This paper analyzes how EU social objectives and policy coordination have been integrated into the Europe 2020 Strategy and the Union’s emerging post-crisis architecture of economic governance. Based on published and unpublished documents as well as interviews with high-level policy makers, the paper argues that since 2011, there has been a progressive ‘socialization’ of the ‘European Semester’ of policy coordination, in terms of an increasing emphasis on social objectives and targets in the EU’s priorities and country-specific recommendations; an intensification of social monitoring, multilateral surveillance, and peer review; and an enhanced role for social and employment actors, especially the Employment and Social Protection Committees. The paper interprets these developments not only as a response by the Commission and other EU institutions to rising social and political discontent among European citizens with the consequences of post-crisis austerity policies, but also as a product of reflexive learning and creative adaptation by social and employment actors to the new institutional conditions of the European Semester: another form of ‘socialization’.
{"title":"Socializing the European Semester? Economic Governance and Social Policy Coordination in Europe 2020","authors":"J. Zeitlin, B. Vanhercke","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2511031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2511031","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes how EU social objectives and policy coordination have been integrated into the Europe 2020 Strategy and the Union’s emerging post-crisis architecture of economic governance. Based on published and unpublished documents as well as interviews with high-level policy makers, the paper argues that since 2011, there has been a progressive ‘socialization’ of the ‘European Semester’ of policy coordination, in terms of an increasing emphasis on social objectives and targets in the EU’s priorities and country-specific recommendations; an intensification of social monitoring, multilateral surveillance, and peer review; and an enhanced role for social and employment actors, especially the Employment and Social Protection Committees. The paper interprets these developments not only as a response by the Commission and other EU institutions to rising social and political discontent among European citizens with the consequences of post-crisis austerity policies, but also as a product of reflexive learning and creative adaptation by social and employment actors to the new institutional conditions of the European Semester: another form of ‘socialization’.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126160508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Before setting out some observations on the topic which was assigned to me, I would like to start with a general disclaimer: the problem which we are discussing today is, ultimately, a fundamentally political issue. Discussing the legal challenges which an EU region vying for independence will encounter inevitably draws one into political questions. However, in my intervention I will try to keep a clear legal focus, leaving the political issues to the political actors.Turning to the assigned topic, it is worth pointing out the assumptions which underlie the question on 'internal enlargement.' Thus, should a region of an EU Member State become independent, it would indeed be in the economic and political interest of that region to try and secure its own EU membership as fast and smoothly as possible, as a matter of self-preservation. Secondly, the notion of enlargement already hints at the hurdles which such a region would have to overcome, similarly to the challenges faced by a third country when it applies for membership of the EU under Article 49 TEU.
{"title":"United in Autonomy? The Question of EU Internal Enlargement","authors":"M. Chamon","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2520791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2520791","url":null,"abstract":"Before setting out some observations on the topic which was assigned to me, I would like to start with a general disclaimer: the problem which we are discussing today is, ultimately, a fundamentally political issue. Discussing the legal challenges which an EU region vying for independence will encounter inevitably draws one into political questions. However, in my intervention I will try to keep a clear legal focus, leaving the political issues to the political actors.Turning to the assigned topic, it is worth pointing out the assumptions which underlie the question on 'internal enlargement.' Thus, should a region of an EU Member State become independent, it would indeed be in the economic and political interest of that region to try and secure its own EU membership as fast and smoothly as possible, as a matter of self-preservation. Secondly, the notion of enlargement already hints at the hurdles which such a region would have to overcome, similarly to the challenges faced by a third country when it applies for membership of the EU under Article 49 TEU.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117298638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nationalism seems to have gained momentum in some parts of our continent (Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders,…). Considering the current context, the emergence of breakaway regions as fully-fledged states is no longer a chimera but has become intellectually conceivable. The relationship between these potentially independent states and the European Union is one of the pivotal issues that this scenario raises. Automatic accession or ex novo admission? Would those new entities naturally succeed to EU membership? Two conflicting theses have emerged, and the debate rages between the Union, its member states and nationalist political parties. This article intends to clarify the situation. After summarizing the position of the various actors involved, it will then thoroughly scrutinize European and international law, reaching a legally-sound conclusion on the issue. Finally, given its findings, this article will identify lines that should guide the Union’s reaction, should this scenario become a reality.
{"title":"Succession to EU Membership - The Legal Challenges of Internal Enlargement","authors":"P. Dermine","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2496336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2496336","url":null,"abstract":"Nationalism seems to have gained momentum in some parts of our continent (Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders,…). Considering the current context, the emergence of breakaway regions as fully-fledged states is no longer a chimera but has become intellectually conceivable. The relationship between these potentially independent states and the European Union is one of the pivotal issues that this scenario raises. Automatic accession or ex novo admission? Would those new entities naturally succeed to EU membership? Two conflicting theses have emerged, and the debate rages between the Union, its member states and nationalist political parties. This article intends to clarify the situation. After summarizing the position of the various actors involved, it will then thoroughly scrutinize European and international law, reaching a legally-sound conclusion on the issue. Finally, given its findings, this article will identify lines that should guide the Union’s reaction, should this scenario become a reality.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124416580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Academics and competition enforces advocated the idea to use behavioural economics to apply competition law. The believe that the so-called behavioural antitrust should provide for a more accurate understanding of the conducts of economic operators. It is however unsettled whether behavioural antitrust may have a role in merger control. This paper deals with the question whether behavioural economics can play an effective role in EU merger control and how it can be possibly incorporated into it. It can be argued that the European Commission already takes into consideration the concerns voiced by behavioural economists about the biases of consumers and undertakings. Therefore, at this stage of development the role behavioural antitrust may have in the context of the EU merger control seems to be still quite limited.
{"title":"Behavioural Economics and the EU Merger Control Regime","authors":"M. Giannino","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2477458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2477458","url":null,"abstract":"Academics and competition enforces advocated the idea to use behavioural economics to apply competition law. The believe that the so-called behavioural antitrust should provide for a more accurate understanding of the conducts of economic operators. It is however unsettled whether behavioural antitrust may have a role in merger control. This paper deals with the question whether behavioural economics can play an effective role in EU merger control and how it can be possibly incorporated into it. It can be argued that the European Commission already takes into consideration the concerns voiced by behavioural economists about the biases of consumers and undertakings. Therefore, at this stage of development the role behavioural antitrust may have in the context of the EU merger control seems to be still quite limited.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128579871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Annabelle Krause-Pilatus, Ulf Rinne, K. Zimmermann
A Single European Labor Market, particularly involving the free movement of workers within Europe, has been a goal of the European community since the 1950s. Whereas it may entail opportunities and drawbacks alike, the benefits – such as greater economic welfare for most citizens – are supposed to outweigh the losses. However, over fifty years after the aim was first established, a Single European Labor Market has not yet been achieved. This paper gives an overview of current European macroeconomic trends, with a particular focus on the Great Recession, and also explores the drivers of and obstacles to labor mobility. Complementarily, it analyzes the results of a unique opinion survey among labor market experts, as well as formulates policy recommendations to enhance mobility. The development of a Single European Labor Market is also discussed in relation to the German model.
{"title":"How Far Away is a Single European Labor Market?","authors":"Annabelle Krause-Pilatus, Ulf Rinne, K. Zimmermann","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2481572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2481572","url":null,"abstract":"A Single European Labor Market, particularly involving the free movement of workers within Europe, has been a goal of the European community since the 1950s. Whereas it may entail opportunities and drawbacks alike, the benefits – such as greater economic welfare for most citizens – are supposed to outweigh the losses. However, over fifty years after the aim was first established, a Single European Labor Market has not yet been achieved. This paper gives an overview of current European macroeconomic trends, with a particular focus on the Great Recession, and also explores the drivers of and obstacles to labor mobility. Complementarily, it analyzes the results of a unique opinion survey among labor market experts, as well as formulates policy recommendations to enhance mobility. The development of a Single European Labor Market is also discussed in relation to the German model.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121982323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Guillaume Van der Loo, Peter Van Elsuwege, R. Petrov
This paper analyses the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA). It argues that this new legal framework, which has the objective to establish a unique form of political association and economic integration, is characterised by three specific features: comprehensiveness, complexity and conditionality. After a brief background of the EU-Ukraine relations, the following aspects are scrutinised: legal basis and objectives, institutional framework and mechanisms of enhanced conditionality and legislative approximation. In addition, constitutional challenges for the effective implementation of the EU-Ukraine AA are discussed. Based upon a comparison with other EU external agreements, it is demonstrated that the AA is an innovative legal instrument providing for a new type of integration without membership.
{"title":"The EU-Ukraine Association Agreement: Assessment of an Innovative Legal Instrument","authors":"Guillaume Van der Loo, Peter Van Elsuwege, R. Petrov","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2464681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2464681","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA). It argues that this new legal framework, which has the objective to establish a unique form of political association and economic integration, is characterised by three specific features: comprehensiveness, complexity and conditionality. After a brief background of the EU-Ukraine relations, the following aspects are scrutinised: legal basis and objectives, institutional framework and mechanisms of enhanced conditionality and legislative approximation. In addition, constitutional challenges for the effective implementation of the EU-Ukraine AA are discussed. Based upon a comparison with other EU external agreements, it is demonstrated that the AA is an innovative legal instrument providing for a new type of integration without membership.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133874503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-06DOI: 10.4337/9781849805834.00008
S. Penttinen, K. Talus
This chapter will examine and discuss the sustainability aspects of EU energy policy. This area of EU energy policy rests primarily on three main legs: promoting energy efficiency, promoting renewable energy and the EU emission trading scheme. In all these areas EU has adopted a thick and growing body of secondary legislation. This chapter will present the main components of these regulatory instruments and their development. In addition, examples of other EU sustainability measures in energy sector are also discussed. In all areas of action, the development has moved from voluntary soft-objectives to or towards binding targets.
{"title":"Development of the Sustainability Aspects of EU Energy Policy","authors":"S. Penttinen, K. Talus","doi":"10.4337/9781849805834.00008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4337/9781849805834.00008","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter will examine and discuss the sustainability aspects of EU energy policy. This area of EU energy policy rests primarily on three main legs: promoting energy efficiency, promoting renewable energy and the EU emission trading scheme. In all these areas EU has adopted a thick and growing body of secondary legislation. This chapter will present the main components of these regulatory instruments and their development. In addition, examples of other EU sustainability measures in energy sector are also discussed. In all areas of action, the development has moved from voluntary soft-objectives to or towards binding targets.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121477016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The global economic and financial crisis, which broke out in 2008, had a significant impact on European countries and, consequently, on its fiscal and budgetary decisions in the various policy areas. Security and Defence were no exception. Although the fact that the international security context continues to require a proper response to a set of transnational and sub-national risks and threats, the European countries decided to adapt their budgets to an environment of economic crisis, namely by applying austerity measures to its defence structures. This article analysis the impact of these austerity measures in four southern European countries – Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece – arguing that, despite national particularities, there are some common trends regarding the Defence and Armed Forces sector: the decline in Defence expenditure; an overall reduction in manpower, both civilian and military; the decrease of investment, procurement and RD and a reduction of military peacekeeping deployments. In order to overcome the consequences that the economic crisis had in the European Union Defence dimension, this article argues that the current context should be taken as an opportunity. At the national level, through the promotion of structural reforms of the Defence and Armed Forces that allow to maintain the same level of ambition, but with optimizing resources. At the European Union level, Defence cooperation should be seen as the better way to improve capabilities in any level of spending, either through overall common instruments or through sub-regional security and defence cooperation mechanisms.
{"title":"European Defence in Times of Austerity – The Case of Southern Europe","authors":"N. Teixeira, A. S. Pinto","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2464086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2464086","url":null,"abstract":"The global economic and financial crisis, which broke out in 2008, had a significant impact on European countries and, consequently, on its fiscal and budgetary decisions in the various policy areas. Security and Defence were no exception. Although the fact that the international security context continues to require a proper response to a set of transnational and sub-national risks and threats, the European countries decided to adapt their budgets to an environment of economic crisis, namely by applying austerity measures to its defence structures. This article analysis the impact of these austerity measures in four southern European countries – Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece – arguing that, despite national particularities, there are some common trends regarding the Defence and Armed Forces sector: the decline in Defence expenditure; an overall reduction in manpower, both civilian and military; the decrease of investment, procurement and RD and a reduction of military peacekeeping deployments. In order to overcome the consequences that the economic crisis had in the European Union Defence dimension, this article argues that the current context should be taken as an opportunity. At the national level, through the promotion of structural reforms of the Defence and Armed Forces that allow to maintain the same level of ambition, but with optimizing resources. At the European Union level, Defence cooperation should be seen as the better way to improve capabilities in any level of spending, either through overall common instruments or through sub-regional security and defence cooperation mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122038195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite verbal assurarces that Europe was committed to separating Ireland's banking and sovereign debt, Ireland is now very much isolated in its stance to get bank recapitalisation via the ESM retrospectively. The debate over whether Ireland was forced to bail in the senior bondholders is discussed in this paper. The likelihood of support from Eurozone countries is also discussed and the conclusion is that almost 60% support is likely. Ireland may be able to argue that it is a special case as it could not apply the 8% loss to bondholders in 2010, because it was not permitted to do so.
{"title":"Will Ireland Get Access to the ESM Retrospectively – Which Countries Will Support Us?","authors":"Patricia Mcgrath","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2461391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2461391","url":null,"abstract":"Despite verbal assurarces that Europe was committed to separating Ireland's banking and sovereign debt, Ireland is now very much isolated in its stance to get bank recapitalisation via the ESM retrospectively. The debate over whether Ireland was forced to bail in the senior bondholders is discussed in this paper. The likelihood of support from Eurozone countries is also discussed and the conclusion is that almost 60% support is likely. Ireland may be able to argue that it is a special case as it could not apply the 8% loss to bondholders in 2010, because it was not permitted to do so.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"82 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132535126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the last few years, the European integration process has increasingly resorted to flexible mechanisms of co-operation and decision-making, involving only a limited number of European Union (EU) Member States. The economic and financial crisis itself - and above all the response of the EU to the crisis - has undoubtedly favoured the trend.These ongoing asymmetric mechanisms deeply challenge the supranational architecture upon which the EU experience is based, determining a major change in the formal role and powers of both the European and national institutions. In particular, the European Parliament is incapable of adapting its internal functioning to the asymmetric schemes. In order to contrast these trends, some hypotheses of reform have been formulated, aiming either at building a new institution, a sort of Euro-Parliament; or at adapting the internal organisation of the EP to ongoing asymmetric tendencies limiting the voting rights of MEPs.The essay challenges both these hypothesis, assuming that responding to the increasing asymmetries of the EU by making the existing institutions, above all the European Parliament, more asymmetric, would consistently endanger the cohesion of the Union and threaten the good functioning of its governing bodies. Rather, the approach should be based upon a re-consideration of the overall representative circuit upon which the EU is founded. This implies that an even more asymmetric EU will have to rely on its traditional channels of parliamentary representation: what will need to change is not related to the nature or the format of parliamentary representation, but rather to its operative patterns, which should count on strengthened cooperation among parliaments to accommodate asymmetric tendencies in the EU governance with flexible forms of interaction in the scrutiny of such procedures.
{"title":"Towards an Asymmetric European Union, Without an Asymmetric European Parliament","authors":"Elena Griglio, N. Lupo","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2460126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2460126","url":null,"abstract":"In the last few years, the European integration process has increasingly resorted to flexible mechanisms of co-operation and decision-making, involving only a limited number of European Union (EU) Member States. The economic and financial crisis itself - and above all the response of the EU to the crisis - has undoubtedly favoured the trend.These ongoing asymmetric mechanisms deeply challenge the supranational architecture upon which the EU experience is based, determining a major change in the formal role and powers of both the European and national institutions. In particular, the European Parliament is incapable of adapting its internal functioning to the asymmetric schemes. In order to contrast these trends, some hypotheses of reform have been formulated, aiming either at building a new institution, a sort of Euro-Parliament; or at adapting the internal organisation of the EP to ongoing asymmetric tendencies limiting the voting rights of MEPs.The essay challenges both these hypothesis, assuming that responding to the increasing asymmetries of the EU by making the existing institutions, above all the European Parliament, more asymmetric, would consistently endanger the cohesion of the Union and threaten the good functioning of its governing bodies. Rather, the approach should be based upon a re-consideration of the overall representative circuit upon which the EU is founded. This implies that an even more asymmetric EU will have to rely on its traditional channels of parliamentary representation: what will need to change is not related to the nature or the format of parliamentary representation, but rather to its operative patterns, which should count on strengthened cooperation among parliaments to accommodate asymmetric tendencies in the EU governance with flexible forms of interaction in the scrutiny of such procedures.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"130 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115421791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：