Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2165009
Rhea Abraham
Abstract The temporary nature of residency in the Gulf has given fewer legal and political rights to the Indian migrants, while not completely rendering their affection to their chosen ‘home,’ cultivated with their historical, cultural, and familial ties to the region. While existing literature has delved into the working conditions and political scenario that surround the immigrant workforce from Kerala residing in the Arab Gulf countries, most have not paid attention to the second-generation of these immigrants who have continued to stay. More specifically, the second-generation of these immigrants struggle to identify themselves in a complicated environment that does not permit them the possibility of naturalising into citizens or culturally assimilate, while their ‘Non-Resident’ status questions their innate cultural immersion into the native environment. Meanwhile, social media has offered a discursive space where possibilities for belonging in multiple communities emerge for the second-generation Malayali living in the Gulf. On the contrary, governments in the Gulf are attempting to rediscover and redefine their sense of self or national identity, while trying to find alternative means to deal with the dependence of foreign labour. Therefore, this study is a descriptive narrative which aims at understanding the formation of identity by second-generation migrants from Kerala and the terms that constitute their subject positions in regard to the transforming and modernising Gulf. Further, it aims to investigate possibility of physical or virtual spaces with the use of social media by these migrants which helps ponder on the larger questions of belonging and identity.
{"title":"Identity Formation, Social Media and Migrants 2.0: Case Study of Second Generation Malayali Migrants in the Gulf","authors":"Rhea Abraham","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2165009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2165009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The temporary nature of residency in the Gulf has given fewer legal and political rights to the Indian migrants, while not completely rendering their affection to their chosen ‘home,’ cultivated with their historical, cultural, and familial ties to the region. While existing literature has delved into the working conditions and political scenario that surround the immigrant workforce from Kerala residing in the Arab Gulf countries, most have not paid attention to the second-generation of these immigrants who have continued to stay. More specifically, the second-generation of these immigrants struggle to identify themselves in a complicated environment that does not permit them the possibility of naturalising into citizens or culturally assimilate, while their ‘Non-Resident’ status questions their innate cultural immersion into the native environment. Meanwhile, social media has offered a discursive space where possibilities for belonging in multiple communities emerge for the second-generation Malayali living in the Gulf. On the contrary, governments in the Gulf are attempting to rediscover and redefine their sense of self or national identity, while trying to find alternative means to deal with the dependence of foreign labour. Therefore, this study is a descriptive narrative which aims at understanding the formation of identity by second-generation migrants from Kerala and the terms that constitute their subject positions in regard to the transforming and modernising Gulf. Further, it aims to investigate possibility of physical or virtual spaces with the use of social media by these migrants which helps ponder on the larger questions of belonging and identity.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46774652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2141524
E. Rózsa
Abstract In spite of the Persian Gulf having been a dividing line between Iranians and Arabs for centuries, Iranian communities have been present on the Arab side of the Gulf throughout most of modern history and have contributed to a cosmopolitan Khaliji identity and way of life developing there. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, nonetheless, the Iranian presence in the Arab Gulf states has become problematic. Partly as a result of this, little information is available about the numbers and present circumstances of these communities. The aim of this paper is to define the place and identity of the Iranian communities on the Arab side of the Persian Gulf in general, and their presence in three Arab states—Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—in particular. The study will use a two-level framework of analysis, covering the regional and national levels. Using a deductive logic, the position of ‘Iranians’ in the social context of the Gulf region will first be analysed. This will be followed by the three national case studies (Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates), which will be presented and compared based on the following aspects: religious contacts (pilgrimage, education), political events, and cultural/social institutions.
{"title":"Iranian Communities on the Arab Side of the Persian Gulf","authors":"E. Rózsa","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2141524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2141524","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In spite of the Persian Gulf having been a dividing line between Iranians and Arabs for centuries, Iranian communities have been present on the Arab side of the Gulf throughout most of modern history and have contributed to a cosmopolitan Khaliji identity and way of life developing there. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, nonetheless, the Iranian presence in the Arab Gulf states has become problematic. Partly as a result of this, little information is available about the numbers and present circumstances of these communities. The aim of this paper is to define the place and identity of the Iranian communities on the Arab side of the Persian Gulf in general, and their presence in three Arab states—Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—in particular. The study will use a two-level framework of analysis, covering the regional and national levels. Using a deductive logic, the position of ‘Iranians’ in the social context of the Gulf region will first be analysed. This will be followed by the three national case studies (Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates), which will be presented and compared based on the following aspects: religious contacts (pilgrimage, education), political events, and cultural/social institutions.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44204753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2151077
Yuting Wang
Abstract This article seeks to fill in the gap in the existing literature on global migration, overseas Chinese, and Sino-Gulf relations by focussing on the experiences of second-generation Chinese expatriates in the UAE. Based on in-depth interviews with a group of teenagers and young adults who have spent their formative years in the UAE and their parents, this paper examines the educational aspirations and identity dilemmas among second-generation Chinese expatriates in a cosmopolitan setting with an Arab Muslim cultural root. It seeks to unravel the complex feelings of being simultaneously privileged and marginalised among these young adults. It shows that the broad political-economic forces powerfully shape the positionality of the centre and periphery. The discourse of ‘becoming global’ helps to anchor these young adults in a rapidly evolving world and cope with alienation and marginalisation.
{"title":"Becoming Global in the Arabian Gulf: Identities and Aspirations of Second-Generation Chinese Expatriates in the UAE","authors":"Yuting Wang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2151077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2151077","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article seeks to fill in the gap in the existing literature on global migration, overseas Chinese, and Sino-Gulf relations by focussing on the experiences of second-generation Chinese expatriates in the UAE. Based on in-depth interviews with a group of teenagers and young adults who have spent their formative years in the UAE and their parents, this paper examines the educational aspirations and identity dilemmas among second-generation Chinese expatriates in a cosmopolitan setting with an Arab Muslim cultural root. It seeks to unravel the complex feelings of being simultaneously privileged and marginalised among these young adults. It shows that the broad political-economic forces powerfully shape the positionality of the centre and periphery. The discourse of ‘becoming global’ helps to anchor these young adults in a rapidly evolving world and cope with alienation and marginalisation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42077780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2151741
S. Mehta
Abstract This study focuses on the multiple ways in which the Hindu community in Oman negotiates its religious identity in an Islamic country by strategically using its historic mercantile relations with the ruling families, maximising the use of public-private spaces, and creating and participating in transnational networks as ways to cope with state restrictions. Using Vertovec’s notion of ‘complexifying complex diasporas,’ this study examines how Hindus, while being publicly ‘invisible,’ have been able to possess a continuing cultural platform which is leveraged to acquire opportunities for religious performance. However, challenges to such strategic belonging have been rising rapidly with the rise of right wing Hindu ideology within and outside India. The repercussions of the establishment of a Hindu state in India on its diaspora, particularly in an officially Muslim country, are rife with challenges. Alternative strategies may have to be explored by the community to assert its identity and religious practices, as well as secure its future in Oman.
{"title":"Strategic Belonging: Hindu Identity and Performance in Oman","authors":"S. Mehta","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2151741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2151741","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study focuses on the multiple ways in which the Hindu community in Oman negotiates its religious identity in an Islamic country by strategically using its historic mercantile relations with the ruling families, maximising the use of public-private spaces, and creating and participating in transnational networks as ways to cope with state restrictions. Using Vertovec’s notion of ‘complexifying complex diasporas,’ this study examines how Hindus, while being publicly ‘invisible,’ have been able to possess a continuing cultural platform which is leveraged to acquire opportunities for religious performance. However, challenges to such strategic belonging have been rising rapidly with the rise of right wing Hindu ideology within and outside India. The repercussions of the establishment of a Hindu state in India on its diaspora, particularly in an officially Muslim country, are rife with challenges. Alternative strategies may have to be explored by the community to assert its identity and religious practices, as well as secure its future in Oman.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45487224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2124659
X. Qian, Pingan Xiong
Abstract The GCC countries are rich in new energy resources. In the context of the shale gas revolution and the transformation of the global energy system, the GCC countries have formulated corresponding goals and plans to actively develop new energy, and they have achieved good results. GCC countries face opportunities and challenges in the development of new energy. Although some GCC countries have formulated their own short-term and medium-to-long-term development goals and plans for new energy, there is still a certain gap between the current level of development and utilisation of new energy and the medium- and long-term development goals.
{"title":"The GCC Countries’ New Energy Policy: Present, Opportunities and Challenges","authors":"X. Qian, Pingan Xiong","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2124659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2124659","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The GCC countries are rich in new energy resources. In the context of the shale gas revolution and the transformation of the global energy system, the GCC countries have formulated corresponding goals and plans to actively develop new energy, and they have achieved good results. GCC countries face opportunities and challenges in the development of new energy. Although some GCC countries have formulated their own short-term and medium-to-long-term development goals and plans for new energy, there is still a certain gap between the current level of development and utilisation of new energy and the medium- and long-term development goals.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48771444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2132596
Meng Shu, Haifangming Yu
Abstract Digital trade and cross-border e-commerce have lowered the threshold for women’s entrepreneurship and employment, expanded the scope of links, and brought unprecedented development opportunities. If the female group can be included in the development of the digital economy in the Arab world, it will be of great significance to promote the diversification and transformation of the national economy. With the gradual reform and opening up of women’s rights in Arab countries, the women’s economy, especially the women’s digital economy, has also burst out with huge development potential, and women’s participation in the field of digital economy is also deepening. China-Arab digital infrastructure cooperation has made remarkable progress and has become an important area of cooperation for the high-quality promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative in the Arab world, which provides a good foundation for cooperation between China and Arab countries in the Her Digital Economy field, and also provides more support for the development in the future.
{"title":"“Her” Digital Economy in The Arab World and Its Cooperation with China","authors":"Meng Shu, Haifangming Yu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2132596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2132596","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Digital trade and cross-border e-commerce have lowered the threshold for women’s entrepreneurship and employment, expanded the scope of links, and brought unprecedented development opportunities. If the female group can be included in the development of the digital economy in the Arab world, it will be of great significance to promote the diversification and transformation of the national economy. With the gradual reform and opening up of women’s rights in Arab countries, the women’s economy, especially the women’s digital economy, has also burst out with huge development potential, and women’s participation in the field of digital economy is also deepening. China-Arab digital infrastructure cooperation has made remarkable progress and has become an important area of cooperation for the high-quality promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative in the Arab world, which provides a good foundation for cooperation between China and Arab countries in the Her Digital Economy field, and also provides more support for the development in the future.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47540858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2147327
S. Bicakci, Hazal Muslu El Berni
Abstract The possibility of a Saudi rapprochement with Israel has been continuously influenced by the the domestic barriers within the Saudi community and the Saudi historical narratives on the regional security perceptions of the Saudi decision-makers. After the appointment of Prince Mohammed bin Salman as the Minister of Defense in 2015, King Salman’s government adopted a new discourse in domestic and foreign policy built upon a redefined Saudi identity rhetorically distanced from its Islamic neighbours and moved towards a nationalised tone. The unstable nature of the regional security dynamics forces the kingdom to actively reconstruct new security routines based on the emerging regional security dynamics and repositions the alliances. At this juncture, this research aims at understanding the rationality of the rise and fall of the intensity of Saudi foreign policy towards a normalisation process with Israel within the borders of the redefined Saudi national identity and regional threat perceptions.
{"title":"Rapprochement in Israel-Saudi Foreign Policy: Moving on Tiptoes to a Normalization Process?","authors":"S. Bicakci, Hazal Muslu El Berni","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2147327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2147327","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The possibility of a Saudi rapprochement with Israel has been continuously influenced by the the domestic barriers within the Saudi community and the Saudi historical narratives on the regional security perceptions of the Saudi decision-makers. After the appointment of Prince Mohammed bin Salman as the Minister of Defense in 2015, King Salman’s government adopted a new discourse in domestic and foreign policy built upon a redefined Saudi identity rhetorically distanced from its Islamic neighbours and moved towards a nationalised tone. The unstable nature of the regional security dynamics forces the kingdom to actively reconstruct new security routines based on the emerging regional security dynamics and repositions the alliances. At this juncture, this research aims at understanding the rationality of the rise and fall of the intensity of Saudi foreign policy towards a normalisation process with Israel within the borders of the redefined Saudi national identity and regional threat perceptions.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48286001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2135496
Mahdi Naderi, Shohreh Pirani
Abstract COVID-19 pandemic has had different effects on election participation. Participation in the parliamentary (2020) and presidential (2021) elections under the pandemic has declined significantly compared to the last four decades. Contrary to popular belief, the findings show that this declined has been caused by causal conditions (economic downturn and government’s inefficiency), contextual conditions (economic war and sanctions), and interventional conditions, and COVID-19 pandemic has played an only contextual role. Prior to the COVID19 pandemic, Iranians were dissatisfied with the current situation, mainly internal rather than external, due to the disruption of the economy and living conditions. Therefore, election participation during the pandemic was a good opportunity to show the magnitude of the dissatisfaction. It can be said that the role of economic factors and the government’s inefficiency in discouraging election participation in Iran has been more than political, social, and health factors.
{"title":"Electoral Behavior of Iranians and the Factors of the Reduction of Electoral Participation During the Corona Pandemic (2020–2021)","authors":"Mahdi Naderi, Shohreh Pirani","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2135496","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2135496","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract COVID-19 pandemic has had different effects on election participation. Participation in the parliamentary (2020) and presidential (2021) elections under the pandemic has declined significantly compared to the last four decades. Contrary to popular belief, the findings show that this declined has been caused by causal conditions (economic downturn and government’s inefficiency), contextual conditions (economic war and sanctions), and interventional conditions, and COVID-19 pandemic has played an only contextual role. Prior to the COVID19 pandemic, Iranians were dissatisfied with the current situation, mainly internal rather than external, due to the disruption of the economy and living conditions. Therefore, election participation during the pandemic was a good opportunity to show the magnitude of the dissatisfaction. It can be said that the role of economic factors and the government’s inefficiency in discouraging election participation in Iran has been more than political, social, and health factors.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45662214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2128133
Moosa Akefi Ghaziani, Mohammad Akefi Ghaziani
Abstract Iran and Saudi Arabia are two of the most important countries in the Middle East. Not only do they enjoy the most abundant natural resources, but also have a geopolitical situation that makes their international attitude significant in terms of the East-West political-economic discourse. These features call for an in-depth comprehension of the international as well as human rights approaches of these nation-States. Therefore, this article reviews the foundations of their legal systems, and their contributions to the development of international law and human rights. It concludes that despite few human rights drawbacks in Saudi, its overall contributions to the development of international organisations, peace and security in the region, and human rights law are far greater than those of Iran. But what are the causes of this outcome? To answer this question, establishing a link between national law and international attitude is at stake. This article analyses the constitutional legal foundations that make such a study more interesting.
{"title":"A Reflection on the Human Rights Attitude and International Law Approaches of Iran and Saudi Arabia","authors":"Moosa Akefi Ghaziani, Mohammad Akefi Ghaziani","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2128133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2128133","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Iran and Saudi Arabia are two of the most important countries in the Middle East. Not only do they enjoy the most abundant natural resources, but also have a geopolitical situation that makes their international attitude significant in terms of the East-West political-economic discourse. These features call for an in-depth comprehension of the international as well as human rights approaches of these nation-States. Therefore, this article reviews the foundations of their legal systems, and their contributions to the development of international law and human rights. It concludes that despite few human rights drawbacks in Saudi, its overall contributions to the development of international organisations, peace and security in the region, and human rights law are far greater than those of Iran. But what are the causes of this outcome? To answer this question, establishing a link between national law and international attitude is at stake. This article analyses the constitutional legal foundations that make such a study more interesting.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43880147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2022.2132597
Jun Ma, Jing Min
Abstract On 5 June 2017, Saudi Arabia announced the severance of diplomatic relations with Qatar. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed had hoped that the blockade against Qatar would make Qatar no longer hold an independent and autonomous foreign policy and away from the influence of Iran and Turkey. However, the Saudi blockade against Qatar has not only failed to bring the latter to its knees but has allowed it to stand on its own feet and gradually reduced its dependence on imports. At the same time, Qatar has strengthened its ties with Iran and Turkey, bringing the two powers directly into the Gulf region and challenging Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Gulf. However, on 5 January 2021, Saudi Arabia announced the restoration of diplomatic relations with Qatar. Based on neoclassical realism, this paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the resumption of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar through both the international system and domestic factors, ultimately concluding that the reasons for the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries are related to Turkish and Iranian forces, the attitude of the United States, as well as GCC unity, the change in the Crown Prince’s diplomatic philosophy, the preservation of Sunnis and the promotion of economic cooperation.
{"title":"Saudi-Qatar Diplomatic Rapprochement: A Perspective of Neoclassical Realism","authors":"Jun Ma, Jing Min","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2022.2132597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2022.2132597","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract On 5 June 2017, Saudi Arabia announced the severance of diplomatic relations with Qatar. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed had hoped that the blockade against Qatar would make Qatar no longer hold an independent and autonomous foreign policy and away from the influence of Iran and Turkey. However, the Saudi blockade against Qatar has not only failed to bring the latter to its knees but has allowed it to stand on its own feet and gradually reduced its dependence on imports. At the same time, Qatar has strengthened its ties with Iran and Turkey, bringing the two powers directly into the Gulf region and challenging Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Gulf. However, on 5 January 2021, Saudi Arabia announced the restoration of diplomatic relations with Qatar. Based on neoclassical realism, this paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the resumption of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar through both the international system and domestic factors, ultimately concluding that the reasons for the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries are related to Turkish and Iranian forces, the attitude of the United States, as well as GCC unity, the change in the Crown Prince’s diplomatic philosophy, the preservation of Sunnis and the promotion of economic cooperation.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46933313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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