Pub Date : 2019-11-01DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter2
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79838966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The historiography of Dutch Bible translations has largely focused on Jacob van Liesvelt’s 1526 “protestantizing” version, and Willem Vorsterman’s subsequent efforts to transform that version into a “Catholic” Bible (1528–1529). Less attention has been given to the following stage in the Antwerp printers’ competition to attract Bible readers: In 1532 Van Liesvelt published a Bible, containing a large number of annotations in the margins of the Old Testament, which chronologically situate the biblical events in the history of the world and the economy of salvation, next to other paratextual elements. Vorsterman responded by bringing a “catholicizing” glossed Bible to the market (1533–1534), in which typological annotations were also included in the margins. While giving an analysis of the text, paratext and imagery of the abovementioned Bibles, this article will investigate how the interplay of these elements on the page contributed to the creation of specific reading habits and strategies and stimulated the readers to perform specific reading and devotional activities. Also the inclusion of topical registers and liturgical reading schedules as navigational tools will be taken into consideration.
荷兰语圣经翻译的史学研究主要集中在雅各布·范·列斯维尔特(Jacob van Liesvelt) 1526年的“新教”版本，以及威廉·沃斯特曼(Willem Vorsterman)随后将该版本转化为“天主教”圣经(1528-1529)的努力上。在安特卫普印刷厂吸引圣经读者的竞争中，很少有人注意到接下来的阶段:1532年，范·列斯维尔特出版了一本圣经，在旧约的空白处有大量的注释，这些注释按时间顺序将圣经事件放在世界历史和救赎经济的位置上，旁边是其他文本元素。作为回应，沃斯特曼在1533年至1534年期间向市场推出了一本“天主教化”的《圣经》，书的页边空白处也附有预表注释。在分析上述圣经的文本、段落和意象的同时，本文将探讨这些元素在页面上的相互作用如何促成特定阅读习惯和策略的形成，并刺激读者进行特定的阅读和灵异活动。此外，专题登记册和礼仪阅读时间表作为导航工具也将被考虑在内。
{"title":"Shaping Religious Reading Cultures in the Early Modern Netherlands: The “Glossed Bibles” of Jacob van Liesvelt and Willem Vorsterman (1532–1534ff.)","authors":"Wim François, S. Corbellini","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The historiography of Dutch Bible translations has largely focused on Jacob van Liesvelt’s 1526 “protestantizing” version, and Willem Vorsterman’s subsequent efforts to transform that version into a “Catholic” Bible (1528–1529). Less attention has been given to the following stage in the Antwerp printers’ competition to attract Bible readers: In 1532 Van Liesvelt published a Bible, containing a large number of annotations in the margins of the Old Testament, which chronologically situate the biblical events in the history of the world and the economy of salvation, next to other paratextual elements. Vorsterman responded by bringing a “catholicizing” glossed Bible to the market (1533–1534), in which typological annotations were also included in the margins. While giving an analysis of the text, paratext and imagery of the abovementioned Bibles, this article will investigate how the interplay of these elements on the page contributed to the creation of specific reading habits and strategies and stimulated the readers to perform specific reading and devotional activities. Also the inclusion of topical registers and liturgical reading schedules as navigational tools will be taken into consideration.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87580425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article discusses artisans and people doing manual work in the French-speaking areas of Western Europe who owned and read the Bible or parts of its text during the late Middle Ages and the early sixteenth century. The historical evidence is based on post-mortem inventories from Amiens, Tournai, Lyon, and the Toulouse area. These documents show that Bibles were present in the private homes of artisans, some of them well-to-do, but others quite destitute. This development was probably related to a shift in the cultural representation of manual work in the same period: from a divine punishment into a social space of religion. The simple artisan life of the holy family, as imagined based upon the Gospel text, and their religious reading practices were recommended as an example to follow by both lay people and clerics.
{"title":"Manual Labour and Biblical Reading in Late Medieval France","authors":"M. Hoogvliet","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses artisans and people doing manual work in the French-speaking areas of Western Europe who owned and read the Bible or parts of its text during the late Middle Ages and the early sixteenth century. The historical evidence is based on post-mortem inventories from Amiens, Tournai, Lyon, and the Toulouse area. These documents show that Bibles were present in the private homes of artisans, some of them well-to-do, but others quite destitute. This development was probably related to a shift in the cultural representation of manual work in the same period: from a divine punishment into a social space of religion. The simple artisan life of the holy family, as imagined based upon the Gospel text, and their religious reading practices were recommended as an example to follow by both lay people and clerics.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81722315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The production and reception of early modern vernacular Bibles was not a uniform enterprise: printed scripture appeared in different sizes, translations, confessional colours, layout, and content. Through the analysis of the paratextual material in several Dutch Bible editions, this paper aims to determine whether different editions stimulated and framed different biblical reading practices, with a focus on complete Bibles and New Testaments published between 1522 and 1544 by the Antwerp printer Jacob van Liesvelt. The comparison of the paratextual features of Van Liesvelt’s complete Bibles and his other, smaller editions, shows that both types animated non-canonical, discontinuous and essentially active reading. However, whereas Van Liesvelt’s New Testaments seemed to encourage the reader to approach the book as a practical tool in his or her daily life, shaped by the rhythm of the zodiac and liturgy, the paratextual features of the complete Bibles facilitate a studious, almost encyclopaedic reading of the book.
{"title":"Framing Biblical Reading Practices: The Impact of the Paratext of Jacob van Liesvelt’s Bibles (1522–1545)","authors":"R. Hoff","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The production and reception of early modern vernacular Bibles was not a uniform enterprise: printed scripture appeared in different sizes, translations, confessional colours, layout, and content. Through the analysis of the paratextual material in several Dutch Bible editions, this paper aims to determine whether different editions stimulated and framed different biblical reading practices, with a focus on complete Bibles and New Testaments published between 1522 and 1544 by the Antwerp printer Jacob van Liesvelt. The comparison of the paratextual features of Van Liesvelt’s complete Bibles and his other, smaller editions, shows that both types animated non-canonical, discontinuous and essentially active reading. However, whereas Van Liesvelt’s New Testaments seemed to encourage the reader to approach the book as a practical tool in his or her daily life, shaped by the rhythm of the zodiac and liturgy, the paratextual features of the complete Bibles facilitate a studious, almost encyclopaedic reading of the book.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73396895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract From the fifteenth century onwards, devotional texts represented a prominent part of the output of the Italian printing press. Much of this production, which often represented a privileged way to access the biblical text, is still largely unexplored. My article will analyse a selection of devotional writings printed at the end of the fifteenth century and in the first three decades of the sixteenth century that were directed to a large audience of laymen and women of medium to low literacy. I will analyse how these texts entered the domestic devotional practices of Italian devotees, focussing especially on reading. I will take into account their suggestions about how, when, and by whom reading should be performed; what readings devotees were encouraged to pursue; how the ideal reader was shaped in the paratextual apparatuses; and, finally, what textual tools the readers were offered to perform their reading practices.
{"title":"Vernacular Books and Domestic Devotion in Cinquecento Italy","authors":"M. Faini","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract From the fifteenth century onwards, devotional texts represented a prominent part of the output of the Italian printing press. Much of this production, which often represented a privileged way to access the biblical text, is still largely unexplored. My article will analyse a selection of devotional writings printed at the end of the fifteenth century and in the first three decades of the sixteenth century that were directed to a large audience of laymen and women of medium to low literacy. I will analyse how these texts entered the domestic devotional practices of Italian devotees, focussing especially on reading. I will take into account their suggestions about how, when, and by whom reading should be performed; what readings devotees were encouraged to pursue; how the ideal reader was shaped in the paratextual apparatuses; and, finally, what textual tools the readers were offered to perform their reading practices.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79023801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Printed vernacular Bibles appeared in many European languages well before the Protestant Reformation, but in England the story is quite different. The first Catholic English New Testament was not printed until 1582, long after numerous Protestant editions had flooded the English Bible market. This article focuses on readers of this 1582 annotated Rheims New Testament, published by exiles in France and shipped surreptitiously northward for missionaries to convert, affirm, and educate British Catholics. Once in England this edition garnered an immense outpouring of printed confutations. Particularly significant was a 1589 dual printing of the Rheims text alongside the official version of the Church of England with extensive annotations by William Fulke. Reader markings in both the 1582 Rheims New Testament and its 1589 confutation, however, show early readers staking out confessional positions independent of the polemic of the printed texts, often putting these texts to purposes contrary to those intended.
{"title":"The Elizabethan Catholic New Testament and Its Readers","authors":"T. Fulton, Jeremy Specland","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Printed vernacular Bibles appeared in many European languages well before the Protestant Reformation, but in England the story is quite different. The first Catholic English New Testament was not printed until 1582, long after numerous Protestant editions had flooded the English Bible market. This article focuses on readers of this 1582 annotated Rheims New Testament, published by exiles in France and shipped surreptitiously northward for missionaries to convert, affirm, and educate British Catholics. Once in England this edition garnered an immense outpouring of printed confutations. Particularly significant was a 1589 dual printing of the Rheims text alongside the official version of the Church of England with extensive annotations by William Fulke. Reader markings in both the 1582 Rheims New Testament and its 1589 confutation, however, show early readers staking out confessional positions independent of the polemic of the printed texts, often putting these texts to purposes contrary to those intended.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78359943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article investigates a book-archeological approach to early modern Bible reading that maps the complex interactions between the substantive elements of a book (text, paratext, illustrations) on the one hand, and its historical readers and the traces they left on the other. That method is applied to all 43 extant copies of the Dutch Vorsterman Bible of 1533–1534. The editions printed by Willem Vorsterman were for a long time regarded as Protestant. However, the Bibles had the approval of the secular and ecclesiastic authorities and were intended for a Catholic public. The edition of 1533–1534 is a glossed Bible with many historicizing, chronological, linguistic and typological paratextual elements. The former owners of the 43 Bibles and their confessional background are examined. Intended and unintended traces of use give clues to the actual use of the Bible. The article turns at the end to a heavily annotated copy, examining the religious ideas of the annotator and the way in which he used the Bible.
{"title":"The Quest for the Early Modern Bible Reader: The Dutch Vorsterman Bible (1533–1534), its Readers and Users","authors":"Bert Tops","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-2010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates a book-archeological approach to early modern Bible reading that maps the complex interactions between the substantive elements of a book (text, paratext, illustrations) on the one hand, and its historical readers and the traces they left on the other. That method is applied to all 43 extant copies of the Dutch Vorsterman Bible of 1533–1534. The editions printed by Willem Vorsterman were for a long time regarded as Protestant. However, the Bibles had the approval of the secular and ecclesiastic authorities and were intended for a Catholic public. The edition of 1533–1534 is a glossed Bible with many historicizing, chronological, linguistic and typological paratextual elements. The former owners of the 43 Bibles and their confessional background are examined. Intended and unintended traces of use give clues to the actual use of the Bible. The article turns at the end to a heavily annotated copy, examining the religious ideas of the annotator and the way in which he used the Bible.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86711515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract “Conscience” was a main issue in the Catholic theology of the XVI century and it played an important part in the speculative theology of the great commentaries on the Summa theologiae, where it was treated as the epistemological problem of the synderesis. But it also dominated the literature of the Summulae confessorum, which was intended to solve problems of practical life. These writings could rely on a quite long and very rich tradition, which had given in the XV century a systematic shape to all questions pertaining to the different fora competent for the sins of the Christian. The main feature of this doctrine was that the church had to administrate both the forum internum and the forum externum, which was intended as a part of the ecclesiastic jurisdiction. The same pattern was adopted since the late XVI century by both Lutheran and Calvinistic or Puritan theology, of course with an important difference, because the sacramental mediation of the church in the process of the confession was progressively dismissed completely. In this way, the difference between the forum internum and the forum externum was developed to such a point that the former corresponded only with the singular conscience and the latter coincided only with the law of a sovereign power.
{"title":"Gewissen und Gerechtigkeit in den Beichtbüchern der Frühen Neuzeit","authors":"Merio Scattola","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2015-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2015-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract “Conscience” was a main issue in the Catholic theology of the XVI century and it played an important part in the speculative theology of the great commentaries on the Summa theologiae, where it was treated as the epistemological problem of the synderesis. But it also dominated the literature of the Summulae confessorum, which was intended to solve problems of practical life. These writings could rely on a quite long and very rich tradition, which had given in the XV century a systematic shape to all questions pertaining to the different fora competent for the sins of the Christian. The main feature of this doctrine was that the church had to administrate both the forum internum and the forum externum, which was intended as a part of the ecclesiastic jurisdiction. The same pattern was adopted since the late XVI century by both Lutheran and Calvinistic or Puritan theology, of course with an important difference, because the sacramental mediation of the church in the process of the confession was progressively dismissed completely. In this way, the difference between the forum internum and the forum externum was developed to such a point that the former corresponded only with the singular conscience and the latter coincided only with the law of a sovereign power.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90036725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This essay compares the experiences of Netherlandish Protestants who fled Habsburg persecution in the late sixteenth century in their three largest exile communities – Wesel, London and Emden. Previous scholars have emphasized that exile encouraged Netherlandish Protestants to develop more confessionally Calvinist ideas and to embrace a more volunteeristic understanding of faith, which could (and should) operate independent from government oversight. Further, scholars have suggested that Calvinism flourished in exile because its strict church discipline held fractured communities together. This essay reassesses these conclusions by examining the diversity of ideas circulating in exile communities, the flexibility of migrant churches to local conditions, the continued frustrations of pastors and elders in achieving their disciplinary objectives, and the repeated assurances among exile leaders of their obedience to political authorities. It concludes by suggesting that a newly founded exile community, Frankenthal, might be the closest to the model Reformed community proposed by scholars, but notes that it only ever attracted few Netherlandish Protestants.
{"title":"Exile Experiences and the Transformations of Religious Cultures in the Sixteenth Century: Wesel, London, Emden, and Frankenthal","authors":"Jesse A. Spohnholz","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay compares the experiences of Netherlandish Protestants who fled Habsburg persecution in the late sixteenth century in their three largest exile communities – Wesel, London and Emden. Previous scholars have emphasized that exile encouraged Netherlandish Protestants to develop more confessionally Calvinist ideas and to embrace a more volunteeristic understanding of faith, which could (and should) operate independent from government oversight. Further, scholars have suggested that Calvinism flourished in exile because its strict church discipline held fractured communities together. This essay reassesses these conclusions by examining the diversity of ideas circulating in exile communities, the flexibility of migrant churches to local conditions, the continued frustrations of pastors and elders in achieving their disciplinary objectives, and the repeated assurances among exile leaders of their obedience to political authorities. It concludes by suggesting that a newly founded exile community, Frankenthal, might be the closest to the model Reformed community proposed by scholars, but notes that it only ever attracted few Netherlandish Protestants.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77990538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines the policies that state and urban authorities within the Habsburg Netherlands adopted towards emigration during the Dutch Revolt. The Spanish Crown’s repression after the Iconoclastic Fury in 1566–7 intensified the exodus during the first decade of the Revolt, as local or exceptional courts often sanctioned these retreats through judicial banishment and confiscation of property. Beginning in 1579–81, however, there was a change in policy towards refugees, as local authorities in Habsburg territories abandoned their initial attempts at repression in favour of reconciliation and reintegration. While the new governor-general and city magistrates in reconciled cities encouraged Protestants to leave, they also welcomed those seeking to permanently return, albeit if they both pledged loyalty to the Spanish Crown and reconciled with the Catholic Church. This policy, as shown in pardon letters, petitions, and inquiries concerning returnees, met with some success.
{"title":"Changing Strategies of State and Urban Authorities in the Spanish Netherlands Towards Exiles and Returnees During the Dutch Revolt","authors":"V. Soen, Yves Junot","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the policies that state and urban authorities within the Habsburg Netherlands adopted towards emigration during the Dutch Revolt. The Spanish Crown’s repression after the Iconoclastic Fury in 1566–7 intensified the exodus during the first decade of the Revolt, as local or exceptional courts often sanctioned these retreats through judicial banishment and confiscation of property. Beginning in 1579–81, however, there was a change in policy towards refugees, as local authorities in Habsburg territories abandoned their initial attempts at repression in favour of reconciliation and reintegration. While the new governor-general and city magistrates in reconciled cities encouraged Protestants to leave, they also welcomed those seeking to permanently return, albeit if they both pledged loyalty to the Spanish Crown and reconciled with the Catholic Church. This policy, as shown in pardon letters, petitions, and inquiries concerning returnees, met with some success.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86538492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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