Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194
Dandan Zhang
Abstract Strengthening the security protection of overseas Chinese is an important means for China to safeguard its overseas interests. The Middle East is in turmoil with frequent security incidents involving Chinese nationals and their assets. Ensuring the safety of Chinese natioanls is an important part of promoting the sound development of China and the Middle East relations. Drawing on the questionnaire survey, this paper examines the security threats and risks faced by Chinese nationals in some Middle Eastern states, and seeks to explore how China might enhance its security protection capability accordingly for Chinese nationals in the Middle East. It shows that the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals, by strengthening the top-level design and mechanism coordination, improving the consular protection system and overseas evacuation capabilities, and participating in security governance and non-traditional security cooperation in the Middle East.
{"title":"China’s Security Protection of Chinese Nationals in the Middle East","authors":"Dandan Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2196194","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Strengthening the security protection of overseas Chinese is an important means for China to safeguard its overseas interests. The Middle East is in turmoil with frequent security incidents involving Chinese nationals and their assets. Ensuring the safety of Chinese natioanls is an important part of promoting the sound development of China and the Middle East relations. Drawing on the questionnaire survey, this paper examines the security threats and risks faced by Chinese nationals in some Middle Eastern states, and seeks to explore how China might enhance its security protection capability accordingly for Chinese nationals in the Middle East. It shows that the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals, by strengthening the top-level design and mechanism coordination, improving the consular protection system and overseas evacuation capabilities, and participating in security governance and non-traditional security cooperation in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45589256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190615
Xuan Zhang, F. Lazin
Abstract China and Israel are highly complementary in the field of agriculture. China has a large population engaged in agriculture while Israel has advanced agricultural technology which meets the needs of China’s agricultural development. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations thirty years ago, agricultural cooperation between the two countries has gradually expanded and now focuses on technological innovation. The Sino-Israel agricultural cooperation project in Shandong reflects the main characteristics of the cooperation– agricultural science and technology, with multi-level participants. Agricultural cooperation is mutually beneficial and a win-win situation for both countries. With intensified competition between major powers in science and technology, however, China and Israel need to pay closer attention to the influence of third party countries in their agricultural technology cooperation. In addition, the protection of intellectual property rights, and the adaptability of imported technologies by China are issues that China and Israel need to address in their future agricultural cooperation.
{"title":"The Agricultural Cooperation Between China and Israel - Case Study of Projects in Shandong Province","authors":"Xuan Zhang, F. Lazin","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190615","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China and Israel are highly complementary in the field of agriculture. China has a large population engaged in agriculture while Israel has advanced agricultural technology which meets the needs of China’s agricultural development. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations thirty years ago, agricultural cooperation between the two countries has gradually expanded and now focuses on technological innovation. The Sino-Israel agricultural cooperation project in Shandong reflects the main characteristics of the cooperation– agricultural science and technology, with multi-level participants. Agricultural cooperation is mutually beneficial and a win-win situation for both countries. With intensified competition between major powers in science and technology, however, China and Israel need to pay closer attention to the influence of third party countries in their agricultural technology cooperation. In addition, the protection of intellectual property rights, and the adaptability of imported technologies by China are issues that China and Israel need to address in their future agricultural cooperation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42565794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613
Ahmed Bux Jamali, Hongsong Liu, Mehmood Hussain
Abstract This paper examines the potential of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for shared prosperity and economic development through enhanced regional connectivity. It argues that CPEC can act as a regional connector for South Asian and Middle Eastern states by bringing enormous economic and trade opportunities. Having examined the potential utilisation of CPEC as a regional connector in contextualising the Pakistan-China shared consensus for the inclusion of new partners, this paper investigates the areas of regional connectivity cooperation and cross-border linkages with India, Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, and highlights the prospects and challenges to CPEC for mutual collaboration and expanded regionalisation.
{"title":"Regional Connectivity and Inclusion of New Partners in China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: Prospects and Challenges","authors":"Ahmed Bux Jamali, Hongsong Liu, Mehmood Hussain","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190613","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the potential of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for shared prosperity and economic development through enhanced regional connectivity. It argues that CPEC can act as a regional connector for South Asian and Middle Eastern states by bringing enormous economic and trade opportunities. Having examined the potential utilisation of CPEC as a regional connector in contextualising the Pakistan-China shared consensus for the inclusion of new partners, this paper investigates the areas of regional connectivity cooperation and cross-border linkages with India, Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, and highlights the prospects and challenges to CPEC for mutual collaboration and expanded regionalisation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47399021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190611
Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu
Abstract In the aftermath of the coup attempt, there have been debates about a Eurasianist axis shift in Turkish Foreign Policy. The development of relations with Russia and China in parallel with the tension in relations with Western actors has given rise to these debates. The fact that the links established with these two countries do not depend on a conditional cooperation and criticism from the West on the basis of authoritarianism, together with the background of political alliances formed after the change of government system, keeps the Eurasianist discourse at the forefront. Statements on rapprochement with the SCO and even membership are integrated into pragmatism in the context of tensions with the West, regional security risks and expectations, and economic/commercial needs. The government’s continued emphasis on NATO membership, the public’s view of the EU accession, and the continued dependence on trade and investments show that the Eurasianist outlook is a pragmatism linked to conjunctural needs.
{"title":"The Eurasianist Transformation of Turkish Foreign Policy after the Coup Attempt: An Evaluation in the Context of the SCO","authors":"Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190611","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the aftermath of the coup attempt, there have been debates about a Eurasianist axis shift in Turkish Foreign Policy. The development of relations with Russia and China in parallel with the tension in relations with Western actors has given rise to these debates. The fact that the links established with these two countries do not depend on a conditional cooperation and criticism from the West on the basis of authoritarianism, together with the background of political alliances formed after the change of government system, keeps the Eurasianist discourse at the forefront. Statements on rapprochement with the SCO and even membership are integrated into pragmatism in the context of tensions with the West, regional security risks and expectations, and economic/commercial needs. The government’s continued emphasis on NATO membership, the public’s view of the EU accession, and the continued dependence on trade and investments show that the Eurasianist outlook is a pragmatism linked to conjunctural needs.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47465653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2190614
Alaa Aldeek, Jun Ding
Abstract This study examined the impact of China’s firm position on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism and strived to embody international multilateralism. And to clarify this effect, it is necessary first to highlight the depth of Chinese-Arab relations and common concern, such as China’s consistent position on the Palestinian issue and its quest to embody international pluralism in order to find appropriate solutions to the Palestinian issue in accordance with international law, then to focus on China’s consistent foreign policy towards the Middle East to promote stability and development with the success of the BRI in the region, and thirdly, to shed light on China’s stance on strengthening and materialising international cooperation to find appropriate solutions for the Palestinian issue, and finally, to focus attention on China’s diplomatic efforts to solve the Palestinian issue 'a political solution based on international cooperation to implement the resolutions of international legitimacy’. This study relies on the historical method by tracing the historical sequence of events to reach the results that serve the subject of the study, as well as the descriptive analytical method, which is used to analyse information and events related to the subject of the study. The study concluded that the impact of China’s firm position on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism is effective. Moreover, this study is a forward-looking survey of other studies aimed at anticipating the continuing impact of China’s firm stance on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism, as it demonstrates seriousness and perseverance under the theme of 'respect, mutual benefit and common destiny’ in light of the challenges witnessed in the world today.
{"title":"The impact of China’s Consistent Stance on the Palestinian issue on the Embodiment of international pluralism","authors":"Alaa Aldeek, Jun Ding","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2190614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2190614","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examined the impact of China’s firm position on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism and strived to embody international multilateralism. And to clarify this effect, it is necessary first to highlight the depth of Chinese-Arab relations and common concern, such as China’s consistent position on the Palestinian issue and its quest to embody international pluralism in order to find appropriate solutions to the Palestinian issue in accordance with international law, then to focus on China’s consistent foreign policy towards the Middle East to promote stability and development with the success of the BRI in the region, and thirdly, to shed light on China’s stance on strengthening and materialising international cooperation to find appropriate solutions for the Palestinian issue, and finally, to focus attention on China’s diplomatic efforts to solve the Palestinian issue 'a political solution based on international cooperation to implement the resolutions of international legitimacy’. This study relies on the historical method by tracing the historical sequence of events to reach the results that serve the subject of the study, as well as the descriptive analytical method, which is used to analyse information and events related to the subject of the study. The study concluded that the impact of China’s firm position on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism is effective. Moreover, this study is a forward-looking survey of other studies aimed at anticipating the continuing impact of China’s firm stance on the Palestinian issue on the embodiment of international multilateralism, as it demonstrates seriousness and perseverance under the theme of 'respect, mutual benefit and common destiny’ in light of the challenges witnessed in the world today.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48253658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2161256
T. Niblock, Talmiz Ahmad, Degang Sun
Over the years since discourse about migrant labour became central to academic study of the Gulf region, a substantial outpouring of literature has been produced on the phenomenon. Its statistical characteristics, its significance for the development of the economies and political systems of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, and its impact on labour-exporting societies and economies have all been meticulously documented. Attention has also been given to the living conditions of the migrant workers themselves. There has, however, been surprisingly little analysis of the phenomenon in terms of the communities which have been spawned by migration to the region. The social, political and cultural lives of these communities have seldom been given recognition, let alone seriously documented and researched. Furthermore, neither the impact of these communities on host community society and culture, nor on those aspects of life in the countries from which the migrants originate, have been given significant attention. One exception to this is the work of Yuting Wang, herself a contributor to this Issue, on the Chinese community in the UAE. The relative lack of attention given to this aspect of migration to the Gulf suggests a failure to recognise that such communities exist, as distinct from statistically-generated groupings of fellow-nationals. In other words, they are seen as temporary and evanescent, not an ongoing and established part of the Gulf’s social and cultural infrastructure. But they are not a temporary phenomenon. Individual migrants may return to their ‘home’ countries at the end of their service in the Gulf, but the communities remain. Some of those deemed migrants were, in any case, born in their current state of residence, and have no home elsewhere to go to, such that the moniker ‘migrant’ ill-suits them. The communities are now, and will remain, an integral part of the societies of the Gulf region. They are not short-term intrusions into the region, nor are they simply extensions of the societies from which they came. They have over time developed their own cultural and social characteristics, shaped by the exigencies and requirements of the Gulf environment in which they have developed. In none of the states of the Gulf do they enjoy the privileges accorded to the native citizens, but the position of the migrant communities is not entirely marginal either: they are necessary to the effective running of the economies and societies of
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue of AJMEIS on “Living Together Separately: Social and Cultural Implications of Migration to the GCC”","authors":"T. Niblock, Talmiz Ahmad, Degang Sun","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2161256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2161256","url":null,"abstract":"Over the years since discourse about migrant labour became central to academic study of the Gulf region, a substantial outpouring of literature has been produced on the phenomenon. Its statistical characteristics, its significance for the development of the economies and political systems of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, and its impact on labour-exporting societies and economies have all been meticulously documented. Attention has also been given to the living conditions of the migrant workers themselves. There has, however, been surprisingly little analysis of the phenomenon in terms of the communities which have been spawned by migration to the region. The social, political and cultural lives of these communities have seldom been given recognition, let alone seriously documented and researched. Furthermore, neither the impact of these communities on host community society and culture, nor on those aspects of life in the countries from which the migrants originate, have been given significant attention. One exception to this is the work of Yuting Wang, herself a contributor to this Issue, on the Chinese community in the UAE. The relative lack of attention given to this aspect of migration to the Gulf suggests a failure to recognise that such communities exist, as distinct from statistically-generated groupings of fellow-nationals. In other words, they are seen as temporary and evanescent, not an ongoing and established part of the Gulf’s social and cultural infrastructure. But they are not a temporary phenomenon. Individual migrants may return to their ‘home’ countries at the end of their service in the Gulf, but the communities remain. Some of those deemed migrants were, in any case, born in their current state of residence, and have no home elsewhere to go to, such that the moniker ‘migrant’ ill-suits them. The communities are now, and will remain, an integral part of the societies of the Gulf region. They are not short-term intrusions into the region, nor are they simply extensions of the societies from which they came. They have over time developed their own cultural and social characteristics, shaped by the exigencies and requirements of the Gulf environment in which they have developed. In none of the states of the Gulf do they enjoy the privileges accorded to the native citizens, but the position of the migrant communities is not entirely marginal either: they are necessary to the effective running of the economies and societies of","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41626411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2158001
Hamideh Dorzadeh
Abstract Despite the long existence of Baloch in the Gulf region, and Qatar, in particular, scholarly works on their lives and migration experience is scarce. This study is based on long-term ethnographic observation and semi-structured interviews conducted in Fall 2020 in Freej Al Baloush, the Baloch Neighborhood, a large residential area located in Abu Hamour, Doha, where a concentration of Baloch from low socioeconomic backgrounds reside since 1980s. Using data from these interviews and my own experience as a member of the community, as well as drawing on existing literature on different migrant communities in the Gulf and relevant studies on transnationalism, I address how the legal status of the Baloch in Qatar, as temporary residents, affects their transnational lives. Iran, and the province of Balochistan, have become a back-up plan for Baloch who always live with the worry of losing their residency rights and being deported from Qatar. This is a form of ‘reactive transnationalism’, cross-border engagement as a result of negative integration. One of the most visible ways that they cope with temporariness, legal vulnerability, and precarious lives is through material investment, mainly building houses and buying property and land, which many of them lack in Qatar. While Qatar’s regulated ownership policies allow residents to purchase land in specific areas, the country’s high property costs and living expenses make buying property difficult for many long-term residents with low socioeconomic status, including the Baloch. Although the concept of reactive transnationalism has not been studied extensively and is loosely defined, the case of Baloch in Qatar offers important insights into the impact of socioeconomic status, gender, family networks, and legal integration on transnationalism.
摘要尽管俾路支在海湾地区，特别是卡塔尔长期存在，但关于他们的生活和移民经历的学术著作却很少。本研究基于2020年秋季在俾路支社区Freej Al Baloush进行的长期人种学观察和半结构化访谈，这是一个位于多哈阿布哈穆尔的大型住宅区，自20世纪80年代以来，社会经济背景较低的俾路支人集中居住在这里。利用这些采访的数据和我作为社区成员的亲身经历，并借鉴海湾地区不同移民社区的现有文献和跨民族主义的相关研究，我阐述了卡塔尔俾路支人作为临时居民的法律地位如何影响他们的跨国生活。伊朗和俾路支省已成为俾路支人的后备计划，他们总是担心失去居留权并被卡塔尔驱逐出境。这是一种“反应性跨国主义”，是负面融合的结果。他们应对临时性、法律脆弱性和不稳定生活的最明显的方式之一是通过物质投资，主要是建造房屋、购买房产和土地，而卡塔尔的许多人都缺乏这些投资。虽然卡塔尔受监管的所有权政策允许居民在特定地区购买土地，但该国高昂的房地产成本和生活费用使包括俾路支人在内的许多社会经济地位较低的长期居民难以购买房产。尽管反应性跨国主义的概念尚未得到广泛研究，定义也很松散，但卡塔尔俾路支的案例为社会经济地位、性别、家庭网络和法律融合对跨国主义的影响提供了重要见解。
{"title":"Precarious Legal Status and ‘Reactive Transnationalism': The Case of Baloch in Qatar","authors":"Hamideh Dorzadeh","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2158001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2158001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite the long existence of Baloch in the Gulf region, and Qatar, in particular, scholarly works on their lives and migration experience is scarce. This study is based on long-term ethnographic observation and semi-structured interviews conducted in Fall 2020 in Freej Al Baloush, the Baloch Neighborhood, a large residential area located in Abu Hamour, Doha, where a concentration of Baloch from low socioeconomic backgrounds reside since 1980s. Using data from these interviews and my own experience as a member of the community, as well as drawing on existing literature on different migrant communities in the Gulf and relevant studies on transnationalism, I address how the legal status of the Baloch in Qatar, as temporary residents, affects their transnational lives. Iran, and the province of Balochistan, have become a back-up plan for Baloch who always live with the worry of losing their residency rights and being deported from Qatar. This is a form of ‘reactive transnationalism’, cross-border engagement as a result of negative integration. One of the most visible ways that they cope with temporariness, legal vulnerability, and precarious lives is through material investment, mainly building houses and buying property and land, which many of them lack in Qatar. While Qatar’s regulated ownership policies allow residents to purchase land in specific areas, the country’s high property costs and living expenses make buying property difficult for many long-term residents with low socioeconomic status, including the Baloch. Although the concept of reactive transnationalism has not been studied extensively and is loosely defined, the case of Baloch in Qatar offers important insights into the impact of socioeconomic status, gender, family networks, and legal integration on transnationalism.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44991165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2151078
S. Lawale, Talmiz Ahmad
Abstract The concept of migration should not be restricted to the movement of people. It should encompass the movement of ideas and cultures that impact the places that receive them. In recent years, UAE has made a concerted effort to rebrand itself as a ‘soft superpower’ and be regarded as the model of tolerance and cultural diplomacy in the region. The ultimate aim is to make the country the global capital for culture and dialogue among civilisations, an approach that will contribute to crafting an identity for the country that will set it apart from the rest of the GCC countries. The paper intends to first, examine the UAE’s endeavour to be recognised as a ‘soft superpower’ and a modern and tolerant country, and second, the possible intentions behind this approach. Today, the UAE shares strong bilateral ties with India and France, two very culturally rich nations. The recently inaugurated Louvre museum and the Sorbonne campus, symbols of French universalism, and the construction of the BAPS Swaminarayan temple, the first traditional stone Hindu temple in the Middle East, a symbol of peace and tolerance, could be regarded as sites for the migration and cross-fertilisation of diverse ideas and cultures.
{"title":"Migration of Culture and Ideas: The Engagements of the UAE with India and France","authors":"S. Lawale, Talmiz Ahmad","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2151078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2151078","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The concept of migration should not be restricted to the movement of people. It should encompass the movement of ideas and cultures that impact the places that receive them. In recent years, UAE has made a concerted effort to rebrand itself as a ‘soft superpower’ and be regarded as the model of tolerance and cultural diplomacy in the region. The ultimate aim is to make the country the global capital for culture and dialogue among civilisations, an approach that will contribute to crafting an identity for the country that will set it apart from the rest of the GCC countries. The paper intends to first, examine the UAE’s endeavour to be recognised as a ‘soft superpower’ and a modern and tolerant country, and second, the possible intentions behind this approach. Today, the UAE shares strong bilateral ties with India and France, two very culturally rich nations. The recently inaugurated Louvre museum and the Sorbonne campus, symbols of French universalism, and the construction of the BAPS Swaminarayan temple, the first traditional stone Hindu temple in the Middle East, a symbol of peace and tolerance, could be regarded as sites for the migration and cross-fertilisation of diverse ideas and cultures.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45212145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2151079
Hessa Alnuaimi
Abstract In this paper, I examine how the British Empire in the Arab Gulf created colonial classifications between Gulf Arabs and South Asians. The British racialised the Gulf Arabs in a way which presented them as an eternal, homogeneous, and ‘pure’ group. This racialisation contributed to the exclusion of others within the Gulf, most notably South Asian migrants. Firstly, I discuss some of the gaps within the literature which include the erasure of race and colonialism. Then, I identify how these gaps can be remedied using a Decolonial framework. Based on these theoretical foundations, I interrogate the racialisations of Gulf Arabs and how these racialisations influenced the migration regime in the Gulf. Lastly, I examine how South Asians were racialised in the Gulf. I conclude that the exclusionary migration regime in the Arab Gulf is built on the foundations of the racialised colonial classifications of the British Empire.
{"title":"The Role of Colonial Knowledge in Building the Arab Gulf’s Migration Regime","authors":"Hessa Alnuaimi","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2151079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2151079","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, I examine how the British Empire in the Arab Gulf created colonial classifications between Gulf Arabs and South Asians. The British racialised the Gulf Arabs in a way which presented them as an eternal, homogeneous, and ‘pure’ group. This racialisation contributed to the exclusion of others within the Gulf, most notably South Asian migrants. Firstly, I discuss some of the gaps within the literature which include the erasure of race and colonialism. Then, I identify how these gaps can be remedied using a Decolonial framework. Based on these theoretical foundations, I interrogate the racialisations of Gulf Arabs and how these racialisations influenced the migration regime in the Gulf. Lastly, I examine how South Asians were racialised in the Gulf. I conclude that the exclusionary migration regime in the Arab Gulf is built on the foundations of the racialised colonial classifications of the British Empire.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43970985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2165010
K. M. Seethi
Abstract The social landscape of Kerala—the southwest Indian state—has undergone significant changes in the last century. Migration has been a major factor impelling transformation in different sectors of Kerala society, thereby contributing to the overall development of the state. Among the major destinations of migration from Kerala, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries continued to be a unique space for more than one reason. Apart from historical and cultural links, the GCC countries have geopolitical as well as economic importance to India, and Kerala in particular. This has naturally attracted several migration-related scholarly investigations. There are several studies and reports pertaining to the impact of the Gulf migration on Kerala’s economy and society. Yet, the cultural impact of the remittance boom on Kerala—which started in the 1970s—has not been subjected to rigorous studies and analysis. Hence, this paper tries to deploy cultural remittance as a category of analysis for understanding the changing social landscape of Kerala—with the emergence of new cultural spaces held out by the Gulf-related songs, home cinema, films, religion, cuisine, dress styles, media, and the diaspora literature. The study mainly delves into the text and context of such cultural artefacts with a view to exploring the contours of ‘living Together’ in the ‘Gulf life-world’ in Kerala.
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