Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2237778
X. Qian
Abstract It is an important part of the Belt and Road initiative that China and Arab countries to strengthen energy cooperation and jointly build the energy Silk Road. China-Arab has made remarkable progress in energy cooperation, especially in the fields of oil and gas cooperation and new energy cooperation. China and Arab countries are also strengthening strategic docking, promoting energy transition and cooperation in the field of new energy, and working to form a clean energy production and modern energy consumption system. China and Arab countries should deepen energy cooperation by taking their complementary advantages, improve the docking mechanism of energy cooperation, promote cooperation in the whole energy industry chain, and avoid geopolitical risks through co-development. In the future, the energy transition will also bring great opportunities for deepening China-Arab energy cooperation. At the same time, political and economic risks will still be an important challenge for China-Arab energy cooperation. However, the sound political foundation between China and Arab countries is the long-term advantage of China-Arab energy cooperation.
{"title":"China-Arab Energy Cooperation: Construct new Energy Silk Road","authors":"X. Qian","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2237778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2237778","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is an important part of the Belt and Road initiative that China and Arab countries to strengthen energy cooperation and jointly build the energy Silk Road. China-Arab has made remarkable progress in energy cooperation, especially in the fields of oil and gas cooperation and new energy cooperation. China and Arab countries are also strengthening strategic docking, promoting energy transition and cooperation in the field of new energy, and working to form a clean energy production and modern energy consumption system. China and Arab countries should deepen energy cooperation by taking their complementary advantages, improve the docking mechanism of energy cooperation, promote cooperation in the whole energy industry chain, and avoid geopolitical risks through co-development. In the future, the energy transition will also bring great opportunities for deepening China-Arab energy cooperation. At the same time, political and economic risks will still be an important challenge for China-Arab energy cooperation. However, the sound political foundation between China and Arab countries is the long-term advantage of China-Arab energy cooperation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"201 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42270989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2237779
Yushi Tian, Zhongmin Liu
Abstract Germany has been an important participant in the resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue, and the evolution of the Iranian nuclear crisis has become a major event in the international community at the beginning of the 21st century. The U.S. pursued unilateralism and hegemony, advocating unilateral sanctions and coercive means to solve the problem, while the EU, led by Germany, adhered to multilateralism and advocated a peaceful solution through negotiations and other means. After Merkel came to power, she promptly adjusted her policy towards the U.S., made the U.S. accept the EU proposal, shaped Germany into a role that is bold to challenge and take responsibility in the face of crises, pushed the UN Security Council to reach multilateral sanctions and comprehensive EU sanctions against Iran, and finally reached the Iran nuclear deal. This journey fully demonstrates Germany’s pursuit of foreign policy autonomy in the post-Cold War era, balancing the two pillars of foreign policy towards Europe and the U.S. in pursuit of its own interests.
{"title":"A Study of Post-Cold War German Policy Towards the Iranian Nuclear Issue","authors":"Yushi Tian, Zhongmin Liu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2237779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2237779","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Germany has been an important participant in the resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue, and the evolution of the Iranian nuclear crisis has become a major event in the international community at the beginning of the 21st century. The U.S. pursued unilateralism and hegemony, advocating unilateral sanctions and coercive means to solve the problem, while the EU, led by Germany, adhered to multilateralism and advocated a peaceful solution through negotiations and other means. After Merkel came to power, she promptly adjusted her policy towards the U.S., made the U.S. accept the EU proposal, shaped Germany into a role that is bold to challenge and take responsibility in the face of crises, pushed the UN Security Council to reach multilateral sanctions and comprehensive EU sanctions against Iran, and finally reached the Iran nuclear deal. This journey fully demonstrates Germany’s pursuit of foreign policy autonomy in the post-Cold War era, balancing the two pillars of foreign policy towards Europe and the U.S. in pursuit of its own interests.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"138 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43947133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2231250
Salim Dib, Kebir Sandy
Abstract Morocco currently occupies a curious position as both a country of transit and a country of installation for migrants originating from Sub-Saharan countries. Even though the new migration policy reform has provided migrants with some new rights, public opinion is still unready to shape and reshape their perceptions of 'black’ African migrants. The situation of those migrants has grabbed media attention, especially in newspapers; hundreds of articles and reports have been written in newspapers, criticising or denouncing the phenomenon. Although the currently available body research has tended to neglect the linguistic ways in which such media convey meaning along the side of their use of images, little attention has been paid to language-based media. As such, this paper scrutinises (i) the depiction of Sub-Saharan migrants in Moroccan print newspapers headlines before and after the migration reform, and (ii) it considers how reports on ‘black’ African migrants in Morocco may lead to propagating stereotypical acts and xenophobia towards this category. The study examines the topics covered and reveals the patterns used in the coverage of related topics, such as illegality and violence, before and after the new migration policy in 2013. With these objectives in mind, this study is based on qualitative data of news items and reports from the two daily printed newspapers, Assabah and Almassae. Relying on Critical Discourse Analysis and Content Analysis has demonstrated an overgeneralisation of Sub-Saharan migrants in news headlines in general. The results also show a dramatic change in the thematic coverage during the selected period.
{"title":"Sub-Saharan Migrants in Moroccan Print Media: Discourses of Violence, Security, and Illegality before and after the Migration Reform","authors":"Salim Dib, Kebir Sandy","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2231250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2231250","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Morocco currently occupies a curious position as both a country of transit and a country of installation for migrants originating from Sub-Saharan countries. Even though the new migration policy reform has provided migrants with some new rights, public opinion is still unready to shape and reshape their perceptions of 'black’ African migrants. The situation of those migrants has grabbed media attention, especially in newspapers; hundreds of articles and reports have been written in newspapers, criticising or denouncing the phenomenon. Although the currently available body research has tended to neglect the linguistic ways in which such media convey meaning along the side of their use of images, little attention has been paid to language-based media. As such, this paper scrutinises (i) the depiction of Sub-Saharan migrants in Moroccan print newspapers headlines before and after the migration reform, and (ii) it considers how reports on ‘black’ African migrants in Morocco may lead to propagating stereotypical acts and xenophobia towards this category. The study examines the topics covered and reveals the patterns used in the coverage of related topics, such as illegality and violence, before and after the new migration policy in 2013. With these objectives in mind, this study is based on qualitative data of news items and reports from the two daily printed newspapers, Assabah and Almassae. Relying on Critical Discourse Analysis and Content Analysis has demonstrated an overgeneralisation of Sub-Saharan migrants in news headlines in general. The results also show a dramatic change in the thematic coverage during the selected period.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"151 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48285616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2231248
Rawya Gamil, Jun Zhao
Abstract After the collapse of the Mubarak regime, the activities of Islamic extremism organisations in Egypt have been frequent, which brought great challenges to national security and social stability. After Sisi came into power, the Egyptian government took various measures to actively promote the de-extremism work, however, the difficulties in the process of Egypt’s de-extremism cannot be ignored. Whether the transition of de-extremism from a movement to a institution can be realised will be the key to its long-term effect.
{"title":"The De-Extremism Strategy of Egypt’s Sisi Government and Its Practice","authors":"Rawya Gamil, Jun Zhao","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2231248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2231248","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract After the collapse of the Mubarak regime, the activities of Islamic extremism organisations in Egypt have been frequent, which brought great challenges to national security and social stability. After Sisi came into power, the Egyptian government took various measures to actively promote the de-extremism work, however, the difficulties in the process of Egypt’s de-extremism cannot be ignored. Whether the transition of de-extremism from a movement to a institution can be realised will be the key to its long-term effect.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"170 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48084090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2231251
Hazal Muslu El Berni
Abstract Saudi foreign policy entered into a transformation period towards a de-militarization and de-escalation with the regional and non-regional actors since the Al-Ula Peace in January 2021. Under the supervision of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi decision-makers constructed a new domestic power paradigm based on economic diversification and an ambitious Saudi nation described in the 2030 Saudi Vision. Accordingly, the changing regional security perceptions of the regional actors based on diplomatic manoeuvres awakened Saudi Arabia to invest in building soft power apart from the religious leadership in the Muslim world. Thus, the King Salman period experiences producing a Saudi soft power in cultural, social, political, and economic ways while silencing the religious rhetoric in foreign policy making.
{"title":"The Power Paradigm of the King Salman Period: Building a Saudi Soft Power?","authors":"Hazal Muslu El Berni","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2231251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2231251","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Saudi foreign policy entered into a transformation period towards a de-militarization and de-escalation with the regional and non-regional actors since the Al-Ula Peace in January 2021. Under the supervision of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi decision-makers constructed a new domestic power paradigm based on economic diversification and an ambitious Saudi nation described in the 2030 Saudi Vision. Accordingly, the changing regional security perceptions of the regional actors based on diplomatic manoeuvres awakened Saudi Arabia to invest in building soft power apart from the religious leadership in the Muslim world. Thus, the King Salman period experiences producing a Saudi soft power in cultural, social, political, and economic ways while silencing the religious rhetoric in foreign policy making.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"190 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48498915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190610
Song Niu, Danyu Wang
Abstract The ‘Three Summits’ are three specific diplomatic events, namely the China-Saudi Arabia Summit (Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Saudi Arabia), China-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and China-Arab States Summit for Cooperation and Development. The realisation of President Xi’s state visit to Saudi Arabia came from the following three reasons: firstly, both sides seised the opportunity to push bilateral relations forward; secondly, both sides valued each other’s comprehensive strength and influence; thirdly, both sides made it a common goal to build the ‘Belt and Road’ and promote the docking of their strategies. The mending of relations within the GCC states has laid the groundwork for a successful China-GCC Summit, and China is also focussing on maintaining a balance between Saudi Arabia and other GCC members, with a growing trend of GCC states’ ‘looking eastward’. The success of the China-Arab States Summit is due to the background of profound changes unseen in a century and the opening of the post-pandemic era, as well as to the promotion of China’s head-of-state diplomacy, in addition to the solid foundation of cooperation that already exists between China and Arab world. The ‘Three Summits’ became a new starting point for China’s diplomacy with the Arab countries after the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), providing an opportunity for the Chinese President to hold several bilateral meetings with Arab leaders. In short, ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation between China and Arab countries will continue to expand in the future, and the two sides will work together to promote the building of a China-Arab community with a shared future. The strategic partnership between China and the GCC will be strengthened, and the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Saudi Arabia will continue to develop.
{"title":"‘Three Summits’ and the New Development of China-Arab States Relations in the New Era","authors":"Song Niu, Danyu Wang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190610","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ‘Three Summits’ are three specific diplomatic events, namely the China-Saudi Arabia Summit (Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Saudi Arabia), China-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and China-Arab States Summit for Cooperation and Development. The realisation of President Xi’s state visit to Saudi Arabia came from the following three reasons: firstly, both sides seised the opportunity to push bilateral relations forward; secondly, both sides valued each other’s comprehensive strength and influence; thirdly, both sides made it a common goal to build the ‘Belt and Road’ and promote the docking of their strategies. The mending of relations within the GCC states has laid the groundwork for a successful China-GCC Summit, and China is also focussing on maintaining a balance between Saudi Arabia and other GCC members, with a growing trend of GCC states’ ‘looking eastward’. The success of the China-Arab States Summit is due to the background of profound changes unseen in a century and the opening of the post-pandemic era, as well as to the promotion of China’s head-of-state diplomacy, in addition to the solid foundation of cooperation that already exists between China and Arab world. The ‘Three Summits’ became a new starting point for China’s diplomacy with the Arab countries after the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), providing an opportunity for the Chinese President to hold several bilateral meetings with Arab leaders. In short, ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation between China and Arab countries will continue to expand in the future, and the two sides will work together to promote the building of a China-Arab community with a shared future. The strategic partnership between China and the GCC will be strengthened, and the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Saudi Arabia will continue to develop.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"15 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47482545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2200115
Degang Sun, Fanxi He
Abstract The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is the most important economic, energy and political coalition in the Middle East. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the most influential Eurasian political and economic bloc. In the vicissitude international situation, the SCO is expanding westward; Qatar and Saudi Arabia have become the partners of dialogue; Bahrain, Kuwait and the UAE have applied for being partners for dialogue. Likewise, the GCC is looking eastward, exploring cooperation with Russia within the framework of ‘OPEC+’, with China in ‘China-GCC Summit and China-GCC Strategic Dialogue’, and with India within the framework of I2U2 (Israel, India, United States and the United Arab Emirates). The ‘SCO + GCC+’ cooperation mechanism is inclusive, compatible with the US, European and the NATO’s military engagement with the GCC, which will open a new ground for bilateral cooperation and multilateral interaction between East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, North Asia and West Asia, conducive to building ‘an Asian community of shared future’ in the long run.
{"title":"GCC Countries’ Future Relationship With the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Motivation and Prospect","authors":"Degang Sun, Fanxi He","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2200115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2200115","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is the most important economic, energy and political coalition in the Middle East. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the most influential Eurasian political and economic bloc. In the vicissitude international situation, the SCO is expanding westward; Qatar and Saudi Arabia have become the partners of dialogue; Bahrain, Kuwait and the UAE have applied for being partners for dialogue. Likewise, the GCC is looking eastward, exploring cooperation with Russia within the framework of ‘OPEC+’, with China in ‘China-GCC Summit and China-GCC Strategic Dialogue’, and with India within the framework of I2U2 (Israel, India, United States and the United Arab Emirates). The ‘SCO + GCC+’ cooperation mechanism is inclusive, compatible with the US, European and the NATO’s military engagement with the GCC, which will open a new ground for bilateral cooperation and multilateral interaction between East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, North Asia and West Asia, conducive to building ‘an Asian community of shared future’ in the long run.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"1 - 14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44291267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194
Dandan Zhang
Abstract Strengthening the security protection of overseas Chinese is an important means for China to safeguard its overseas interests. The Middle East is in turmoil with frequent security incidents involving Chinese nationals and their assets. Ensuring the safety of Chinese natioanls is an important part of promoting the sound development of China and the Middle East relations. Drawing on the questionnaire survey, this paper examines the security threats and risks faced by Chinese nationals in some Middle Eastern states, and seeks to explore how China might enhance its security protection capability accordingly for Chinese nationals in the Middle East. It shows that the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals, by strengthening the top-level design and mechanism coordination, improving the consular protection system and overseas evacuation capabilities, and participating in security governance and non-traditional security cooperation in the Middle East.
{"title":"China’s Security Protection of Chinese Nationals in the Middle East","authors":"Dandan Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Strengthening the security protection of overseas Chinese is an important means for China to safeguard its overseas interests. The Middle East is in turmoil with frequent security incidents involving Chinese nationals and their assets. Ensuring the safety of Chinese natioanls is an important part of promoting the sound development of China and the Middle East relations. Drawing on the questionnaire survey, this paper examines the security threats and risks faced by Chinese nationals in some Middle Eastern states, and seeks to explore how China might enhance its security protection capability accordingly for Chinese nationals in the Middle East. It shows that the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals, by strengthening the top-level design and mechanism coordination, improving the consular protection system and overseas evacuation capabilities, and participating in security governance and non-traditional security cooperation in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"66 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45589256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613
Ahmed Bux Jamali, Hongsong Liu, Mehmood Hussain
Abstract This paper examines the potential of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for shared prosperity and economic development through enhanced regional connectivity. It argues that CPEC can act as a regional connector for South Asian and Middle Eastern states by bringing enormous economic and trade opportunities. Having examined the potential utilisation of CPEC as a regional connector in contextualising the Pakistan-China shared consensus for the inclusion of new partners, this paper investigates the areas of regional connectivity cooperation and cross-border linkages with India, Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, and highlights the prospects and challenges to CPEC for mutual collaboration and expanded regionalisation.
{"title":"Regional Connectivity and Inclusion of New Partners in China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: Prospects and Challenges","authors":"Ahmed Bux Jamali, Hongsong Liu, Mehmood Hussain","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the potential of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for shared prosperity and economic development through enhanced regional connectivity. It argues that CPEC can act as a regional connector for South Asian and Middle Eastern states by bringing enormous economic and trade opportunities. Having examined the potential utilisation of CPEC as a regional connector in contextualising the Pakistan-China shared consensus for the inclusion of new partners, this paper investigates the areas of regional connectivity cooperation and cross-border linkages with India, Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, and highlights the prospects and challenges to CPEC for mutual collaboration and expanded regionalisation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"31 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47399021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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