Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813
K. Aboul-Dahab
Abstract In March 2015, China issued an action plan which described the main objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As part of the BRI, Beijing launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 with a loose mandate. It has since become a significant part of Beijing’s overall BRI strategy, under which China provides aid, political support, and other assistance to recipient states. In June 2014, Chinese President Xi Jinping attended the sixth session of the ministerial meeting of the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum. During the meeting, Xi put forward the strategic concept of China–Arab cooperation mode as ‘1 + 2 + 3,’ with the ‘3’ including nuclear energy, aerospace and satellite technology and new energy. The two sides have agreed on the establishment of the China–Arab Centre for Technology Transfer, the construction of training centres for Arabian countries peaceful use of nuclear energy, and research on the use of China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite system in the Arab states. in Tunisia in April 2018. This paper will review the collaboration of China and the Arab states to implement a positive model of technological development and digital connectivity. Further, the ICT development of the Arab states in comparison to China will be investigated to explain changes observed in the countries ICT Exports.
{"title":"The Virtual Silk Road between China and the Arab States","authors":"K. Aboul-Dahab","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In March 2015, China issued an action plan which described the main objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As part of the BRI, Beijing launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 with a loose mandate. It has since become a significant part of Beijing’s overall BRI strategy, under which China provides aid, political support, and other assistance to recipient states. In June 2014, Chinese President Xi Jinping attended the sixth session of the ministerial meeting of the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum. During the meeting, Xi put forward the strategic concept of China–Arab cooperation mode as ‘1 + 2 + 3,’ with the ‘3’ including nuclear energy, aerospace and satellite technology and new energy. The two sides have agreed on the establishment of the China–Arab Centre for Technology Transfer, the construction of training centres for Arabian countries peaceful use of nuclear energy, and research on the use of China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite system in the Arab states. in Tunisia in April 2018. This paper will review the collaboration of China and the Arab states to implement a positive model of technological development and digital connectivity. Further, the ICT development of the Arab states in comparison to China will be investigated to explain changes observed in the countries ICT Exports.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41997619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814
Yuanxia Zhang
Abstract This paper explores the approach of political integration behind the decision-making made by the Jordanian government in response to the threat of the COVID-19 global pandemic. Although Jordan is a developing MENA country that has relatively controlled the spread of the epidemic, especially in the first half of 2020, through 2020, to fight COVID-19, the Jordanian government was generally reluctant to give up nation-building that could contribute to political integration. Those specific policies to fight the pandemic are not only for ‘knee-hopping’ to responding to short-term suppression of public health security threats, but to smoothly maintain the existing political system, conveying comprehensive political culture, coping with external expectations, and balancing domestic forces in particular between ethnic groups, so as to achieve political integration required by a solid nation state.
{"title":"A Nation-Building Analysis of Jordan’s Response to Pandemic with the Perspective of Political Integration","authors":"Yuanxia Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the approach of political integration behind the decision-making made by the Jordanian government in response to the threat of the COVID-19 global pandemic. Although Jordan is a developing MENA country that has relatively controlled the spread of the epidemic, especially in the first half of 2020, through 2020, to fight COVID-19, the Jordanian government was generally reluctant to give up nation-building that could contribute to political integration. Those specific policies to fight the pandemic are not only for ‘knee-hopping’ to responding to short-term suppression of public health security threats, but to smoothly maintain the existing political system, conveying comprehensive political culture, coping with external expectations, and balancing domestic forces in particular between ethnic groups, so as to achieve political integration required by a solid nation state.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45173646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1886512
Robert G. Rabil
Abstract This monograph examines the backgrounds against which the shifts in Lebanon-Turkey relationship have taken place and the methodology with which Turkey has pursued its foreign policy towards Lebanon. In so doing, the monograph sheds light on the scope and breadth of Turkish influence in Lebanon.
{"title":"Lebanon-Turkey Relations: Reclaiming the “Sword” and “Crescent” of Islam","authors":"Robert G. Rabil","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1886512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886512","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This monograph examines the backgrounds against which the shifts in Lebanon-Turkey relationship have taken place and the methodology with which Turkey has pursued its foreign policy towards Lebanon. In so doing, the monograph sheds light on the scope and breadth of Turkish influence in Lebanon.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886512","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44015008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1881326
Mordechai Chaziza
Abstract Turkey is one of the main regional powers in the Middle East, a member of OECD and NATO, a quasi-member of the European Union (EU), and an Islamic Turkic-speaking country with a close relationship with Central Asia. The article’s main argument is that China’s strategic partnership framework with Turkey is based on shared or mutual complementary economic and commercial interests, especially the integration of Turkey’s Middle Corridor vision into the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, the synergy between the two grand schemes largely depends on the quality of the bilateral relationship and the development of the Sino-Turkish relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership. As one of the leading powers in the Middle East, Ankara also has a vital part to play in China’s BRI which aims to build links between East Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, Africa, and Europe both overland and by sea.
{"title":"China’s New Silk Road Strategy and the Turkish Middle Corridor Vision","authors":"Mordechai Chaziza","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1881326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881326","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Turkey is one of the main regional powers in the Middle East, a member of OECD and NATO, a quasi-member of the European Union (EU), and an Islamic Turkic-speaking country with a close relationship with Central Asia. The article’s main argument is that China’s strategic partnership framework with Turkey is based on shared or mutual complementary economic and commercial interests, especially the integration of Turkey’s Middle Corridor vision into the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, the synergy between the two grand schemes largely depends on the quality of the bilateral relationship and the development of the Sino-Turkish relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership. As one of the leading powers in the Middle East, Ankara also has a vital part to play in China’s BRI which aims to build links between East Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, Africa, and Europe both overland and by sea.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881326","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42980230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1886510
Mahdie Ghanian
Abstract The purpose of this research is to study how online transnational spaces are created in blogs by Iranians who are residents of America. In cyberspace, place, to a large extent, loses its importance; online transnational spaces can thus provide possible virtual return for Iranian migrants in the US. Using planned sampling, this paper analyses the migration narratives of 15 Persian language blogs written by Iranians in the United States of America through qualitative content analysis. The bloggers were sorted into three categories of identity: Iranian-Ancient Identity, Iranian-Islamic Identity and Iranian-American Identity. Most bloggers belonged to the third category of identities. The research showed that although the Iranian migrant bloggers are loyal to their place of origin, they defined themselves as Iranian-American. This identity-making is not in contrast with neither Iranian nor American identity, but it is indicated in the form of a connection.
{"title":"Dual Spacisations: A Case Study of Iranian American Weblogs","authors":"Mahdie Ghanian","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1886510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886510","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The purpose of this research is to study how online transnational spaces are created in blogs by Iranians who are residents of America. In cyberspace, place, to a large extent, loses its importance; online transnational spaces can thus provide possible virtual return for Iranian migrants in the US. Using planned sampling, this paper analyses the migration narratives of 15 Persian language blogs written by Iranians in the United States of America through qualitative content analysis. The bloggers were sorted into three categories of identity: Iranian-Ancient Identity, Iranian-Islamic Identity and Iranian-American Identity. Most bloggers belonged to the third category of identities. The research showed that although the Iranian migrant bloggers are loyal to their place of origin, they defined themselves as Iranian-American. This identity-making is not in contrast with neither Iranian nor American identity, but it is indicated in the form of a connection.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886510","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46532051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1881324
Jin Zhang
Abstract The Islamic Movement of Sudan established the first Islamist regime in the Sunni Islamic world by a military coup. By seising state power, the Islamic Movement tried to overhaul the political system of Sudan. However, what it brought to the politics of Sudan was far from what its leader Hasan al-Turabi envisioned. It was largely due to the failure of the Islamic Movement to institutionalise its control over state power, originating from its design to conceal the nature of the coup which prevented it from claiming the official leadership of the state. The military Islamists leading the coup continued to run the state publicly. The institutions of the Islamic Movement itself were weakened in the process, making it more difficult to lay the national politics on an institutional foundation. The division and conflicts among the Islamists could not be solved in an institutional framework, leading to the split of the Islamic Movement. The Islamists were further fragmented after the split, both within and without the regime, opening the gate for factional politics.
{"title":"From Disintegration to Fragmentation: The Islamic Movement and the al-Inqadh Regime in Sudan","authors":"Jin Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1881324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881324","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Islamic Movement of Sudan established the first Islamist regime in the Sunni Islamic world by a military coup. By seising state power, the Islamic Movement tried to overhaul the political system of Sudan. However, what it brought to the politics of Sudan was far from what its leader Hasan al-Turabi envisioned. It was largely due to the failure of the Islamic Movement to institutionalise its control over state power, originating from its design to conceal the nature of the coup which prevented it from claiming the official leadership of the state. The military Islamists leading the coup continued to run the state publicly. The institutions of the Islamic Movement itself were weakened in the process, making it more difficult to lay the national politics on an institutional foundation. The division and conflicts among the Islamists could not be solved in an institutional framework, leading to the split of the Islamic Movement. The Islamists were further fragmented after the split, both within and without the regime, opening the gate for factional politics.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881324","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48456762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1881325
Talmiz Ahmad
Abstract As the pandemic has wreaked havoc on global health and economy, it has also accelerated trends in international politics. These include the decline of the US’ status as the global hegemon and the emergence of a multipolar world, with new players seeking a role in shaping world affairs. China’s economic successes have placed it in the vanguard of the newly emerging players on the world stage, in tandem with Russia. US hostility to both has promoted closer relations between them, having been earlier brought together by ties in the areas of energy, trade and defence. They have now become partners in placing Eurasia at the centre of their strategic interests by linking Putin’s ‘Greater Eurasian Partnership’ with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Through a series of carefully crafted diplomatic initiatives, Russia and China are bringing other nations – Iran, Turkey, the Arab Gulf states, Afghanistan and Pakistan – into the Eurasian embrace on the basis of logistical, energy and digital connectivity, thus shaping the nascent stage of a new world order.
{"title":"Russia and China Place Eurasia at the Heart of the Post-Pandemic World Order","authors":"Talmiz Ahmad","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1881325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881325","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As the pandemic has wreaked havoc on global health and economy, it has also accelerated trends in international politics. These include the decline of the US’ status as the global hegemon and the emergence of a multipolar world, with new players seeking a role in shaping world affairs. China’s economic successes have placed it in the vanguard of the newly emerging players on the world stage, in tandem with Russia. US hostility to both has promoted closer relations between them, having been earlier brought together by ties in the areas of energy, trade and defence. They have now become partners in placing Eurasia at the centre of their strategic interests by linking Putin’s ‘Greater Eurasian Partnership’ with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Through a series of carefully crafted diplomatic initiatives, Russia and China are bringing other nations – Iran, Turkey, the Arab Gulf states, Afghanistan and Pakistan – into the Eurasian embrace on the basis of logistical, energy and digital connectivity, thus shaping the nascent stage of a new world order.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1881325","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49358226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1886511
Xingang Wang, Muhammad Shahzad Aslam
Abstract This research aims to explore the socio-economic impacts of labour migration from Pakistan to GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries. Labour migration is a complex and dynamic process which involves multiple factors. Today, it is considered a natural process that happens in every state as a source of cultural diversity and financial contribution. Specifically, the study looks into changes of family ideology of labourers’ families and socio-economic impacts of remittances generated from labour migration on Pakistani society and the families of migrant workers. Primarily, the study focuses on the region of Gujranwala, as the home of the largest number of migrant workers with rural backgrounds in Punjab, Pakistan. The study follows a mixed method approach: a survey and focussed group interviews are used to explore the impact of labour migration in the specific region of Punjab. Fifteen focus group interviews were conducted from the families of labourers and a sixteenth was conducted after data saturation; similarly, 100 participants of surrounding families were selected through convenient sampling. From the interviews major changes in family ideology were children education, migration to cities, purchase of property and religious funding. The quantitative results show that the society (of a particular region) experienced significant impacts in terms of status transformation and breakdown of socio-ethnic hierarchies.
{"title":"Ideological Shifts and Social Impacts: A Study of Labour Migration from Pakistan to GCC Countries","authors":"Xingang Wang, Muhammad Shahzad Aslam","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1886511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886511","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research aims to explore the socio-economic impacts of labour migration from Pakistan to GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries. Labour migration is a complex and dynamic process which involves multiple factors. Today, it is considered a natural process that happens in every state as a source of cultural diversity and financial contribution. Specifically, the study looks into changes of family ideology of labourers’ families and socio-economic impacts of remittances generated from labour migration on Pakistani society and the families of migrant workers. Primarily, the study focuses on the region of Gujranwala, as the home of the largest number of migrant workers with rural backgrounds in Punjab, Pakistan. The study follows a mixed method approach: a survey and focussed group interviews are used to explore the impact of labour migration in the specific region of Punjab. Fifteen focus group interviews were conducted from the families of labourers and a sixteenth was conducted after data saturation; similarly, 100 participants of surrounding families were selected through convenient sampling. From the interviews major changes in family ideology were children education, migration to cities, purchase of property and religious funding. The quantitative results show that the society (of a particular region) experienced significant impacts in terms of status transformation and breakdown of socio-ethnic hierarchies.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1886511","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44732804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2020.1841991
Jonathan Fulton
Abstract 2020 marks the 30th anniversary of China-Saudi Arabia diplomatic relations, and over this time the relationship has evolved from one of marginal significance to a comprehensive strategic partnership. As China’s role in the Middle East expands, the partnership with Saudi Arabia will increase in importance. This article analyses the bilateral relationship by using the ‘1 + 2 + 3’ cooperation pattern as a framework. Introduced during the 2014 China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, this pattern articulates the cooperation priorities Beijing will focus on while engaging with Arab states: energy, trade and investment, infrastructure, nuclear energy, space satellite, and renewable energy. By analysing levels of China-Saudi cooperation through the ‘1 + 2 + 3’ we can determine the relative success of the initiative, anticipate the near-term trajectory of the bilateral relationship, and develop a framework for measuring China’s relations with other key states in the Middle East.
{"title":"China-Saudi Arabia Relations Through the ‘1 + 2+3’ Cooperation Pattern","authors":"Jonathan Fulton","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2020.1841991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2020.1841991","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract 2020 marks the 30th anniversary of China-Saudi Arabia diplomatic relations, and over this time the relationship has evolved from one of marginal significance to a comprehensive strategic partnership. As China’s role in the Middle East expands, the partnership with Saudi Arabia will increase in importance. This article analyses the bilateral relationship by using the ‘1 + 2 + 3’ cooperation pattern as a framework. Introduced during the 2014 China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, this pattern articulates the cooperation priorities Beijing will focus on while engaging with Arab states: energy, trade and investment, infrastructure, nuclear energy, space satellite, and renewable energy. By analysing levels of China-Saudi cooperation through the ‘1 + 2 + 3’ we can determine the relative success of the initiative, anticipate the near-term trajectory of the bilateral relationship, and develop a framework for measuring China’s relations with other key states in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2020.1841991","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48371406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2020.1841994
Rui Wu, Jun Zhao
Abstract In international politics, the formulation and implementation of foreign policy guided by ideology often impede the normal development of bilateral relations between state actors. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the relationships between China and Saudi Arabia have experienced twists and turns, which roughly reflect a relational evolution from the initial political opposition and lack of interaction to the current comprehensive strategic partnership. In this process, a prominent feature is that the ideological interference has decreased with the strengthening of China-Saudi relations. This article explores the underlying causes behind this phenomenon by starting from the basic historical facts of ideological interference that changed from strong to weak in bilateral relationships between China and Saudi Arabia. With regard to the reasons for the weakening of ideology, this article holds that the change of the international distribution of power from one of bipolarity to multipolarity is the starting point and the main external political factor; the consideration of national interests is the essential factor; the pluralistic value orientation is another vital factor that continuously extends the tolerances of both sides’ foreign policies. These factors are superimposed on each other and jointly weaken ideological considerations in China-Saudi relations. It should be noted that ideological interference has not completely disappeared. At specific times and events, it may still become an obstacle to the development of China-Saudi Arabia relations.
{"title":"The Continuous Weakening of Ideology in the Construction of China-Saudi Arabia Relations: A Historical Review","authors":"Rui Wu, Jun Zhao","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2020.1841994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2020.1841994","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In international politics, the formulation and implementation of foreign policy guided by ideology often impede the normal development of bilateral relations between state actors. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the relationships between China and Saudi Arabia have experienced twists and turns, which roughly reflect a relational evolution from the initial political opposition and lack of interaction to the current comprehensive strategic partnership. In this process, a prominent feature is that the ideological interference has decreased with the strengthening of China-Saudi relations. This article explores the underlying causes behind this phenomenon by starting from the basic historical facts of ideological interference that changed from strong to weak in bilateral relationships between China and Saudi Arabia. With regard to the reasons for the weakening of ideology, this article holds that the change of the international distribution of power from one of bipolarity to multipolarity is the starting point and the main external political factor; the consideration of national interests is the essential factor; the pluralistic value orientation is another vital factor that continuously extends the tolerances of both sides’ foreign policies. These factors are superimposed on each other and jointly weaken ideological considerations in China-Saudi relations. It should be noted that ideological interference has not completely disappeared. At specific times and events, it may still become an obstacle to the development of China-Saudi Arabia relations.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2020.1841994","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45339962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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