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Ex Meritis Praevisis: Predestination, Grace, and Free Will in intra-Jesuit Controversies (1587-1613) 前置功绩:耶稣会内部争论中的预定、恩典和自由意志(1587-1613)
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2020-2021
E. Rai
Abstract This article retraces the intra-Jesuit theological debates on the theology of salvation, including the relationship between the elements of predestination, God’s foreknowledge, Grace, and free will, in the delicate passage between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, and within the debates on Augustine’s theological legacy. Specifically, it explores the Flemish Jesuit Leonard Lessius’ theology and the discussions raised by it within the Society of Jesus, in order to show how soteriology has been central in the process of self-definition of the Jesuit identity in the Early Modern Age. This is particularly clear from the internal debates developed between Lessius, on the one hand, and General Claudio Acquaviva and curial theologian Roberto Bellarmino, on the other hand. Not only does the article investigate little known aspects of intra-Catholic theological debate in the post Tridentine period, but it also shows how deep pastoral and moral concerns strongly contributed to the rise of Lessius’ open-minded theology of salvation, which seemed to deprive God’s sovereign authority in favour of humankind’s free will, and human agency in the process of salvation.
本文回顾了16世纪到17世纪之间耶稣会内部关于救赎神学的神学辩论,包括预定、上帝的预知、恩典和自由意志等要素之间的关系,以及关于奥古斯丁神学遗产的辩论。具体来说,本书探讨了佛兰德耶稣会会会士莱纳德·莱西乌斯的神学,以及在耶稣会内部引发的讨论,以展示救赎论是如何在近代早期耶稣会会会士自我定义的过程中发挥核心作用的。这一点在莱西乌斯与克劳迪奥·阿卡维瓦将军和教堂神学家罗伯托·贝拉米诺之间的内部争论中尤为明显。这篇文章不仅调查了后特伦丁时期天主教内部神学辩论中鲜为人知的方面,而且还展示了深刻的牧区和道德关注对莱西乌斯开放的救赎神学的兴起有多么强烈的贡献,这种救赎神学似乎剥夺了上帝的主权,而有利于人类的自由意志,以及人类在救赎过程中的能动性。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter2
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引用次数: 0
Bibles in the Hands of Readers: Dutch, English, French, and Italian Perspectives 读者手中的圣经:荷兰语,英语,法语和意大利语的观点
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2014
T. Fulton
Abstract Vernacular Bibles and biblical texts were among the most circulated and most read books in late medieval and early modern Europe, both in manuscript and print. Vernacular scripture circulated throughout Europe in different ways and to different extents before and after the Reformation. In spite of the differences in language, centers of publication, and confessional orientation, there was nonetheless considerable collaboration and common ground. This collection of essays explores the readership of Dutch, English, French, and Italian biblical and devotional texts, focusing in particular on the relationships between the texts and paratexts of biblical texts, the records of ownership, and the marks and annotations of biblical readers. Evidence from early modern biblical texts and their users of all sorts – scholars, clerics, priests, laborers, artisans, and anonymous men and women, Protestant and Catholic – sheds light on how owners and readers used the biblical text.
白话圣经和圣经文本是中世纪晚期和近代早期欧洲流传最广、阅读最多的书籍之一,无论是手稿还是印刷版。在宗教改革前后,白话经文以不同的方式和不同的程度在欧洲流传。尽管在语言、出版中心和忏悔方向上存在差异,但仍有相当大的合作和共同点。这本文集探讨了荷兰语、英语、法语和意大利语圣经和灵修文本的读者群,特别关注圣经文本的文本和副文本之间的关系,所有权的记录,以及圣经读者的标记和注释。来自早期现代圣经文本及其各种使用者的证据——学者、神职人员、牧师、劳工、工匠、无名男女、新教徒和天主教徒——揭示了所有者和读者是如何使用圣经文本的。
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引用次数: 0
Framing Biblical Reading Practices: The Impact of the Paratext of Jacob van Liesvelt’s Bibles (1522–1545) 构建圣经阅读实践:雅各布·范·列斯维尔特《圣经》文本大意的影响(1522-1545)
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2011
R. Hoff
Abstract The production and reception of early modern vernacular Bibles was not a uniform enterprise: printed scripture appeared in different sizes, translations, confessional colours, layout, and content. Through the analysis of the paratextual material in several Dutch Bible editions, this paper aims to determine whether different editions stimulated and framed different biblical reading practices, with a focus on complete Bibles and New Testaments published between 1522 and 1544 by the Antwerp printer Jacob van Liesvelt. The comparison of the paratextual features of Van Liesvelt’s complete Bibles and his other, smaller editions, shows that both types animated non-canonical, discontinuous and essentially active reading. However, whereas Van Liesvelt’s New Testaments seemed to encourage the reader to approach the book as a practical tool in his or her daily life, shaped by the rhythm of the zodiac and liturgy, the paratextual features of the complete Bibles facilitate a studious, almost encyclopaedic reading of the book.
早期现代白话圣经的制作和接受并不是一个统一的企业:印刷的圣经出现了不同的大小,翻译,忏悔的颜色,布局和内容。通过对几个荷兰语圣经版本的文本材料的分析,本文旨在确定不同的版本是否刺激和构建了不同的圣经阅读实践,重点关注安特卫普印刷商雅各布·范·列斯维尔特在1522年至1544年间出版的完整的圣经和新约。通过比较范·列斯维尔特的《圣经》全集和他的其他小版本的双文本特征,可以看出这两种类型的阅读都是非规范的,不连续的,本质上是积极的。然而,尽管范·列斯维尔特的《新约》似乎鼓励读者在他或她的日常生活中把这本书作为一个实用的工具来对待,它是由黄道十二宫和礼拜仪式的节奏塑造的,但完整的《圣经》的双文本特征促进了对这本书的勤奋,几乎是百科全书式的阅读。
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引用次数: 1
Manual Labour and Biblical Reading in Late Medieval France 中世纪晚期法国的体力劳动与圣经阅读
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2009
M. Hoogvliet
Abstract This article discusses artisans and people doing manual work in the French-speaking areas of Western Europe who owned and read the Bible or parts of its text during the late Middle Ages and the early sixteenth century. The historical evidence is based on post-mortem inventories from Amiens, Tournai, Lyon, and the Toulouse area. These documents show that Bibles were present in the private homes of artisans, some of them well-to-do, but others quite destitute. This development was probably related to a shift in the cultural representation of manual work in the same period: from a divine punishment into a social space of religion. The simple artisan life of the holy family, as imagined based upon the Gospel text, and their religious reading practices were recommended as an example to follow by both lay people and clerics.
本文讨论了中世纪晚期和16世纪初西欧法语地区的工匠和从事体力劳动的人,他们拥有并阅读圣经或其部分文本。历史证据是基于亚眠、图尔奈、里昂和图卢兹地区的死后清单。这些文件表明,《圣经》存在于工匠的私人家中,其中一些人很富裕,但另一些人则相当贫困。这种发展可能与同一时期体力劳动的文化表现形式的转变有关:从神的惩罚到宗教的社会空间。神圣家庭的简单工匠生活,是基于福音文本的想象,他们的宗教阅读习惯被推荐为俗人和神职人员的榜样。
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引用次数: 1
Shaping Religious Reading Cultures in the Early Modern Netherlands: The “Glossed Bibles” of Jacob van Liesvelt and Willem Vorsterman (1532–1534ff.) 塑造近代早期荷兰的宗教阅读文化:雅各布·范·列斯维尔特和威廉·沃斯特曼的“粉饰圣经”(1532-1534ff)
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2008
Wim François, S. Corbellini
Abstract The historiography of Dutch Bible translations has largely focused on Jacob van Liesvelt’s 1526 “protestantizing” version, and Willem Vorsterman’s subsequent efforts to transform that version into a “Catholic” Bible (1528–1529). Less attention has been given to the following stage in the Antwerp printers’ competition to attract Bible readers: In 1532 Van Liesvelt published a Bible, containing a large number of annotations in the margins of the Old Testament, which chronologically situate the biblical events in the history of the world and the economy of salvation, next to other paratextual elements. Vorsterman responded by bringing a “catholicizing” glossed Bible to the market (1533–1534), in which typological annotations were also included in the margins. While giving an analysis of the text, paratext and imagery of the abovementioned Bibles, this article will investigate how the interplay of these elements on the page contributed to the creation of specific reading habits and strategies and stimulated the readers to perform specific reading and devotional activities. Also the inclusion of topical registers and liturgical reading schedules as navigational tools will be taken into consideration.
荷兰语圣经翻译的史学研究主要集中在雅各布·范·列斯维尔特(Jacob van Liesvelt) 1526年的“新教”版本,以及威廉·沃斯特曼(Willem Vorsterman)随后将该版本转化为“天主教”圣经(1528-1529)的努力上。在安特卫普印刷厂吸引圣经读者的竞争中,很少有人注意到接下来的阶段:1532年,范·列斯维尔特出版了一本圣经,在旧约的空白处有大量的注释,这些注释按时间顺序将圣经事件放在世界历史和救赎经济的位置上,旁边是其他文本元素。作为回应,沃斯特曼在1533年至1534年期间向市场推出了一本“天主教化”的《圣经》,书的页边空白处也附有预表注释。在分析上述圣经的文本、段落和意象的同时,本文将探讨这些元素在页面上的相互作用如何促成特定阅读习惯和策略的形成,并刺激读者进行特定的阅读和灵异活动。此外,专题登记册和礼仪阅读时间表作为导航工具也将被考虑在内。
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引用次数: 0
Vernacular Books and Domestic Devotion in Cinquecento Italy 五十年代意大利的白话文书籍与家庭虔诚
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2013
M. Faini
Abstract From the fifteenth century onwards, devotional texts represented a prominent part of the output of the Italian printing press. Much of this production, which often represented a privileged way to access the biblical text, is still largely unexplored. My article will analyse a selection of devotional writings printed at the end of the fifteenth century and in the first three decades of the sixteenth century that were directed to a large audience of laymen and women of medium to low literacy. I will analyse how these texts entered the domestic devotional practices of Italian devotees, focussing especially on reading. I will take into account their suggestions about how, when, and by whom reading should be performed; what readings devotees were encouraged to pursue; how the ideal reader was shaped in the paratextual apparatuses; and, finally, what textual tools the readers were offered to perform their reading practices.
从15世纪开始,祈祷文本代表了意大利印刷机输出的突出部分。这种作品通常代表着一种接触圣经文本的特权方式,但大部分仍未被探索。我的文章将分析15世纪末和16世纪前30年出版的一些灵修作品,这些作品的受众主要是中等到低文化水平的外行男女。我将分析这些文本如何进入意大利奉献者的家庭虔诚实践,特别关注阅读。我会考虑他们关于如何、何时、由谁来阅读的建议;鼓励信徒读什么书;理想的读者是如何在超文本装置中被塑造的;最后,为读者提供了哪些文本工具来进行阅读练习。
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引用次数: 1
The Quest for the Early Modern Bible Reader: The Dutch Vorsterman Bible (1533–1534), its Readers and Users 探索早期现代圣经读者:荷兰沃斯特曼圣经(1533-1534),它的读者和用户
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2010
Bert Tops
Abstract This article investigates a book-archeological approach to early modern Bible reading that maps the complex interactions between the substantive elements of a book (text, paratext, illustrations) on the one hand, and its historical readers and the traces they left on the other. That method is applied to all 43 extant copies of the Dutch Vorsterman Bible of 1533–1534. The editions printed by Willem Vorsterman were for a long time regarded as Protestant. However, the Bibles had the approval of the secular and ecclesiastic authorities and were intended for a Catholic public. The edition of 1533–1534 is a glossed Bible with many historicizing, chronological, linguistic and typological paratextual elements. The former owners of the 43 Bibles and their confessional background are examined. Intended and unintended traces of use give clues to the actual use of the Bible. The article turns at the end to a heavily annotated copy, examining the religious ideas of the annotator and the way in which he used the Bible.
本文研究了一种早期现代圣经阅读的书籍考古学方法,该方法绘制了一本书的实质性元素(文本,段落,插图)与历史读者及其留下的痕迹之间复杂的相互作用。这种方法适用于所有现存的43本1533-1534年的荷兰沃斯特曼圣经。威廉·沃斯特曼印刷的版本在很长一段时间里都被认为是新教的。然而,《圣经》得到了世俗和教会当局的认可,是为天主教公众准备的。1533年至1534年的版本是一本经过润色的圣经,其中包含了许多历史化的、时间顺序的、语言的和类型化的文本外元素。43本圣经的前主人和他们的忏悔背景进行了审查。有意或无意的使用痕迹为圣经的实际使用提供了线索。这篇文章最后变成了一份大量注释的副本,检查了注释者的宗教思想以及他使用圣经的方式。
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引用次数: 0
The Elizabethan Catholic New Testament and Its Readers 伊丽莎白时代的天主教新约及其读本
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-2012
T. Fulton, Jeremy Specland
Abstract Printed vernacular Bibles appeared in many European languages well before the Protestant Reformation, but in England the story is quite different. The first Catholic English New Testament was not printed until 1582, long after numerous Protestant editions had flooded the English Bible market. This article focuses on readers of this 1582 annotated Rheims New Testament, published by exiles in France and shipped surreptitiously northward for missionaries to convert, affirm, and educate British Catholics. Once in England this edition garnered an immense outpouring of printed confutations. Particularly significant was a 1589 dual printing of the Rheims text alongside the official version of the Church of England with extensive annotations by William Fulke. Reader markings in both the 1582 Rheims New Testament and its 1589 confutation, however, show early readers staking out confessional positions independent of the polemic of the printed texts, often putting these texts to purposes contrary to those intended.
早在新教改革之前,《圣经》就以多种欧洲语言出版,但在英国,情况却大不相同。第一本天主教英语版《新约》直到1582年才印刷出来,这是在大量新教版本涌入英语圣经市场很久之后。这篇文章的重点是1582年注释的兰斯新约的读者,由法国的流亡者出版,秘密地向北运送给传教士,让他们皈依、确认和教育英国天主教徒。一旦在英国,这个版本就获得了大量的印刷内容。特别重要的是,1589年,兰斯的文本与英国国教的官方版本同时印刷,并由威廉·富尔克(William Fulke)进行了大量注释。然而,1582年《兰斯新约》和1589年《新约》的读者标记都显示,早期读者提出了独立于印刷文本论战的忏悔立场,经常使这些文本达到与预期相反的目的。
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引用次数: 2
Gewissen und Gerechtigkeit in den Beichtbüchern der Frühen Neuzeit 你可在近代早期的告解书中…秉持良心与正义
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-07 DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2015-0006
Merio Scattola
Abstract “Conscience” was a main issue in the Catholic theology of the XVI century and it played an important part in the speculative theology of the great commentaries on the Summa theologiae, where it was treated as the epistemological problem of the synderesis. But it also dominated the literature of the Summulae confessorum, which was intended to solve problems of practical life. These writings could rely on a quite long and very rich tradition, which had given in the XV century a systematic shape to all questions pertaining to the different fora competent for the sins of the Christian. The main feature of this doctrine was that the church had to administrate both the forum internum and the forum externum, which was intended as a part of the ecclesiastic jurisdiction. The same pattern was adopted since the late XVI century by both Lutheran and Calvinistic or Puritan theology, of course with an important difference, because the sacramental mediation of the church in the process of the confession was progressively dismissed completely. In this way, the difference between the forum internum and the forum externum was developed to such a point that the former corresponded only with the singular conscience and the latter coincided only with the law of a sovereign power.
摘要“良心”是十六世纪天主教神学的一个主要问题,它在神学大全的伟大评论的思辨神学中发挥了重要作用,在那里它被视为认识论的问题。但它也主导了《忏悔录》的文学,《忏悔录》旨在解决实际生活中的问题。这些著作可以依赖于一个相当长的,非常丰富的传统,它在十五世纪给了一个系统的形状,所有的问题都与不同的论坛有关,可以胜任基督徒的罪。这一学说的主要特点是教会必须管理内部法庭和外部法庭,这是教会管辖权的一部分。自十六世纪后期以来,路德宗、加尔文宗或清教神学都采用了同样的模式,当然,两者之间有很大的不同,因为教会在忏悔过程中的圣礼调解逐渐被完全摒弃了。就这样,“内场”和“外场”之间的区别发展到这样一个地步,即前者只与个人良心相符合,后者只与主权权力的法律相一致。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Early Modern Christianity
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