Pub Date : 2023-07-24DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-80-93
R. Makhmudov
The article discusses the foundations of the modern foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. They were formed at the beginning of the reforms of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2016. Their concept is that Afghanistan is seen not as a threat to stability and security, but as a set of opportunities for Uzbekistan and the Central Asian region, especially for their economic development. The Uzbek approach is based on the following principles: support for peace and stability in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will contribute to the establishment of a peaceful life in Afghanistan and greater participation of the world community in this process; the integration of Afghanistan into projects for the development of relations between Central and South Asia, which are being implemented by Tashkent. Such a realistic approach allowed Uzbekistan to build flexible and constructive relations with the Afghan authorities both before and after the events of August 15, 2021.
{"title":"Afghan Vector of Modern Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan","authors":"R. Makhmudov","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-80-93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-80-93","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the foundations of the modern foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. They were formed at the beginning of the reforms of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2016. Their concept is that Afghanistan is seen not as a threat to stability and security, but as a set of opportunities for Uzbekistan and the Central Asian region, especially for their economic development. The Uzbek approach is based on the following principles: support for peace and stability in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will contribute to the establishment of a peaceful life in Afghanistan and greater participation of the world community in this process; the integration of Afghanistan into projects for the development of relations between Central and South Asia, which are being implemented by Tashkent. Such a realistic approach allowed Uzbekistan to build flexible and constructive relations with the Afghan authorities both before and after the events of August 15, 2021.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"27 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132624176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-24DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-142-157
K. Iskandarov
The article analyzes the attitude of Tajikistan to the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan and to security problems in this country after the Taliban* came to power in August 2021. Unlike many states in the region, which were not particularly worried about the transition of Afghanistan under the control of a terrorist organization, this event negative reaction in the Tajik society. It perceived the threat to the Tajiks of Afghanistan as a threat to itself, its language, culture, values and, in general, the very existence of the nation. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon openly insisted on the formation of an inclusive government, on the obligatory consideration of the interests of ethnic Tajiks, who are about 46 percent of the population of Afghanistan. The consequences of the coming of the Taliban* to power are for the first time seen in Tajikistan as a threat to the national identity of the Tajiks, Tajiks as a nation.
{"title":"Afghanistan Humanitarian Situation and Security Problems after Coming to Power the Taliban* movement: A view from Tajikistan","authors":"K. Iskandarov","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-142-157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-142-157","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the attitude of Tajikistan to the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan and to security problems in this country after the Taliban* came to power in August 2021. Unlike many states in the region, which were not particularly worried about the transition of Afghanistan under the control of a terrorist organization, this event negative reaction in the Tajik society. It perceived the threat to the Tajiks of Afghanistan as a threat to itself, its language, culture, values and, in general, the very existence of the nation. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon openly insisted on the formation of an inclusive government, on the obligatory consideration of the interests of ethnic Tajiks, who are about 46 percent of the population of Afghanistan. The consequences of the coming of the Taliban* to power are for the first time seen in Tajikistan as a threat to the national identity of the Tajiks, Tajiks as a nation.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134094731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-23DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-43-54
Yu. P. Laletin
The article is devoted to trade, economic and humanitarian cooperation and cooperation in the field of education between Russia and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The main obstacle to economic interaction was removed: the debt problem was settled, which opened up opportunities for state financing of economic projects. Russian firms have taken an active part in the revival of Afghanistan. The creation of a number of joint organizations and the most favored nation treatment led to the fact that in 2011 and 2014 trade between Russia and Afghanistan reached its peak. Humanitarian cooperation also developed. Russia provided assistance to Afghanistan in the field of education.
{"title":"Economic and Humanitarian Cooperation Between the Russian Federation and the IRA (2001–2021)","authors":"Yu. P. Laletin","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-43-54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-43-54","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to trade, economic and humanitarian cooperation and cooperation in the field of education between Russia and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The main obstacle to economic interaction was removed: the debt problem was settled, which opened up opportunities for state financing of economic projects. Russian firms have taken an active part in the revival of Afghanistan. The creation of a number of joint organizations and the most favored nation treatment led to the fact that in 2011 and 2014 trade between Russia and Afghanistan reached its peak. Humanitarian cooperation also developed. Russia provided assistance to Afghanistan in the field of education.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115205701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-23DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-55-65
V. Khristoforov
The article examines the reasons for the American invasion of Afghanistan, the main tasks solved by American politicians and the military in this country, the evolution of Washington’s strategy and tactics during the military operation in 2001-2021, as well as the results of the 20-year American military presence in the country.
{"title":"American Troops in Afghanistan (2001–2021): Can Neither be Left nor Taken Out","authors":"V. Khristoforov","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-55-65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-55-65","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the reasons for the American invasion of Afghanistan, the main tasks solved by American politicians and the military in this country, the evolution of Washington’s strategy and tactics during the military operation in 2001-2021, as well as the results of the 20-year American military presence in the country.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133320576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-23DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-20-31
O. Nessar
The article analyzes the main stages of the evolution of the Taliban* movement. Considering the transformation of the military-political activity of the movement, the author identifies five main stages: the birth of the Taliban*, the first reign, a period of calm, a period of revival and re-rule. According to the estimates presented in the article, the main goals and objectives of the Taliban* have not changed much over 20 years, but the composition of the movement has changed, which was reflected in changes in the prohibition policy.
{"title":"Genesis and Evolution of the Taliban*","authors":"O. Nessar","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-20-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-20-31","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the main stages of the evolution of the Taliban* movement. Considering the transformation of the military-political activity of the movement, the author identifies five main stages: the birth of the Taliban*, the first reign, a period of calm, a period of revival and re-rule. According to the estimates presented in the article, the main goals and objectives of the Taliban* have not changed much over 20 years, but the composition of the movement has changed, which was reflected in changes in the prohibition policy.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127869639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-23DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-32-42
O. Mitrofanenkova
The article examines the sources of financing of the Taliban for twenty years. The author identifies internal and external sources of income of the Taliban* Movement. The role of illegal drug production in financing the activities of the Taliban in the struggle for power is emphasized.
{"title":"Funding Sources for the Taliban* (2001–2021)","authors":"O. Mitrofanenkova","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-32-42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-32-42","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the sources of financing of the Taliban for twenty years. The author identifies internal and external sources of income of the Taliban* Movement. The role of illegal drug production in financing the activities of the Taliban in the struggle for power is emphasized.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116328721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-129-149
N. Gribin
The article is devoted to the results of the study of the information and communication sphere in the Republic of Belarus, the role, place and importance of national and foreign information and communication resources. The state, challenges and threats to the national security of the Republic, the tools for conducting the information war of the Western countries against the Belarusian state are considered. Examples of the information impact of opposition channels in Telegram, Twitter, You Tube on the authorities in Belarus with the aim of removing A.G. Lukashenko from the post of the President of the Republic are given. Comparisons were made between the effectiveness and popularity of state-owned media and foreign private information resources. Priority areas of the research are identified and presented, the results should be used to strengthen counteraction to information and psychological attacks against Russia and Belarus.
{"title":"Communication Regime in Belarus: State, Challenges and Threats","authors":"N. Gribin","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-129-149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-129-149","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the results of the study of the information and communication sphere in the Republic of Belarus, the role, place and importance of national and foreign information and communication resources. The state, challenges and threats to the national security of the Republic, the tools for conducting the information war of the Western countries against the Belarusian state are considered. Examples of the information impact of opposition channels in Telegram, Twitter, You Tube on the authorities in Belarus with the aim of removing A.G. Lukashenko from the post of the President of the Republic are given. Comparisons were made between the effectiveness and popularity of state-owned media and foreign private information resources. Priority areas of the research are identified and presented, the results should be used to strengthen counteraction to information and psychological attacks against Russia and Belarus.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125871082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-112-128
G. Dzhunushalieva, P. Dyatlenko, A. V. Kulikovsky, A. B. Moldokeeva
The article was prepared on the materials of a scientifc discussion held by the National Communications Development Research Institution, dedicated to the study of the communication regime in Kyrgyzstan. The authors examine the decline in the level of knowledge of the Russian language and interest in the Russian-language media, talk about the need to develop cooperation between the Kyrgyz and Russian media and civil society institutions, and develop the infrastructure of Russian schools, especially in rural areas. The question is raised about changing approaches to the choice of an event series to preserve the common historical memory of peoples. Noting the great positive signifcance of cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Russia for the development of Kyrgyz society, the authors talk about important problems: the development of an anti-Russian infrastructure in Kazakhstan (supported by Western investors) and its impact on public opinion, especially Kyrgyz youth. The article was based on the results of a scientific discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.
{"title":"Russia in the Media and Public Space of Modern Kyrgyzstan","authors":"G. Dzhunushalieva, P. Dyatlenko, A. V. Kulikovsky, A. B. Moldokeeva","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-112-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-112-128","url":null,"abstract":"The article was prepared on the materials of a scientifc discussion held by the National Communications Development Research Institution, dedicated to the study of the communication regime in Kyrgyzstan. The authors examine the decline in the level of knowledge of the Russian language and interest in the Russian-language media, talk about the need to develop cooperation between the Kyrgyz and Russian media and civil society institutions, and develop the infrastructure of Russian schools, especially in rural areas. The question is raised about changing approaches to the choice of an event series to preserve the common historical memory of peoples. Noting the great positive signifcance of cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Russia for the development of Kyrgyz society, the authors talk about important problems: the development of an anti-Russian infrastructure in Kazakhstan (supported by Western investors) and its impact on public opinion, especially Kyrgyz youth. The article was based on the results of a scientific discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"99 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131715547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.53658/rw2022-3-1(7)-152-165
A. V. Taigildin
The article focuses on the history of the Democratic Party during the bipartisan Democrat-Whig system. It shows how the nationwide issues of tariffs, slavery and expansion influenced the formation of sectional factions. Having progressed from a small-scale factional struggle, by the end of the period under review the party consisted of two major factions divided geographically by North-South. Particular attention is paid to the “Young America” movement, which originated with young and ambitious politicians who promoted infrastructure development and the idea of expanding borders. This idea came to be known as the "idea of predestination". Although the movement died out in the 1840s, the Predestination idea became the ideological basis for the invasion of Texas, California and other Mexican territories, as well as for the justifcation of the spread of slavery. The article examines how the controversy over the extension of slavery to the newly acquired territories caused a division of political forces in the country. "The Wilmot Proviso", which prohibited slavery in these territories, provoked protests from southern politicians, who not only began voting against the amendment in a single section, but began preparations for a convention that would decide the Southern states' secession from the United States.
{"title":"Evolution of the US Democratic Party in the 1830s-1840s","authors":"A. V. Taigildin","doi":"10.53658/rw2022-3-1(7)-152-165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-3-1(7)-152-165","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the history of the Democratic Party during the bipartisan Democrat-Whig system. It shows how the nationwide issues of tariffs, slavery and expansion influenced the formation of sectional factions. Having progressed from a small-scale factional struggle, by the end of the period under review the party consisted of two major factions divided geographically by North-South. Particular attention is paid to the “Young America” movement, which originated with young and ambitious politicians who promoted infrastructure development and the idea of expanding borders. This idea came to be known as the \"idea of predestination\". Although the movement died out in the 1840s, the Predestination idea became the ideological basis for the invasion of Texas, California and other Mexican territories, as well as for the justifcation of the spread of slavery. The article examines how the controversy over the extension of slavery to the newly acquired territories caused a division of political forces in the country. \"The Wilmot Proviso\", which prohibited slavery in these territories, provoked protests from southern politicians, who not only began voting against the amendment in a single section, but began preparations for a convention that would decide the Southern states' secession from the United States.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123912209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-94-111
D. Ayvazyan, A. Krylov, G. Poghosyan, V. Krivopuskov
The article is devoted to the issue of friendliness as a category of the current state of the communication regimes of the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation. The orientation of the friendliness of the Armenian communication regime is largely determined by the sharp contradictions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the continuing tension in the Karabakh conflict zone, and the instability of the internal political situation. The confrontation of various political forces and the large role of the external factor have a great influence on the Armenian political discourse and favor the emergence of trends that are contrary to Russian national interests and can be considered by Russia as threats. The article analyzes the features of the news materials presented by the information and information-analytical agencies of Armenia in Russian. Information occasions, the emotional tone of information messages are studied, it is assessed how fully the Russianlanguage content reflects the events in the life of Armenian society and, in particular, the trends in the development of relations between Armenia and Russia. It is concluded that the potential for more detailed news coverage in Russian of Russian-Armenian relations, the results of cooperation between Russia and Armenia has not yet been revealed. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications evelopment Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.
{"title":"The Friendliness of Armenia's Communication Regime: Towards the Question of Media and Public Attitudes","authors":"D. Ayvazyan, A. Krylov, G. Poghosyan, V. Krivopuskov","doi":"10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-94-111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-1(7)-94-111","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the issue of friendliness as a category of the current state of the communication regimes of the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation. The orientation of the friendliness of the Armenian communication regime is largely determined by the sharp contradictions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the continuing tension in the Karabakh conflict zone, and the instability of the internal political situation. The confrontation of various political forces and the large role of the external factor have a great influence on the Armenian political discourse and favor the emergence of trends that are contrary to Russian national interests and can be considered by Russia as threats. The article analyzes the features of the news materials presented by the information and information-analytical agencies of Armenia in Russian. Information occasions, the emotional tone of information messages are studied, it is assessed how fully the Russianlanguage content reflects the events in the life of Armenian society and, in particular, the trends in the development of relations between Armenia and Russia. It is concluded that the potential for more detailed news coverage in Russian of Russian-Armenian relations, the results of cooperation between Russia and Armenia has not yet been revealed. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications evelopment Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128128591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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