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Metis in Canada: History, Identity, Law & Politics, by Christopher Adams, Gregg Dahl and Ian Peach (eds) 《加拿大的梅蒂斯人:历史、身份、法律与政治》,克里斯托弗·亚当斯、格雷格·达尔、伊恩·皮奇主编。
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S4D59Q
Patrice P. Leclerc
Metis in Canada: History, Identity, Law & Politics, by Christopher Adams, Gregg Dahl and Ian Peach (eds)
《加拿大的梅蒂斯人:历史、身份、法律与政治》,克里斯托弗·亚当斯、格雷格·达尔、伊恩·皮奇主编。
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引用次数: 1
ON PACIFICATION: INTRODUCTION TO THE SPECIAL ISSUE 论绥靖:特刊导论
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S4PP4G
M. Neocleous, G. Rigakos, T. Wall
In 1957 at Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), one of NATO’s two strategic commands, a speech was given by General Allard of France. France had by that time given up what had become known as its ‘dirty war’ in Indochina, but was happy to continue a series of wars elsewhere which were hardly any ‘cleaner’. Such wars were understood by NATO and its allies, but also by their opponents, as ‘revolutionary wars’, and this was the subject of Allard’s speech: how to defeat the revolution. Allard’s view was that war against the various communist and socialist movements then in existence had to involve ‘pure’ military action, but that this alone would not be enough. Also needed was a second group of actions, grouped together because they worked in unison: psychological action, propaganda, political and operational intelligence, police measures, personal contacts with the population, and a host of social and economic programs. Of this combined action Allard notes: ‘I shall classify these various missions under two categories: Destruction and Construction. These two terms are inseparable. To destroy without building up would mean useless labor; to build without first destroying would be a delusion’. He then goes on to expand on these terms. The meaning of ‘destruction’ is fairly clear: the co-ordinated activity of army and associated state powers to ‘chase and annihilate … deal spectacular blows … and maintain insecurity’. ‘Construction’, however, means ‘building the peace’, ‘organizing the people’, persuading the people ‘by the use of education’ and, ultimately ‘preparing the establishment of a new order’. He adds: ‘This is the task of pacification’ (cited in Paret, 1964, 30-1). It is remarkable how often a comment along these lines appears, again and again,
1957年,在北约两大战略司令部之一的欧洲盟军最高司令部(SHAPE),法国的阿拉德将军发表了讲话。这样的战争被北约及其盟友理解为“革命战争”,但也被他们的反对者理解为“革命战争”,这就是阿拉德演讲的主题:如何打败革命。阿拉德的观点是,反对当时存在的各种共产主义和社会主义运动的战争必须涉及“纯粹的”军事行动,但仅此还不够。还需要第二组行动,因为它们是一致的,所以组合在一起:心理行动、宣传、政治和行动情报、警察措施、与民众的个人接触,以及一系列社会和经济计划。关于这种联合行动,阿拉德写道:“我将把这些不同的任务分为两类:破坏和建设。这两个术语是不可分割的。只破坏而不建设,就是徒劳无功;不先破坏而建设是一种妄想。”然后他继续扩展这些术语。“破坏”的含义相当明确:军队和相关国家力量的协同行动,以“追击和歼灭……进行惊人的打击……并维持不安全”。然而,“建设”意味着“建立和平”,“组织人民”,“利用教育”说服人民,最终“准备建立新秩序”。他补充说:“这是绥靖的任务”(引自帕雷特,1964年,30-1)。值得注意的是,这样的评论一次又一次地出现,
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引用次数: 31
The Pacification of the American Working Class: A Time Series Analysis 美国工人阶级的平定:一个时间序列分析
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S4J016
G. Rigakos, A. Ergul
In this paper we operationalize and empirically test six core tenets of pacification theory derived from Marxian political economy using time series data for the USA from 1972-2009. Our analysis confirms that rising inequality is statistically significantly correlated to increased public and private policing over time and that increased public and private policing is also statistically significantly correlated to increased industrial exploitation as measured through “surplus-value”. While unionization correlates to strikes and lock-outs which suggests that unions have an important mobilizing role for the industrial reserve army, unionization also inversely correlates to total policing employment. As union membership decreases, policing employment increases, which gives credence to the notion that unions may also act as policing agents for capital. We conclude that when these findings are coupled with our previous international research of 45 countries for the snapshot year of 2004 (Rigakos and Ergul 2011) that produced almost identical results, there appears to be significant empirical support for pacification theory. The relationships we have discovered recur both across time and international contexts despite the fact that variations in legal norms and institutional histories of policing are varied and complex.
本文利用1972-2009年美国的时间序列数据,对马克思主义政治经济学中的绥靖理论的六个核心原则进行了操作和实证检验。我们的分析证实,随着时间的推移,不平等的加剧在统计上与公共和私人警务的增加显著相关,而公共和私人警务的增加也在统计上与通过“剩余价值”衡量的工业剥削的增加显著相关。虽然工会化与罢工和停工相关,这表明工会对产业后备军具有重要的动员作用,但工会化也与警察总就业呈负相关。随着工会成员人数的减少,警察就业人数增加,这让人们相信工会也可能充当资本的警察代理人。我们的结论是,当这些发现与我们之前在2004年对45个国家进行的国际研究(Rigakos和Ergul 2011)相结合时,产生了几乎相同的结果,这似乎是对绥靖理论的重要实证支持。尽管法律规范和警务制度历史的变化是多样而复杂的,但我们发现的这种关系在不同的时间和国际背景下都是反复出现的。
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引用次数: 4
L'avenir de l'économie, by Jean-Pierre Dupuy 《经济的未来》,让-皮埃尔·迪普伊著
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S44S35
Elaine Coburn
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引用次数: 0
‘Clearly Blown Away by the End of the Morning’s Drama’: Spectacle, Pacification and the 2010 World Cup, South Africa “明显被早晨的戏剧结束所震撼”:奇观、和平与2010年南非世界杯
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S4X59C
Christopher McMichael
The massive security assemblages surrounding major sporting events and political summits embody two layers of spectacle. On the one hand, security operations are central to the governance of entertainment and media imagery. Simultaneously these security measures are profoundly theatrical and calibrated for the maximum visual impact: the spectacle of security itself. Some critical thinkers have described this dual spectacle as indicative of a contemporary state-corporate obsession with image and perception management, an obsession which detracts from ‘valid’ security concerns. By contrast I argue that spectacle and theatricality are in fact highly functional components of the pacification projects of state and capital. With reference to Guy Debord’s conception of ‘spectacle’, this article highlights how mega-events reveal, in highly dramatised form, the logic of pacification. Using the 2010 FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) soccer World Cup as a case study, the article demonstrates how police and military power are mobilised to secure accumulation, to enforce social control and to extend the power and arsenal of the state security apparatus. What is truly spectacular about mega-event security is not just the incorporation of media templates into the working of state forces. Rather, the rhetoric and concept of security itself becomes a form of spectacular power as it serves to both obscure and justify how mega-events are ultimately projects of class power.
围绕重大体育赛事和政治峰会的大规模安保集结体现了两层景观。一方面,安全操作是管理娱乐和媒体形象的核心。同时,这些安全措施具有深刻的戏剧性和校准,以达到最大的视觉影响:安全本身的奇观。一些批判性思想家将这种双重现象描述为当代国有企业对形象和感知管理的痴迷,这种痴迷削弱了对“有效”安全的关注。相比之下,我认为奇观和戏剧性实际上是国家和资本安抚项目的高度功能性组成部分。参考居伊·德波(Guy Debord)的“奇观”概念,本文强调了大型事件如何以高度戏剧化的形式揭示了和平的逻辑。本文以2010年国际足联(Federation Internationale de Football Association)足球世界杯为例,展示了如何动用警察和军事力量来确保积累,加强社会控制,并扩大国家安全机构的权力和武器库。大型活动安全的真正惊人之处,不仅仅是将媒体模板整合到国家部队的工作中。相反,安全的修辞和概念本身成为一种壮观的权力形式,因为它既模糊又证明了大型事件最终是阶级权力的项目。
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引用次数: 5
Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea, by Mark Blyth 《紧缩:一个危险思想的历史》,马克·布莱斯著
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-13 DOI: 10.18740/S48G6F
Scott M. Aquanno
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引用次数: 0
The Dream of Pacification: Accumulation, Class War, and the Hunt 绥靖之梦:积累、阶级战争和狩猎
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-12 DOI: 10.18740/S4K01H
M. Neocleous
This article argues that the category ‘pacification’ offers the critique of security a means of thinking through the connection between war, police and accumulation. Pacification is a process in which the war power is used in the fabrication of a social order of wage labour. This aligns the war power with the police power, and suggests that their interconnection might be understood through the lens of pacification. The article explores this through one of the mechanisms through which the war power and police power combine: the hunt. Capital rests on the hunt: the hunt for vagabonds, beggars, enemies, criminals, terrorists. Behind this hunt lies capital’s original demand, Let there be Accumulation! ‘Pacification’ is a category that helps us make sense of the way the state responds to this demand.
本文认为,通过战争、警察和积累之间的联系,“绥靖”这一范畴为安全批判提供了一种思维方式。绥靖是一个过程,在这个过程中,战争力量被用来制造一种雇佣劳动的社会秩序。这使战争权力与警察权力保持一致,并表明它们之间的相互联系可以通过和平的视角来理解。本文通过战争权力和警察权力结合的一种机制:狩猎来探讨这一点。资本依赖于追捕:追捕流浪汉、乞丐、敌人、罪犯和恐怖分子。这种追逐的背后是资本的原始需求,要有积累!“安抚”是一个帮助我们理解国家回应这种需求的方式的类别。
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引用次数: 32
Pacifying the ‘Armies of Offshore Labour’ in Canada 安抚加拿大的“海外劳工大军”
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-12 DOI: 10.18740/S45P4T
Adrian A. Smith
An exploration of the link between pacification and global apartheid in the context of the racialized effects of neoliberal labour migration is undertaken. Drawing on the general layout of Canada’s temporary labour migration regime, the legal regulation of migrant labour is taken as a project of pacification that enforces apartheid conditions. Juxtaposed against the construction of migrant labour as menace or threat to ‘host’ communities in Canada, the growing need for “armies of offshore labour” presents an especially acute challenge for capital and national states. Despite certain perceptions that it is freed from national state constraints owing to the hyper-competitiveness of contemporary migration, capital remains deeply beholden to the politico-legal interventions of states, both sending and receiving. Situated within the hierarchical and uneven logic of the nation-state system and global capitalist development, pacification becomes a way in which capital and states attempt to mediate contradictions and govern not “insecurities” surrounding human mobility but rather the need to fabricate productive labour, a need contingent upon the complex transnational legal regulatory dynamic of unfree migrant labour which itself relies upon and perpetuates apartheid.
在新自由主义劳工迁移的种族化影响的背景下,对和平与全球种族隔离之间的联系进行了探索。根据加拿大临时劳工移徙制度的总体布局,对移徙劳工的法律管制被视为一项强制执行种族隔离条件的绥靖项目。与移民劳工的建设作为对加拿大“东道国”社区的威胁或威胁并置,对“离岸劳动力大军”日益增长的需求对资本和民族国家提出了特别严峻的挑战。尽管某些人认为,由于当代移民的超强竞争力,资本从民族国家的限制中解脱出来,但资本仍然深深受制于国家的政治和法律干预,无论是输出国还是接受国。在民族国家体系和全球资本主义发展的等级制和不平衡逻辑中,绥化成为资本和国家试图调解矛盾的一种方式,不是治理围绕人类流动的“不安全”,而是治理制造生产劳动的需要,这种需要取决于复杂的跨国法律监管动态,即不自由的移民劳动力本身依赖并延续种族隔离。
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引用次数: 6
Pacification and Indigenous Struggles in Canada 加拿大的平定与原住民斗争
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-12 DOI: 10.18740/S49G6R
Tia Dafnos
Front-line police operations are deeply entwined with less visible activities – or practices not commonly identified as policing – that are carried out by a wide range of participants as strategies of settler-colonial pacification operating through the organizing logics of security and liberal legalism. Using open source texts and records obtained through access to information requests, this article unmaps some of the contemporary strategies employed by Canadian institutions to pacify Indigenous resistance. As a contribution to the body of work seeking to develop the politics of anti-security, the analysis disrupts the binary categories that animate security logic by examining the public order policing approach of the Ontario Provincial Police, the framing of Indigenous resistance as a security threat, and the integral role of Indian Affairs in securing the settler-state.
前线警察行动与不太显眼的活动(或通常不被认为是警务的做法)深深交织在一起,这些活动由广泛的参与者执行,作为通过安全和自由法律主义的组织逻辑运作的定居者-殖民地绥靖战略。本文使用通过获取信息请求获得的开源文本和记录,揭示了加拿大机构为平息土著抵抗所采用的一些当代策略。作为对寻求发展反安全政治的工作主体的贡献,分析通过检查安大略省警察的公共秩序维持方法,将土著抵抗视为安全威胁的框架,以及印第安事务在确保定居者国家安全方面的整体作用,打破了赋予安全逻辑活力的二元类别。
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引用次数: 24
Unmanning the Police Manhunt: Vertical Security as Pacification 解除警察追捕:纵向安全作为绥靖
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2013-12-12 DOI: 10.18740/S4F591
T. Wall
This article provides a critique of military aerial drones being “repurposed” as domestic security technologies. Mapping this process in regards to domestic policing agencies in the United States, the case of police drones speaks directly to the importation of actual military and colonial architectures into the routine spaces of the “homeland”, disclosing insidious entwinements of war and police, metropole and colony, accumulation and securitization. The “boomeranging” of military UAVs is but one contemporary example how war power and police power have long been allied and it is the logic of security and the practice of pacification that animates both. The police drone is but one of the most nascent technologies that extends or reproduces the police’s own design on the pacification of territory. Therefore, we must be careful not to fetishize the domestic police drone by framing this development as emblematic of a radical break from traditional policing mandates – the case of police drones is interesting less because it speaks about the militarization of the police, which it certainly does, but more about the ways in which it accentuates the mutual mandates and joint rationalities of war abroad and policing at home. Finally, the paper considers how the animus of police drones is productive of a particular form of organized suspicion, namely, the manhunt. Here, the “unmanning” of police power extends the police capability to not only see or know its dominion, but to quite literally track, pursue, and ultimately capture human prey.
这篇文章对军用无人机被“重新利用”为国内安全技术提出了批评。将这一过程映射到美国国内的警务机构中,警用无人机的案例直接说明了实际的军事和殖民建筑进入“家园”的日常空间,揭示了战争与警察、大都市与殖民地、积累与证券化的潜在纠缠。军用无人机的“回旋镖”只是当代战争力量和警察力量长期结盟的一个例子,安全的逻辑和和平的实践使两者活跃起来。警用无人机只是一种最新兴的技术之一,它扩展或复制了警方在维持治安方面的设计。因此,我们必须小心,不要盲目崇拜国内的无人驾驶警察,把这一发展视为对传统警务任务的彻底突破的象征——无人驾驶警察的案例之所以有趣,并不是因为它谈到了警察的军事化,而它确实是这样做的,而是因为它强调了海外战争和国内警务的相互授权和联合合理性。最后,本文考虑了警察无人机的敌意是如何产生一种特殊形式的有组织的怀疑,即追捕。在这里,警察权力的“无人控制”扩展了警察的能力,不仅可以看到或知道自己的统治范围,而且可以毫不夸张地跟踪、追捕并最终捕获人类猎物。
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引用次数: 60
期刊
Socialist Studies
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