Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.2021696
Haifa AlMaashi
Abstract The new relationship that has emerged between UAE and Israel, after the conclusion of the Abraham agreement, includes common economic orientations between both sides. There is potential cooperation within the navigational routes and strategic points in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and this initial cooperation could open the way for a bilateral economic partnership. This research paper has two main goals: Firstly, to uncover the economic cooperation between Israel and UAE in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by applying a methodology of qualitative case study. Secondly, exposing the repercussions of Israel-UAE economic cooperation on the future role of the Gulf Cooperation Council, specifically in the economic domain and addressing the factors accompanying this cooperation that may raise the level of competition among member states, especially between the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. By analysing these goals, the paper attempts to examine the possibilities that such economic cooperation between Israel and the UAE may pave the way towards future bilateral or multilateral alliances among different countries within the region.
{"title":"The Economic Implications of the Israel-UAE Normalization Agreement in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and the Potential Impacts on the GCC","authors":"Haifa AlMaashi","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.2021696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.2021696","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The new relationship that has emerged between UAE and Israel, after the conclusion of the Abraham agreement, includes common economic orientations between both sides. There is potential cooperation within the navigational routes and strategic points in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and this initial cooperation could open the way for a bilateral economic partnership. This research paper has two main goals: Firstly, to uncover the economic cooperation between Israel and UAE in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by applying a methodology of qualitative case study. Secondly, exposing the repercussions of Israel-UAE economic cooperation on the future role of the Gulf Cooperation Council, specifically in the economic domain and addressing the factors accompanying this cooperation that may raise the level of competition among member states, especially between the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. By analysing these goals, the paper attempts to examine the possibilities that such economic cooperation between Israel and the UAE may pave the way towards future bilateral or multilateral alliances among different countries within the region.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"554 - 570"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41478472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.2019461
Meng Shu, Yun Song, Han Zhang
Abstract Strictly speaking, the economic relationship between Israel and Palestine cannot be simply defined as neocolonial occupation, but are closely related to neo-colonialism, in terms of control, dependence, resistance, exploitation, monopoly and interference. Therefore, neo-colonialism can be used as a perspective to analyse the economic relations between Palestine and Israel. Although the two sides have always been in a relatively hostile relationship, due to years of stalemate and Israeli economic control, the two sides have formed an interdependent economic relationship, where Israel has a relatively dominant position in the relations, thanks to its long-term occupation and control over the land, while the Palestinian economy will continue to remain highly dependent on Israel, despite its official efforts to achieve economic disengagement. In this case, Israel is reluctant to sever the relationship, and Palestine is unable to decouple from the Israeli economy. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic has made the prospects for Palestinian-Israeli peace talks even bleaker. As the peace process continues to stall, a settlement to resolve the dispute between Israel and the Palestinians remains highly unlikely.
{"title":"The Palestine-Israel Issue in the Post-Covid-19 Era — From the Perspective of Neocolonialism","authors":"Meng Shu, Yun Song, Han Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.2019461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.2019461","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Strictly speaking, the economic relationship between Israel and Palestine cannot be simply defined as neocolonial occupation, but are closely related to neo-colonialism, in terms of control, dependence, resistance, exploitation, monopoly and interference. Therefore, neo-colonialism can be used as a perspective to analyse the economic relations between Palestine and Israel. Although the two sides have always been in a relatively hostile relationship, due to years of stalemate and Israeli economic control, the two sides have formed an interdependent economic relationship, where Israel has a relatively dominant position in the relations, thanks to its long-term occupation and control over the land, while the Palestinian economy will continue to remain highly dependent on Israel, despite its official efforts to achieve economic disengagement. In this case, Israel is reluctant to sever the relationship, and Palestine is unable to decouple from the Israeli economy. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic has made the prospects for Palestinian-Israeli peace talks even bleaker. As the peace process continues to stall, a settlement to resolve the dispute between Israel and the Palestinians remains highly unlikely.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"505 - 518"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48563918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1992584
A. Borthakur
Abstract Pashtuns have been subjected to the colonially constructed representation of themselves which is grounded on certain generalisations and stereotypes that were framed and propagated during the time of British military encounters with the frontier tribes, residing in Afghanistan and present day Pakistan’s frontier region. The oriental representation of the Pashtuns in western academic writings is the result of the vast literature that were produced based on the experiences of British military expeditions against the so-called tribal Pashtuns. Although throughout history there have been instances of non-violent movements initiated by the Pashtuns, the persistence of colonial knowledge has made it impossible to deconstruct the notion surrounding Pashtuns as ‘inherently ferocious’ and ‘violent’ in nature from the popular conscience. In such an environment the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), a non-violent human rights movement in Pakistan, is trying to present a counter narrative to the image of ‘Violent Pashtuns’ from the popular discourse at present. This research critically analyses the representation of Pashtuns in both past and the contemporary literature and other popular media which help in building narratives and deciding on the policies of the state (Pakistan) and other (religious, social or political) organisations towards this group. It highlights the importance of rising beyond the orientalist discourse to focus more on local narratives in understanding about the Pashtuns and their problems.
{"title":"The Pashtun Trajectory: From the Colonially Constructed Notion on ‘Violent’ Pashtun Tribe to ‘Non Violent’ Pashtun Tahafuz Movement","authors":"A. Borthakur","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1992584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1992584","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Pashtuns have been subjected to the colonially constructed representation of themselves which is grounded on certain generalisations and stereotypes that were framed and propagated during the time of British military encounters with the frontier tribes, residing in Afghanistan and present day Pakistan’s frontier region. The oriental representation of the Pashtuns in western academic writings is the result of the vast literature that were produced based on the experiences of British military expeditions against the so-called tribal Pashtuns. Although throughout history there have been instances of non-violent movements initiated by the Pashtuns, the persistence of colonial knowledge has made it impossible to deconstruct the notion surrounding Pashtuns as ‘inherently ferocious’ and ‘violent’ in nature from the popular conscience. In such an environment the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), a non-violent human rights movement in Pakistan, is trying to present a counter narrative to the image of ‘Violent Pashtuns’ from the popular discourse at present. This research critically analyses the representation of Pashtuns in both past and the contemporary literature and other popular media which help in building narratives and deciding on the policies of the state (Pakistan) and other (religious, social or political) organisations towards this group. It highlights the importance of rising beyond the orientalist discourse to focus more on local narratives in understanding about the Pashtuns and their problems.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"360 - 378"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48744984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1984068
Yiqi Zhou, Shiping Tang
Abstract The formation of revolutionary coalition is the key to the success of colour revolutions. However, the regime overthrown by the coalition is always followed by the dissolution of such revolutionary coalition, and some members of the coalition will provoke violent internecine. The article addresses the root cause of the violent rupture of revolutionary coalition after the colour revolution. The authors argue that the revolutionary coalition collapses because some members decide to borrow arms to defeat their competitors in the coalition. Since the only member possessing such violent tools in the colour revolutions tend to be the military of former regime who sides with revolutionary movement, it is the unbalanced relationship between the military and political members in the coalition that will lead to the rupture of the coalition. When there is a balanced relationship between the two parties, the military will remain neutral among different political members when facing the political competition, and such coalition can avoid the violent rupture. While the relationship is unbalanced, the military will be intertwined in the political competition, leading to the rupture. The article adopts an innovative research method of semi-negative comparison to study two cases of Egypt and Tunisia from Arab Spring.
{"title":"The Rupture of Revolutionary Coalition After Color Revolution: The Semi-Negative Case Comparison of Egypt and Tunisia","authors":"Yiqi Zhou, Shiping Tang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1984068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1984068","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The formation of revolutionary coalition is the key to the success of colour revolutions. However, the regime overthrown by the coalition is always followed by the dissolution of such revolutionary coalition, and some members of the coalition will provoke violent internecine. The article addresses the root cause of the violent rupture of revolutionary coalition after the colour revolution. The authors argue that the revolutionary coalition collapses because some members decide to borrow arms to defeat their competitors in the coalition. Since the only member possessing such violent tools in the colour revolutions tend to be the military of former regime who sides with revolutionary movement, it is the unbalanced relationship between the military and political members in the coalition that will lead to the rupture of the coalition. When there is a balanced relationship between the two parties, the military will remain neutral among different political members when facing the political competition, and such coalition can avoid the violent rupture. While the relationship is unbalanced, the military will be intertwined in the political competition, leading to the rupture. The article adopts an innovative research method of semi-negative comparison to study two cases of Egypt and Tunisia from Arab Spring.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"344 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43223327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1985854
Jiuzhou Duan, Gangzheng She
Abstract The economic development of Arab states faces long-time impediments, including the paradox between security and development, de-industrialisation, and market fragmentation. Reflecting on the above-mentioned problems, the Arab states have put forward development strategies for themselves in the first two decades of the 21st century. There are different focuses in the three categories of these strategies, namely labour-intensive industrialisation and urbanisation plans adopted typically by Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia, economic diversification plans adopted mainly by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, as well as post-conflict reconstruction and development plans of Iraq and Syria. This paper argues that, in terms of trade and investment, capacity relocation and technology transfer, as well as infrastructure construction and market integration, these development plans have considerable potential to be strategically synergized with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and the various featured paths of synergy of development strategies (SDS) have emerged accordingly. To better implement the Sino-Arab SDS, both sides have created various major “interfaces,” including multilateral and bilateral governmental dialogue mechanisms, the participation of China’s state-owned enterprises in the landmark projects of Arab states, and the market-oriented cooperation between their private sectors.
{"title":"Initiative and Visions: Synergy between Development Strategies of China and the Arab States","authors":"Jiuzhou Duan, Gangzheng She","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1985854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1985854","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The economic development of Arab states faces long-time impediments, including the paradox between security and development, de-industrialisation, and market fragmentation. Reflecting on the above-mentioned problems, the Arab states have put forward development strategies for themselves in the first two decades of the 21st century. There are different focuses in the three categories of these strategies, namely labour-intensive industrialisation and urbanisation plans adopted typically by Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia, economic diversification plans adopted mainly by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, as well as post-conflict reconstruction and development plans of Iraq and Syria. This paper argues that, in terms of trade and investment, capacity relocation and technology transfer, as well as infrastructure construction and market integration, these development plans have considerable potential to be strategically synergized with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and the various featured paths of synergy of development strategies (SDS) have emerged accordingly. To better implement the Sino-Arab SDS, both sides have created various major “interfaces,” including multilateral and bilateral governmental dialogue mechanisms, the participation of China’s state-owned enterprises in the landmark projects of Arab states, and the market-oriented cooperation between their private sectors.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"379 - 397"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42209178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1984067
Shaobiao Wen, Ruohao Shen, Yancheng Xin
ABSRTRACT The relations between Taiwan region and the Gulf Arab States are twisting and subtle. The UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 in 1971 and the suspension of the official relation between Taiwan and Saudi Arabia in 1990 generally divided the relations into three general periods. Because of Taiwan’s sensitive role and the ‘One China Policy,’ the relationship has been constrained, especially after 1990. However, the relationship is still dynamic in the field of trade, civil exchanges, technology transfer, and industrial cooperation. Since the DPP came to power in Taiwan in 2016, the cross-strait relation has reached its lowest point since the Chen Shui-bian era, and the relationship between Taiwan and the Gulf Arab states has encountered new challenges given PRC has been pursuing this region as a strategic fulcrum. Meanwhile, the strategic contraction of the US in the Middle East will bring more uncertainty.
{"title":"History, Reality, and Challenges: Bounded Dynamic Relations Between the Gulf Arab States and Taiwan Region","authors":"Shaobiao Wen, Ruohao Shen, Yancheng Xin","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1984067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1984067","url":null,"abstract":"ABSRTRACT The relations between Taiwan region and the Gulf Arab States are twisting and subtle. The UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 in 1971 and the suspension of the official relation between Taiwan and Saudi Arabia in 1990 generally divided the relations into three general periods. Because of Taiwan’s sensitive role and the ‘One China Policy,’ the relationship has been constrained, especially after 1990. However, the relationship is still dynamic in the field of trade, civil exchanges, technology transfer, and industrial cooperation. Since the DPP came to power in Taiwan in 2016, the cross-strait relation has reached its lowest point since the Chen Shui-bian era, and the relationship between Taiwan and the Gulf Arab states has encountered new challenges given PRC has been pursuing this region as a strategic fulcrum. Meanwhile, the strategic contraction of the US in the Middle East will bring more uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"415 - 432"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42471747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1988344
Jun Ding
Abstract Islamic religious cultural traditions encourage Muslims to be progressive, keep pace with the times, and continue to innovate al-Ijtihad and cultures. This cultural spirit and tradition endow Islam with inherent dynamism for its localization and contextualization in different regions and different times. The history of the spread and development of Islam in China for more than 1,300 years is also the history of continuous exploration and advancement on the road of sinicization and continuous adaptation to the Chinese society. History has shown that following the direction of sinicization not only conforms to the religious cultural traditions of Islam, but is also the objective demand and the only correct way for Islam to adapt to Chinese society. Today, the Chinese Islamic circles must uphold traditions of Islam as well as continue to innovate at the same time and press forward on the road to the sinicization of Islam.
{"title":"Sinicization of Islam from the Perspective of Religious Cultural Traditions","authors":"Jun Ding","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1988344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1988344","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Islamic religious cultural traditions encourage Muslims to be progressive, keep pace with the times, and continue to innovate al-Ijtihad and cultures. This cultural spirit and tradition endow Islam with inherent dynamism for its localization and contextualization in different regions and different times. The history of the spread and development of Islam in China for more than 1,300 years is also the history of continuous exploration and advancement on the road of sinicization and continuous adaptation to the Chinese society. History has shown that following the direction of sinicization not only conforms to the religious cultural traditions of Islam, but is also the objective demand and the only correct way for Islam to adapt to Chinese society. Today, the Chinese Islamic circles must uphold traditions of Islam as well as continue to innovate at the same time and press forward on the road to the sinicization of Islam.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"309 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44750422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1985293
Megumi Nishimura
Abstract This study is concerned with the foreign aid provided by non-member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) (non-DAC donors) in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Non-DAC donors in the MENA region are mainly composed of Arab donors, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the Asian non-DAC donors, such as China and India. This research poses two questions as conceptual reference guides in the context of the MENA region. First, what international dynamics have driven non-DAC donors to give foreign aid to the MENA countries? Second, what are the impacts of foreign aid by non-DAC donors on the MENA states and societies, and are they ‘rogue donors’? This research investigates the general trends of economic assistance by non-DAC donors, compares and contrasts their behaviours, and then discusses the impacts of their increasing presence in the world politics.
{"title":"Non-DAC Donors in the Middle East and North Africa: Trends, Dynamics, and Impacts","authors":"Megumi Nishimura","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1985293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1985293","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study is concerned with the foreign aid provided by non-member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) (non-DAC donors) in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Non-DAC donors in the MENA region are mainly composed of Arab donors, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the Asian non-DAC donors, such as China and India. This research poses two questions as conceptual reference guides in the context of the MENA region. First, what international dynamics have driven non-DAC donors to give foreign aid to the MENA countries? Second, what are the impacts of foreign aid by non-DAC donors on the MENA states and societies, and are they ‘rogue donors’? This research investigates the general trends of economic assistance by non-DAC donors, compares and contrasts their behaviours, and then discusses the impacts of their increasing presence in the world politics.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"325 - 343"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42997932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1985292
Henelito A. Sevilla
Abstract The importance of maritime silk route which connects the ancient Persian Gulf waterways to the Indian Ocean and leads towards the Pacific has made this fluidity of trade and missionary movements reach the southern Philippine shores. This early century interaction offered an opportunity to synthesise and acculturate Persian and Arab ideas and cultural values and practices into the construction of the pre-colonial Filipino identity, culture and traditions as expressed in religious, commercial, linguistic and socio-cultural dynamics which until the present time have still remained visible yet ‘underappreciated’ in Philippine society. This article will look at how colonisation and decolonisation theories shape modern Filipino identity by marginalising pre-colonial foreign influences of Persians, Arabs and Indians including other early indigenous values in favour of ‘superior values’ as introduced by colonisers: the Spaniards and the Americans. In advancing the arguments, the article explains how ‘imagined community’ as an alternative discourse aided in constructing modern Filipino culture and identity today. To give emphasis on the formation of the Philippine-Iran relations, this paper also focuses on the historical and contemporary variables that help shape the cordial bilateral relations, along with a presentation of issues, challenges and opportunities on how the two countries – the Philippines and Iran – could advance more in their relations. Finally, the research suggests that constant but salient variables presented in the relations such as the presence of new generation of Iranian-Filipinos living both in the Philippines and Iran, Iranian businessmen, and the larger pool of Iranian students in the Philippines could be utilised by both governments to help in advancing Philippine-Iran relations in various fronts including but not limited to cultural and community engagements but also in educational cooperation, trade transactions and political engagements.
{"title":"Iran and the Philippines: In the Pursuit of Constructive Engagement","authors":"Henelito A. Sevilla","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1985292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1985292","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The importance of maritime silk route which connects the ancient Persian Gulf waterways to the Indian Ocean and leads towards the Pacific has made this fluidity of trade and missionary movements reach the southern Philippine shores. This early century interaction offered an opportunity to synthesise and acculturate Persian and Arab ideas and cultural values and practices into the construction of the pre-colonial Filipino identity, culture and traditions as expressed in religious, commercial, linguistic and socio-cultural dynamics which until the present time have still remained visible yet ‘underappreciated’ in Philippine society. This article will look at how colonisation and decolonisation theories shape modern Filipino identity by marginalising pre-colonial foreign influences of Persians, Arabs and Indians including other early indigenous values in favour of ‘superior values’ as introduced by colonisers: the Spaniards and the Americans. In advancing the arguments, the article explains how ‘imagined community’ as an alternative discourse aided in constructing modern Filipino culture and identity today. To give emphasis on the formation of the Philippine-Iran relations, this paper also focuses on the historical and contemporary variables that help shape the cordial bilateral relations, along with a presentation of issues, challenges and opportunities on how the two countries – the Philippines and Iran – could advance more in their relations. Finally, the research suggests that constant but salient variables presented in the relations such as the presence of new generation of Iranian-Filipinos living both in the Philippines and Iran, Iranian businessmen, and the larger pool of Iranian students in the Philippines could be utilised by both governments to help in advancing Philippine-Iran relations in various fronts including but not limited to cultural and community engagements but also in educational cooperation, trade transactions and political engagements.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"398 - 414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45605545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1928413
Song Niu, Tongyu Wu
Abstract The relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel have become increasingly public after the Trump administration took office in the US. Particularly, Saudi Arabia either holds inconsistent, ambiguous attitudes or gives short shrift to sensitive issues such as Jerusalem issue and the ‘Deal of the Century.’ Moreover, Saudi Arabia and Israel have been interacting with each other frequently in a public and official way, which further embodies this change in their relationship. The relationship between Saudi Arabia and Israel has a long history, and it has experienced four development stages: mutual isolation, secret contact, open contact, and intimate contact. The changes in the current Saudi-Israeli relations have realistic interests, open interaction, and practical cooperation. The changes in the Saudi-Israeli relations have taken place under the combined effect of the realistic logic of the common political and security dilemma, the transformation of their respective diplomatic strategies and the complementary economic advantages of both sides, as well as the overall environmental changes in the Middle East, the overall fragmentation of the Arab world, and the ups and downs of the US Middle East policy. Saudi Arabia and Israel have formed an anti-Iranian quasi-alliance, which has certain actual or potential impacts. In the long run, although the changes in the Saudi-Israeli relations are conducive to bilateral cooperation and development in diverse fields, they bring no advantage to the overall stability of the Arab world, and the contradictions within the Arab world will further deepen, which, for example, is represented by a breakthrough in diplomatic relations between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. Besides, geostrategic competition in the Middle East will become more intense and will not contribute to the Middle East peace process.
{"title":"Changes and Trends in the Current Relations Between Saudi Arabia and Israel","authors":"Song Niu, Tongyu Wu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1928413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928413","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel have become increasingly public after the Trump administration took office in the US. Particularly, Saudi Arabia either holds inconsistent, ambiguous attitudes or gives short shrift to sensitive issues such as Jerusalem issue and the ‘Deal of the Century.’ Moreover, Saudi Arabia and Israel have been interacting with each other frequently in a public and official way, which further embodies this change in their relationship. The relationship between Saudi Arabia and Israel has a long history, and it has experienced four development stages: mutual isolation, secret contact, open contact, and intimate contact. The changes in the current Saudi-Israeli relations have realistic interests, open interaction, and practical cooperation. The changes in the Saudi-Israeli relations have taken place under the combined effect of the realistic logic of the common political and security dilemma, the transformation of their respective diplomatic strategies and the complementary economic advantages of both sides, as well as the overall environmental changes in the Middle East, the overall fragmentation of the Arab world, and the ups and downs of the US Middle East policy. Saudi Arabia and Israel have formed an anti-Iranian quasi-alliance, which has certain actual or potential impacts. In the long run, although the changes in the Saudi-Israeli relations are conducive to bilateral cooperation and development in diverse fields, they bring no advantage to the overall stability of the Arab world, and the contradictions within the Arab world will further deepen, which, for example, is represented by a breakthrough in diplomatic relations between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. Besides, geostrategic competition in the Middle East will become more intense and will not contribute to the Middle East peace process.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"172 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928413","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42929035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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