of efficacy with non-Western-ancestry students, and specifically Black African American students, referred to as Africans in America, or AiAs. The literature reveals the collective failure of Eurocentric theories and concepts defined as developmentally appropriate practices, and yet teacher preparation programmes continue to present them as universally the best pathway for optimising young students’ growth and development.
{"title":"Spirit Molestation: Identity Development Abuse in Western Early Childhood Education Programmes Serving Black African American Students","authors":"Patricia Nunley","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1884986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1884986","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The most vulnerable students in the USA's public education system are young African American children. They are vulnerable to developmental abuse or spirit molestation. This article focuses on early education programmes employing Western theories and concepts touted as best practices as the source for spirit molestation. These theories have global presence and are blindly adopted internationally despite their racist epistemological undergirding and the readily available evidence of their lack of efficacy with non-Western-ancestry students, and specifically Black African American students, referred to as Africans in America, or AiAs. The literature reveals the collective failure of Eurocentric theories and concepts defined as developmentally appropriate practices, and yet teacher preparation programmes continue to present them as universally the best pathway for optimising young students’ growth and development.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124889694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-28DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2019.1671774
Kiven James Kewir
Abstract The Central African region remains one of the most chaotic parts of Africa. Countries in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) region have taken steps to address the security crisis regionally. Although the regional security mechanisms put in place have been tested significantly only in the Central African Republic (CAR), they have failed to deliver security and address the growing humanitarian crisis in this country. The approach adopted has been statist, focusing on the state apparatus and the interests of its managers over those of the economic classes and civil society. This case study uses a qualitative research strategy. Data for the study was obtained from secondary sources via desk research. Focusing on the core issues of societal security in the CAR, the study demonstrates that continued reliance on the statist approach explains why ECCAS has not been successful in addressing the crisis. It is recommended that efforts focus on developing resilient social structures.
{"title":"Rethinking Regional Security in Central Africa: The Case of the Central African Republic","authors":"Kiven James Kewir","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2019.1671774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2019.1671774","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Central African region remains one of the most chaotic parts of Africa. Countries in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) region have taken steps to address the security crisis regionally. Although the regional security mechanisms put in place have been tested significantly only in the Central African Republic (CAR), they have failed to deliver security and address the growing humanitarian crisis in this country. The approach adopted has been statist, focusing on the state apparatus and the interests of its managers over those of the economic classes and civil society. This case study uses a qualitative research strategy. Data for the study was obtained from secondary sources via desk research. Focusing on the core issues of societal security in the CAR, the study demonstrates that continued reliance on the statist approach explains why ECCAS has not been successful in addressing the crisis. It is recommended that efforts focus on developing resilient social structures.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115644143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1824123
M. Makgoba
Abstract On September 28 and 29, 1998, four years after the first democratic elections in South Africa which brought about the Government of National Unity (GNU) headed by Nelson Mandela, then president of the African National Congress (ANC) and the first African president in a post-apartheid South Africa, a conference dedicated to the African Renaissance was held at the Karos Indaba Hotel in Johannesburg. In 2019, twenty-one years after the convening of the African Renaissance conference, the vice-chancellor of the University of South Africa (Unisa), Prof. Mandla Makhanya, invited the author to his institution to reflect on the historic event. This reflection was a contribution to Prof. Makhanya's African Intellectuals Project (AIP), a platform provided by him to African intellectuals to reflect on the challenges that continue to confront Africans on the continent, and to suggest possible solutions. Prof. Makhanya saw fit that as one of convenors of the African Renaissance conference, the other two being Thaninga Shope and Thami Mazwai, I should reflect on the successes and failures of the African Renaissance project. In this article I reflect on the journey of the African Renaissance project, twenty-one years after the historical African Renaissance conference.
{"title":"The African Renaissance Conference, Twenty-One Years Later: A Critical Reflection","authors":"M. Makgoba","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1824123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1824123","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract On September 28 and 29, 1998, four years after the first democratic elections in South Africa which brought about the Government of National Unity (GNU) headed by Nelson Mandela, then president of the African National Congress (ANC) and the first African president in a post-apartheid South Africa, a conference dedicated to the African Renaissance was held at the Karos Indaba Hotel in Johannesburg. In 2019, twenty-one years after the convening of the African Renaissance conference, the vice-chancellor of the University of South Africa (Unisa), Prof. Mandla Makhanya, invited the author to his institution to reflect on the historic event. This reflection was a contribution to Prof. Makhanya's African Intellectuals Project (AIP), a platform provided by him to African intellectuals to reflect on the challenges that continue to confront Africans on the continent, and to suggest possible solutions. Prof. Makhanya saw fit that as one of convenors of the African Renaissance conference, the other two being Thaninga Shope and Thami Mazwai, I should reflect on the successes and failures of the African Renaissance project. In this article I reflect on the journey of the African Renaissance project, twenty-one years after the historical African Renaissance conference.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124204879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1740059
M. Asante
Abstract Africans have inherited a Pan European Academy that has occupied almost all of the intellectual space in schools and universities. This Pan European Academy dominates theories, philosophies, and attitudes about research and knowledge, pushing Africans to the margins even in our own narratives of our history. This article is a heuristic toward an Afrocentric re-orientation to all epistemes in order to usher in a transformation of curricula in African universities. This essay asserts the necessity for African scholars to challenge the Pan European Academy’s standing as a universal system of knowledge in order to call into question the defamation of African agency and to institute the Afrocentric transformation of African education. In the end, all changes begin with the individual, and it is from this personal sense of purpose that we will transform the curriculum in a rational manner. I state three propositions: (1) the structure of our education has been totally corrupted by a Pan European Academy that has no interest in African knowledge for African interests; (2) the African people must completely break free from the encapsulating, stifling, and culturally demeaning curricula disseminated around the world by the Pan European Academy; and (3) our liberation will only be complete when we have liberated our minds to see ourselves as the sources of our episteme.
{"title":"Toward a Transformative African Curriculum for Higher Education","authors":"M. Asante","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1740059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1740059","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Africans have inherited a Pan European Academy that has occupied almost all of the intellectual space in schools and universities. This Pan European Academy dominates theories, philosophies, and attitudes about research and knowledge, pushing Africans to the margins even in our own narratives of our history. This article is a heuristic toward an Afrocentric re-orientation to all epistemes in order to usher in a transformation of curricula in African universities. This essay asserts the necessity for African scholars to challenge the Pan European Academy’s standing as a universal system of knowledge in order to call into question the defamation of African agency and to institute the Afrocentric transformation of African education. In the end, all changes begin with the individual, and it is from this personal sense of purpose that we will transform the curriculum in a rational manner. I state three propositions: (1) the structure of our education has been totally corrupted by a Pan European Academy that has no interest in African knowledge for African interests; (2) the African people must completely break free from the encapsulating, stifling, and culturally demeaning curricula disseminated around the world by the Pan European Academy; and (3) our liberation will only be complete when we have liberated our minds to see ourselves as the sources of our episteme.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128775776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1743731
B. Mngomezulu
Abstract Africanisation in its different facets has been a recurring theme in African politics. Africa has invoked this theme at different historical moments, albeit in varying magnitudes. The theme became popular in the 1960s and 1970s, when various African countries won their independence. The political and academic leadership found a point of convergence as they participated in the ensuing debates on how the Africanisation project would be carried out. Following the decision by the African Union to find “African solutions to African problems”, and in the aftermath of the #FeesMustFall movement in South Africa, there has been a resurgence of the debate on the Africanisation of the curriculum. With a few exceptions, despite all these developments, the African intelligentsia seems to have been slow in championing the Africanisation project. This article looks at some of the impediments which the current African intelligentsia has to contend with. Drawing from distant and recent history, the article traces some causal factors of these impediments. These are discussed from a general theoretical perspective and by citing specific cases. One conclusion is that the African intelligentsia is not as active as it should be. The recommendation is that it should become more active and visible in order to earn respect and recognition.
{"title":"Impediments to an Active African Intelligentsia in Championing the Africanisation Agenda","authors":"B. Mngomezulu","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1743731","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1743731","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Africanisation in its different facets has been a recurring theme in African politics. Africa has invoked this theme at different historical moments, albeit in varying magnitudes. The theme became popular in the 1960s and 1970s, when various African countries won their independence. The political and academic leadership found a point of convergence as they participated in the ensuing debates on how the Africanisation project would be carried out. Following the decision by the African Union to find “African solutions to African problems”, and in the aftermath of the #FeesMustFall movement in South Africa, there has been a resurgence of the debate on the Africanisation of the curriculum. With a few exceptions, despite all these developments, the African intelligentsia seems to have been slow in championing the Africanisation project. This article looks at some of the impediments which the current African intelligentsia has to contend with. Drawing from distant and recent history, the article traces some causal factors of these impediments. These are discussed from a general theoretical perspective and by citing specific cases. One conclusion is that the African intelligentsia is not as active as it should be. The recommendation is that it should become more active and visible in order to earn respect and recognition.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123442578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2020.1831738
S. Sesanti
(2020). The African Intellectuals’ Project. International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity: Vol. 15, Special Edition: The African Intellectuals’ Project, pp. 1-24.
(2020).非洲知识分子项目》。非洲文艺复兴研究--多学科、跨学科和跨学科国际期刊》：15, Special Edition：非洲知识分子项目》，第 1-24 页。
{"title":"The African Intellectuals’ Project","authors":"S. Sesanti","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2020.1831738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2020.1831738","url":null,"abstract":"(2020). The African Intellectuals’ Project. International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity: Vol. 15, Special Edition: The African Intellectuals’ Project, pp. 1-24.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126836538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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