Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-136-159
G. M. Maitdinova, V. I. Sazhin, A. M. Mamadazimov, A. E. Zagrebin
The article provides an analysis of the features of the dialogue of civilizations in Central Asia. The region is considered as an intercivilizational hub where Persian, Hellenistic, Babylonian, Chinese, Indian, Mongolian, Arab, and Turkic civilizations interacted and competed. As a result, a special type of culture arose that influences peoples, their national psychology, religion, and linguistic characteristics. Historically, the region was a contact zone of settled agricultural and nomadic civilizations. The impetus for the development of the region was given by its transit potential, in particular the Great Silk Road. The authors believe that at the present stage, dialogue is possible based on an understanding of the historical community of different peoples living in the region, and one’s own civilizational identity, which is based on traditional values. The political culture of the Central Asian countries has developed its own democratic principles, which are not always identical to Western ones. At the present stage, new dialogue platforms are emerging where active intercivilizational dialogue is conducted. Along with the dialogue are Afghanistan, Iran, China, Pakistan.
{"title":"Intercivilizational Dialogue in Central Asia: Views of Russian and Tajik Scientists","authors":"G. M. Maitdinova, V. I. Sazhin, A. M. Mamadazimov, A. E. Zagrebin","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-136-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-136-159","url":null,"abstract":"The article provides an analysis of the features of the dialogue of civilizations in Central Asia. The region is considered as an intercivilizational hub where Persian, Hellenistic, Babylonian, Chinese, Indian, Mongolian, Arab, and Turkic civilizations interacted and competed. As a result, a special type of culture arose that influences peoples, their national psychology, religion, and linguistic characteristics. Historically, the region was a contact zone of settled agricultural and nomadic civilizations. The impetus for the development of the region was given by its transit potential, in particular the Great Silk Road. The authors believe that at the present stage, dialogue is possible based on an understanding of the historical community of different peoples living in the region, and one’s own civilizational identity, which is based on traditional values. The political culture of the Central Asian countries has developed its own democratic principles, which are not always identical to Western ones. At the present stage, new dialogue platforms are emerging where active intercivilizational dialogue is conducted. Along with the dialogue are Afghanistan, Iran, China, Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"10 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-174-183
A. Prascevic
Relations between Orthodox and Muslims in the Western Balkans often become a world-class topic due to the interest of international factors actively involved in this process. The Serbian Orthodox Church is a key factor in the development of interfaith dialogue, to which it has made a significant contribution through its primates, bishops and priests. Her role came to the fore in the post-war years, when, despite great sacrifices among Orthodox believers, she called for interfaith peace and coexistence, thereby contributing to the stability of the Western Balkans. In historical retrospect, the article examines the relations of peoples and representatives of different religions in one common state in political circumstances. The facts presented in the article allow us to draw conclusions about the level of interfaith dialogue and the contribution of representatives of various faiths to interfaith reconciliation. The article is an experience of a comprehensive scientific study of interreligious relations between Orthodox and Muslims in Serbia: when writing it, the researcher turned to various sources: Christian and Muslim religious and apologetic literature, history, sociology, journalism, etc., aiming at an impartial presentation of the most accurate and diverse information on this topic.
{"title":"The Role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Relations with Muslims from 1920 to 2020","authors":"A. Prascevic","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-174-183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-174-183","url":null,"abstract":"Relations between Orthodox and Muslims in the Western Balkans often become a world-class topic due to the interest of international factors actively involved in this process. The Serbian Orthodox Church is a key factor in the development of interfaith dialogue, to which it has made a significant contribution through its primates, bishops and priests. Her role came to the fore in the post-war years, when, despite great sacrifices among Orthodox believers, she called for interfaith peace and coexistence, thereby contributing to the stability of the Western Balkans. In historical retrospect, the article examines the relations of peoples and representatives of different religions in one common state in political circumstances. The facts presented in the article allow us to draw conclusions about the level of interfaith dialogue and the contribution of representatives of various faiths to interfaith reconciliation. The article is an experience of a comprehensive scientific study of interreligious relations between Orthodox and Muslims in Serbia: when writing it, the researcher turned to various sources: Christian and Muslim religious and apologetic literature, history, sociology, journalism, etc., aiming at an impartial presentation of the most accurate and diverse information on this topic.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"14 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-197-221
A. I. Yakovlev
The article examines the prerequisites and consequences of the global oil crisis of 1973. It analyzes not only the political reasons that prompted the Arab oil exporting countries to use the “oil weapon” (the unresolved Middle East conflict and the Palestinian problem), but also the crisis phenomena in the Western economy. Not only Arab countries, but also powerful oil companies, backed by Western countries, especially the United States, were interested in change. For the West, the oil crisis caused difficulties and problems in the short term, but in the long term it turned out to be a catalyst that accelerated structural and technological changes in the Western economy and in the global financial system. The oil crisis allowed the oil-producing countries of the Arab East to sharply increase the level of state income, which opened up opportunities for accelerated socio-economic development, and also increased the authority of these countries and OPEC in international relations.
{"title":"The 1973 Oil Crisis: a Look after half a Century","authors":"A. I. Yakovlev","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-197-221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-197-221","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the prerequisites and consequences of the global oil crisis of 1973. It analyzes not only the political reasons that prompted the Arab oil exporting countries to use the “oil weapon” (the unresolved Middle East conflict and the Palestinian problem), but also the crisis phenomena in the Western economy. Not only Arab countries, but also powerful oil companies, backed by Western countries, especially the United States, were interested in change. For the West, the oil crisis caused difficulties and problems in the short term, but in the long term it turned out to be a catalyst that accelerated structural and technological changes in the Western economy and in the global financial system. The oil crisis allowed the oil-producing countries of the Arab East to sharply increase the level of state income, which opened up opportunities for accelerated socio-economic development, and also increased the authority of these countries and OPEC in international relations.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"18 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-184-196
A. Slesarev
The article discusses the problems of merging geopolitics and religion. Using the example of Belarusian Orthodoxy, the author shows how religious institutions can become instruments for the implementation of geopolitical strategies, in particular the Polish foreign policy doctrine of the Intermarium. The influence of this doctrine on the position of the Orthodox Church in the Baltic-Black Sea region, including on the territory of Belarus, is analyzed. The author examines the specific historical conditions of the periodic actualization of Polish geopolitical projects in relation to Belarus. Using some examples, he shows the technologies of the United States working with the Belarusian anti-Soviet emigration and the technologies of using religious institutions to implement geopolitical strategies. It is concluded that modern interpretations of the Intermarium doctrine are directly related to the policy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in relation to the East Slavic territories associated with the Kiev Metropolis of the XV–XVII centuries. The assessment of the activities of the primate of the Orthodox Church in Poland on the Ukrainian-Belarusian lands in the first half of the 1940s is new for domestic and foreign historiography as an attempt to build a “church Intermarium”. The article contains unique materials about the anti-Soviet activities of the Belarusian emigration, its contradictions and splits. The findings actualize the issue of developing mechanisms to counteract manipulative influence against the Orthodox Church, carried out in order to achieve political benefits. Based on the results of the consideration of the problem, a recommendation is proposed regarding the need for planned systematic work to strengthen church immunity against external manipulative influence, fraught with disruption of social and confessional balance in the Republic of Belarus.
{"title":"The Concept of the Intermarium and the Confessional Issue: Geopolitical Challenges to Belarusian Orthodoxy in ХХ – early ХХI century","authors":"A. Slesarev","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-184-196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-184-196","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the problems of merging geopolitics and religion. Using the example of Belarusian Orthodoxy, the author shows how religious institutions can become instruments for the implementation of geopolitical strategies, in particular the Polish foreign policy doctrine of the Intermarium. The influence of this doctrine on the position of the Orthodox Church in the Baltic-Black Sea region, including on the territory of Belarus, is analyzed. The author examines the specific historical conditions of the periodic actualization of Polish geopolitical projects in relation to Belarus. Using some examples, he shows the technologies of the United States working with the Belarusian anti-Soviet emigration and the technologies of using religious institutions to implement geopolitical strategies. It is concluded that modern interpretations of the Intermarium doctrine are directly related to the policy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in relation to the East Slavic territories associated with the Kiev Metropolis of the XV–XVII centuries. The assessment of the activities of the primate of the Orthodox Church in Poland on the Ukrainian-Belarusian lands in the first half of the 1940s is new for domestic and foreign historiography as an attempt to build a “church Intermarium”. The article contains unique materials about the anti-Soviet activities of the Belarusian emigration, its contradictions and splits. The findings actualize the issue of developing mechanisms to counteract manipulative influence against the Orthodox Church, carried out in order to achieve political benefits. Based on the results of the consideration of the problem, a recommendation is proposed regarding the need for planned systematic work to strengthen church immunity against external manipulative influence, fraught with disruption of social and confessional balance in the Republic of Belarus.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"20 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141272867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-160-173
R. S. Bobokhonov
The relationship between politics and history is becoming complex and tense in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. The history of the countries and peoples of the region becomes the subject of an intense ideological struggle, during which Soviet historiography is partially, and sometimes completely, rejected, and new ideological myths are created that have no real historical basis. Not only historiography is being rethought, but also its context – historical memory, the historical culture of the new states of Central Asia. On the one hand, the ruling elites seek to place the historical memory of the Central Asian peoples under strict state control, affirming the ideology of state nationalism and referring to it not only political doctrines, but also traditions, religion, philosophy, social and human sciences. The rejection of society from cultural memory is typical for Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. On the other hand, historical memory becomes an ideological tool of intra-elite political struggle and society (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan). This is the essence of the post-Soviet civilizational transit in Central Asia.
{"title":"Post-Soviet Civilizational Transit in Central Asia","authors":"R. S. Bobokhonov","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-160-173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-160-173","url":null,"abstract":"The relationship between politics and history is becoming complex and tense in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. The history of the countries and peoples of the region becomes the subject of an intense ideological struggle, during which Soviet historiography is partially, and sometimes completely, rejected, and new ideological myths are created that have no real historical basis. Not only historiography is being rethought, but also its context – historical memory, the historical culture of the new states of Central Asia. On the one hand, the ruling elites seek to place the historical memory of the Central Asian peoples under strict state control, affirming the ideology of state nationalism and referring to it not only political doctrines, but also traditions, religion, philosophy, social and human sciences. The rejection of society from cultural memory is typical for Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. On the other hand, historical memory becomes an ideological tool of intra-elite political struggle and society (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan). This is the essence of the post-Soviet civilizational transit in Central Asia.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"20 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-126-135
I. V. Sledzevsky
The article is devoted to the possibilities of dialogue of civilizations in a global, trans-border cultural space. The concept of civilization as a network of broad communications is new and promising, which removes the attachment of civilizational communities to a territory or state and turns civilizations into open, inclusive, cultural and communication entities. In the context of the extensive and unique historical experience of intercivilizational ties and relations, the Central Asian region can be classified as one of the most successful and longest-lasting “civilizations of encounters.” The communicative significance of this experience as a long and successful symbiosis of different cultures and religions and the role of dialogue with Russia in this heritage, in its preservation and revival are considered. Dialogue with Russia is a network of historical and modern relations and interactions between our countries. The article was prepared on the basis of a report made by the author at the Dushanbe session “Civilizational dialogue between Russia and the countries of Central Asia” of the VIII international conference “Russia and the world: dialogues - 2024. Forces of attraction.”
{"title":"Conditions and Prospects of the Civilizations Dialogue in the Modern World: Symbiosis of Cultures (based on the History of the Central Asian Countries and their Interaction with Russia)","authors":"I. V. Sledzevsky","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-126-135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-126-135","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the possibilities of dialogue of civilizations in a global, trans-border cultural space. The concept of civilization as a network of broad communications is new and promising, which removes the attachment of civilizational communities to a territory or state and turns civilizations into open, inclusive, cultural and communication entities. In the context of the extensive and unique historical experience of intercivilizational ties and relations, the Central Asian region can be classified as one of the most successful and longest-lasting “civilizations of encounters.” The communicative significance of this experience as a long and successful symbiosis of different cultures and religions and the role of dialogue with Russia in this heritage, in its preservation and revival are considered. Dialogue with Russia is a network of historical and modern relations and interactions between our countries. The article was prepared on the basis of a report made by the author at the Dushanbe session “Civilizational dialogue between Russia and the countries of Central Asia” of the VIII international conference “Russia and the world: dialogues - 2024. Forces of attraction.”","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-80-93
S. Uyanaev, A. Bredikhin
Modern challenges, packages of European and American sanctions, and a special military operation in Ukraine have contributed to Russia’s reorientation to the East, not only in trade, economic and energy terms. The issue of military-political cooperation, in particular, between the countries of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the People’s Republic of China has acquired particular relevance. The coherence of their actions both in the direction of “CSTO + 1” and “CSTO + Shanghai Cooperation Organization” contributed to the development of interaction, a new round in the development of the CSTO, although some of its participants declare the possibility of leaving the Treaty (Armenia). But there are also countries that are ready to take a more active part in its work (Syria, North Korea). At the same time, none of the CSTO countries sent their military contingents to support the Russian army in the Northern Military District.The Central Asian region occupies a special place in the system of relations between the CSTO and China: for example, the peacekeeping operation of the CSTO countries in Kazakhstan in January 2022 attracted the close attention of the Chinese authorities, which once again demonstrated their interest in regional stability. In the context of American pressure on China, its authorities have repeatedly spoken positively about jointly countering such challenges as terrorism, separatism and extremism (“three evils”).The purpose of this work is to assess the prospects for cooperation in the field of countering the “three evils”. To achieve this goal, the authors use the comparative analysis method and SWOT assessment. The authors come to the concluson that since the CSTO countries and China face similar challenges, there is a possibility of situational involvement of China in the military operations of the CSTO. Therefore, a broader consideration of the “linkage” between the CSTO and the SCO is required.
{"title":"Prospects for the Integration of China and the CSTO","authors":"S. Uyanaev, A. Bredikhin","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-80-93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-80-93","url":null,"abstract":"Modern challenges, packages of European and American sanctions, and a special military operation in Ukraine have contributed to Russia’s reorientation to the East, not only in trade, economic and energy terms. The issue of military-political cooperation, in particular, between the countries of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the People’s Republic of China has acquired particular relevance. The coherence of their actions both in the direction of “CSTO + 1” and “CSTO + Shanghai Cooperation Organization” contributed to the development of interaction, a new round in the development of the CSTO, although some of its participants declare the possibility of leaving the Treaty (Armenia). But there are also countries that are ready to take a more active part in its work (Syria, North Korea). At the same time, none of the CSTO countries sent their military contingents to support the Russian army in the Northern Military District.The Central Asian region occupies a special place in the system of relations between the CSTO and China: for example, the peacekeeping operation of the CSTO countries in Kazakhstan in January 2022 attracted the close attention of the Chinese authorities, which once again demonstrated their interest in regional stability. In the context of American pressure on China, its authorities have repeatedly spoken positively about jointly countering such challenges as terrorism, separatism and extremism (“three evils”).The purpose of this work is to assess the prospects for cooperation in the field of countering the “three evils”. To achieve this goal, the authors use the comparative analysis method and SWOT assessment. The authors come to the concluson that since the CSTO countries and China face similar challenges, there is a possibility of situational involvement of China in the military operations of the CSTO. Therefore, a broader consideration of the “linkage” between the CSTO and the SCO is required.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141278939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-66-79
A. M. Mustafabeyli
The scarcity of water resources, the lack of equitable access of people to clean water and sanitation services, the insufficiency of technical and financial measures to create advanced systems for the use and conservation of water resources are global problems, but they cause the greatest damage to the states of the Global South, including Central Asia. Problems associated with water shortages in this region will worsen if the Kush-Tepa canal, which is being built in Afghanistan, is uncontrolled.The states of the region are committed to negotiations with the Taliban government in order to agree on cooperation in the field of water use, they are ready to help in the construction of the canal, associated irrigation systems and help in their technical equipment.The Afghan side, accepting verbally the initiatives of its Central Asian partners, insists on its right to use the canal at its own discretion and to the extent that meets its interests. At the same time, the Taliban authorities, not yet recognized by the international community, are trying not to aggravate relations with their neighbors with whom they carry out trade and economic cooperation. The Central Asian countries are making it clear that interaction with the Afghans can further develop if the parties take into account mutual interests. External actors behave differently. Russia offers its services in solving problems related to the operation of the Kush-Tepa Canal. The Americans are providing financial assistance to speed up the construction of the canal.
{"title":"Central Asia: the Problem of Water Use in the Situation of the Construction of the Afghan Kush-Tepa Canal","authors":"A. M. Mustafabeyli","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-66-79","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-66-79","url":null,"abstract":"The scarcity of water resources, the lack of equitable access of people to clean water and sanitation services, the insufficiency of technical and financial measures to create advanced systems for the use and conservation of water resources are global problems, but they cause the greatest damage to the states of the Global South, including Central Asia. Problems associated with water shortages in this region will worsen if the Kush-Tepa canal, which is being built in Afghanistan, is uncontrolled.The states of the region are committed to negotiations with the Taliban government in order to agree on cooperation in the field of water use, they are ready to help in the construction of the canal, associated irrigation systems and help in their technical equipment.The Afghan side, accepting verbally the initiatives of its Central Asian partners, insists on its right to use the canal at its own discretion and to the extent that meets its interests. At the same time, the Taliban authorities, not yet recognized by the international community, are trying not to aggravate relations with their neighbors with whom they carry out trade and economic cooperation. The Central Asian countries are making it clear that interaction with the Afghans can further develop if the parties take into account mutual interests. External actors behave differently. Russia offers its services in solving problems related to the operation of the Kush-Tepa Canal. The Americans are providing financial assistance to speed up the construction of the canal.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"48 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141275076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-96-123
V. V. Voronov
The article, based on scientific literature and a large number of sources: sociological studies, various statistical and analytical materials, regulations, materials from mass media and social networks, provides an analysis of the deepening split in historically similar (according to G.Hofstede’s criteria) neighboring societies of Latvia and Russia. 12 groups of communications are considered that determine the content of the information space of Latvia in relation to Russia: foreign policy, economics, attitude towards Russia and Russians, education, science, culture, media, non-profit organizations, youth, religious and interreligious, freedom of movement, interregional communications. The results of the study show that Latvians and Russians are divided not so much by ethnic characteristics or the specifics of culture and traditions, but by their attitude to political history. At the same time, the negativization of the Russian state and Russians is undertaken mainly not by the population, but by the ruling political elite of Latvia, whose behavior is entirely determined by the interests of the countries of the Anglo-Saxon world. At the same time, the currently obvious divergence (divergence) in the development paths of historically similar societies that have been in the same civilizational space for centuries has led to differentiation in the manifestations of communication. Signs of an accelerating divergence in communication processes between Latvia and Russia are manifested in foreign policy communications, attitudes towards Russia and Russians, in culture, in the media and some other areas. Profiles of containing the divergence of communication processes – in religious and interreligious communications, youth, scientific communications, freedom of movement, etc. The results obtained allow us to hope with cautious optimism for the restoration of good-neighborly communication relations between Latvia and Russia in the foreseeable future.
{"title":"Divergence Profiles of Communication Processes between Latvia and Russia","authors":"V. V. Voronov","doi":"10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-96-123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-96-123","url":null,"abstract":"The article, based on scientific literature and a large number of sources: sociological studies, various statistical and analytical materials, regulations, materials from mass media and social networks, provides an analysis of the deepening split in historically similar (according to G.Hofstede’s criteria) neighboring societies of Latvia and Russia. 12 groups of communications are considered that determine the content of the information space of Latvia in relation to Russia: foreign policy, economics, attitude towards Russia and Russians, education, science, culture, media, non-profit organizations, youth, religious and interreligious, freedom of movement, interregional communications. The results of the study show that Latvians and Russians are divided not so much by ethnic characteristics or the specifics of culture and traditions, but by their attitude to political history. At the same time, the negativization of the Russian state and Russians is undertaken mainly not by the population, but by the ruling political elite of Latvia, whose behavior is entirely determined by the interests of the countries of the Anglo-Saxon world. At the same time, the currently obvious divergence (divergence) in the development paths of historically similar societies that have been in the same civilizational space for centuries has led to differentiation in the manifestations of communication. Signs of an accelerating divergence in communication processes between Latvia and Russia are manifested in foreign policy communications, attitudes towards Russia and Russians, in culture, in the media and some other areas. Profiles of containing the divergence of communication processes – in religious and interreligious communications, youth, scientific communications, freedom of movement, etc. The results obtained allow us to hope with cautious optimism for the restoration of good-neighborly communication relations between Latvia and Russia in the foreseeable future.","PeriodicalId":270391,"journal":{"name":"Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue","volume":"46 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141280534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-06DOI: 10.53658/rw2024-4-1(11)-173-186
A. N. Odinaev
The article is devoted to the analysis of the Iskanderkul expedition of 1870, organized with the aim of exploring little-known territories along the eastern border of the Zarafshan district and the southern border of the Syrdarya region. The main attention is paid to the role of the orientalist A.L.Kuna in conducting the expedition and his contribution to the preparation of the “Diary of the Iskanderkul Expedition” Mirza Mullah “Abd ar-Rahaman, son of Muhammad Latif Mustajir. The article notes the strategic importance of this expedition for Tsarist Russia and emphasizes the role of A.L.Kuhn, who has deep knowledge of Eastern cultures and languages. He paid special attention to the language and culture of the Tajiks of the Zarafshan Valley. The article highlights the relevance of cooperation between Russian researchers and local authors for the study and preservation of the cultural heritage of Central Asia in the context of geopolitics, ethnography and language studies. The Iskanderkul expedition and A.Mustajir’s “Diary” are important sources for the study of history, ethnography, spiritual culture and socioeconomic conditions of life in the upper reaches of Zarafshan in the second half of the 19th century. This study is relevant for understanding the historical and cultural context of Central Asia, especially the upper reaches of Zarafshan.
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