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Digital Diplomacy as a Tool for Implementing the Foreign Policy of Central Asian Countries (On the Example of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan) 数字外交作为执行中亚国家外交政策的工具(以哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦为例)
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-4(10)-22-35
B. K. Allamurodov
   Many countries pay great attention to the use of digital technologies as a tool for implementing their foreign policy. The popularity of modern information and communication achievements, such as the Internet, social networks, mass media, new communication channels, makes it possible to use them to implement the foreign policy objectives of the state.   The purpose of this work is to analyze digital diplomacy, which is considered a new phenomenon in international relations.   The article compares the use of digital tools by the diplomatic missions of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Statistical data are presented for each of the countries, which allowed us to get the most complete picture of digital trends in the diplomacy of the above-mentioned countries.
许多国家都非常重视利用数字技术作为实施外交政策的工具。互联网、社交网络、大众媒体、新传播渠道等现代信息与传播成果的普及,使利用它们来实现国家外交政策目标成为可能。 本文旨在分析被视为国际关系新现象的数字外交。 文章对哈萨克斯坦共和国和乌兹别克斯坦共和国外交使团使用数字工具的情况进行了比较。文中提供了每个国家的统计数据,这使我们能够最全面地了解上述国家外交中的数字化趋势。
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引用次数: 0
Water Economy Resources as a Geopolitical Asset of the EAEU Countries and the Formation of Sovereign Development Strategies 作为欧洲经济联盟国家地缘政治资产的水经济资源与主权发展战略的形成
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-3(9)-23-3-4(10)-69-81
A. K. Doskozhaeva, A. S. Kharlanov
   Water is a vital resource for all mankind. Its resources can both accelerate and limit the social development and technological progress of any society, can be the cause of both prosperity and poverty, can lead to both cooperation and conflicts on a local, regional or global scale. The article is devoted to the problem of joint exploitation of water resources. Their fair distribution in the Central Asian region is relevant, requires coordinated approaches and the creation of joint roadmaps. They could diversify emerging risks by creating favorable conditions for the accelerated development of all Central Asian countries and building a unified infrastructure for energy exchange and water use, taking into account the interests of the world’s main regulators of the scientific and technological process, who have historical claims to the dominance and assimilation of some parts of the economy in the national economies of Central Asian countries. The opportunity not to fall under the institutions of global governance will help to create conditions for local national elites not to lose their sovereignty and fulfill the tasks of sustainable technological development of Central Asian industries in a situation of digital transformation and post-crisis recovery.
水是全人类的重要资源。水资源既能加速也能限制任何社会的社会发展和技术进步,既能带来繁荣也能造成贫困,既能促成地方、区域或全球范围内的合作,也能导致冲突。本文专门讨论水资源的共同开发问题。水资源在中亚地区的公平分配具有现实意义,需要采取协调一致的方法并制定联合路线图。它们可以分散新出现的风险,为所有中亚国家的加速发展创造有利条件,建立统一的能源交换和水资源利用基础设施,同时考虑到世界科技进程主要监管者的利益,这些监管者历来要求在中亚国家的国民经济中占据主导地位并同化经济的某些部分。不屈服于全球治理机构的机会将有助于创造条件,使当地国家精英不丧失主权,并在数字化转型和危机后复苏的形势下完成中亚工业可持续技术发展的任务。
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引用次数: 0
Economic and Political Crisis In Pakistan: Social Causes and Exit Opportunities 巴基斯坦的经济和政治危机:社会原因与出路
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-4(10)-36-49
V. Belokrenitsky
   The article examines some of the underlying causes of the acute economic and political crisis that engulfed Pakistan in the late 2010s and early 2020s. Such features of Pakistani society as the dominance of large hereditary landowners and a narrow group of wealthy industrialists are noted, and the decisive role played by the military corporation in governing the state is emphasized. The consequence of conservative social policies and an ineffective leadership system was the country’s increased dependence on international financial institutions and external assistance, as well as the accelerated lag of Pakistan from its neighbors in South Asia in economic and social development in the 21st century. It is concluded that there are no easy ways out of the crisis and that there are threats to the entire region as it deepens.
文章探讨了 2010 年代末和 2020 年代初席卷巴基斯坦的严重经济和政治危机的一些根本原因。文章指出了巴基斯坦社会的一些特点,如大世袭地主和少数富有的工业家占主导地位,并强调了军事公司在治理国家方面发挥的决定性作用。保守的社会政策和低效的领导体制造成的后果是,巴基斯坦对国际金融机构和外部援助的依赖性增加,以及 21 世纪巴基斯坦在经济和社会发展方面加速落后于南亚邻国。结论是,摆脱危机没有捷径可走,随着危机的加深,整个地区都将面临威胁。
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引用次数: 0
Problems of Foreign Trade Development Between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Tajikistan in Modern Realities 现代俄罗斯联邦与塔吉克斯坦共和国之间的外贸发展问题
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-4(10)-50-68
N. A. Budarina, Kh. K. Yunuszoda
   The article examines the main directions of foreign trade of the Republic of Tajikistan and specifies trade relations with the Russian Federation. Based on the analysis of the geographical and commodity structure of foreign trade of the two countries, problems were identified, the solution of which will increase the volume of mutually beneficial trade cooperation.
文章探讨了塔吉克斯坦共和国对外贸易的主要方向,并明确了与俄罗斯联邦的贸易关系。在分析两国对外贸易的地理和商品结构的基础上,确定了问题所在,解决这些问题将增加互利贸易合作的数量。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Challenges to the New Government of Taliban* 塔利班新政府面临的社会挑战*
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-171-181
I. A. Zimin
The article is devoted to the measures taken by the new Taliban* Afghan government in social policy to get relative internal legitimacy and at the same time pursue a radical course aimed at the harsh Islamization of Afghan society. It is shown how the Taliban are implementing measures in serious social situation, and the contribution of the new Afghan authorities to the stabilization of the humanitarian situation is analyzed.
这篇文章专门讨论阿富汗塔利班新政府在社会政策方面采取的措施,以获得相对的内部合法性,同时追求激进的路线,旨在使阿富汗社会严酷的伊斯兰化。展示了塔利班如何在严峻的社会形势下执行各项措施,并分析了阿富汗新当局对稳定人道主义局势的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Iran’s Policy in the Situation of the Afghan Crisis After 2021 2021年后伊朗在阿富汗危机形势下的政策
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-107-117
J. Haghpanah
The article is devoted to the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Afghanistan. An overview of Tehran’s relations with Afghanistan is given, including ties between the two countries in the political, cultural, economic and humanitarian spheres. The main ways of Iran’s influence on the situation in Afghanistan are shown. Iran’s policy towards Afghanistan and the development of relations after the Taliban* came to power in August 2021 is analyzed.
这篇文章专门讨论伊朗伊斯兰共和国对阿富汗的政策。本文概述了德黑兰与阿富汗的关系,包括两国在政治、文化、经济和人道主义领域的关系。指出了伊朗影响阿富汗局势的主要途径。分析了2021年8月塔利班*上台后伊朗对阿富汗的政策以及两国关系的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Communication Regime of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: Socio-Political Analysis 阿富汗伊斯兰共和国的通讯制度:社会政治分析
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-118-141
V. Komleva
The article contains the results of a pilot study of the controllability of information and communication processes in Afghanistan. The author defines the concept of “communication regime” and “controllability”, describes the indicators of controllability of communication regimes and their main types. The concept of communication regime is applied for the first time in the context of Afghanistan. The author analyzes the degree of conventionality of the communication regime control center in Afghanistan and comes to the conclusion that the regime, in general, is weakly conventional. The centers of control of the communication regime inside and outside the country are considered, and the conclusion is made about the weak controllability of the communication regime on the part of the Taliban*. The ability of the Taliban* to transfer the communication regime from one state to another without conflict, the ability to control and achieve the target parameters of the communication regime, the ability of the Taliban* to use the mechanisms of self-organization and society are evaluated. to regulate communication regimes. A number of features of the communication regime are highlighted, for example, the presence of “blind spots” that are not always seen and understood by those who manage public communications. The article contains web analytics, statistical data on mass media, popular browsers, search engines, transmitting devices.
这篇文章载有一项关于阿富汗境内信息和通讯进程可控性的试点研究的结果。界定了“通信制度”和“可控性”的概念,描述了通信制度可控性的指标及其主要类型。通信制度的概念首次在阿富汗的情况下得到应用。笔者分析了阿富汗通信体制控制中心的常规化程度,得出该体制总体上是弱常规化的结论。考虑了通讯体制在国内外的控制中心,得出了塔利班通讯体制可控性较弱的结论*。评估了塔利班*在不发生冲突的情况下将通信体制从一个国家转移到另一个国家的能力,控制和实现通信体制目标参数的能力,塔利班*利用自组织和社会机制的能力。规范通讯制度。报告强调了通讯制度的若干特点,例如,管理公共通讯的人并不总能看到和理解的“盲点”的存在。这篇文章包含了网络分析、大众媒体统计数据、流行浏览器、搜索引擎、传输设备。
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引用次数: 0
Afghanistan and the “Great Chessboard” 阿富汗和“大棋盘”
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-68-79
M. M. Slinkin
The article is devoted to US politics in Eurasia in the context of the US claims to a key role in the world and the desire to independently manage the pieces on the “Great Chessboard”. The article examines US policy in the Middle East and the relationship between the military campaign in Iraq and the situation in Afghanistan. The author concludes that at present the United States concentrated attention on the territories around the Russian Federation, forming a belt of unfriendliness.
这篇文章专门讨论了美国在欧亚大陆的政治,背景是美国声称在世界上扮演关键角色,并希望独立管理“大棋盘”上的棋子。这篇文章探讨了美国在中东的政策以及在伊拉克的军事行动和阿富汗局势之间的关系。作者的结论是,目前美国把注意力集中在俄罗斯联邦周围的领土上,形成了一条不友好地带。
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引用次数: 0
Women’s issue in Afghanistan under the Taliban* 塔利班统治下的阿富汗妇女问题*
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-158-170
U. Okimbekov
The article is devoted to the study of the rights and status of women in Afghan society over the past 30 years, after the end of the secular system in the country. A brief overview of the situation since the beginning of the 20th century is given, the place and position of Afghan women in society after the coming to power of the Mujahideen and then the Taliban* is shown, the development of education and the process of involving the female population in socio-economic and political life after 2001 and the change in the situation with the return to power of the Taliban are studied.
这篇文章致力于研究阿富汗世俗制度结束后,过去30年来妇女在阿富汗社会中的权利和地位。简要概述了自20世纪初以来的情况,展示了圣战者和塔利班*上台后阿富汗妇女在社会中的地位和地位,研究了2001年后教育的发展和妇女人口参与社会经济和政治生活的过程,以及塔利班重新掌权后情况的变化。
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引用次数: 0
On the Issue of Kazakhstan’s Policy Towards Afghanistan 关于哈萨克斯坦对阿富汗政策问题
Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-94-108
N. Sultanmuratov
The Afghan direction has always played an important role in the foreign strategy of independent Kazakhstan, which is due to the overall regional security. Instability in Afghanistan, the associated risks for the Central Asian countries, historically determined the policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. From the very beginning, the Kazakh authorities sought to actively participate in stabilizing and strengthening peace in Afghanistan, including providing direct humanitarian and economic assistance to Kabul. This created conditions for the development of cooperation at the interstate level, which led to the gradual expansion of trade relations. Now Afghanistan is considered as one of the important markets for Kazakh producers. It should be emphasized that Kazakhstan has always been guided by political pragmatism. This manifested itself after the events of 2021, which led to the formation of a new Afghan government by representatives of the Taliban* movement. Despite the non-recognition of the new Afghan authorities in accordance with international requirements, Astana continued its dialogue with Kabul on the most important topics, especially those related to supporting the Afghan population in order to prevent a sharp deterioration in the situation in the country. This is in the interests not only of Afghanistan itself, but also of regional and international forces.
阿富汗方向在独立后的哈萨克斯坦对外战略中一直发挥着重要作用,这是由于整个地区的安全。阿富汗的不稳定以及中亚国家面临的相关风险在历史上决定了哈萨克斯坦共和国的政策。哈萨克斯坦当局从一开始就谋求积极参与稳定和加强阿富汗的和平,包括向喀布尔提供直接的人道主义和经济援助。这为发展州际合作创造了条件,从而使贸易关系逐步扩大。现在阿富汗被认为是哈萨克斯坦生产商的重要市场之一。应当强调指出,哈萨克斯坦一向以政治实用主义为指导。这一点在2021年的事件后表现出来,塔利班运动的代表组建了新的阿富汗政府。尽管没有按照国际要求承认新的阿富汗当局,阿斯塔纳继续与喀布尔就最重要的问题进行对话,特别是有关支持阿富汗人民以防止该国局势急剧恶化的问题。这不仅符合阿富汗本身的利益,也符合地区和国际部队的利益。
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Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue
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