Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843
Y. Shichor
Abstract East Asia (the post-Confucian countries) is by far more advanced than the Middle East, primarily in terms of better education, leadership quality and population control – for which East Asia ranks at the top of the world’s list (and the Middle East at the bottom). In an attempt to trace the origins of this gap, this article concentrates on one issue: the separation between state and religion. Whereas East Asia is the most irreligious region in the world (not in the sense that there is no religion but in the sense that religion is not allowed to institutionalize) but in the sense that the civilian and secular government is always above the clergy. On the other hand, the Middle East is not only the most religious region in the world but is also involves in the government and occasionally controls it, blocks all attempts at reform, and leads to lagging far behind East Asia. Given this situation, and fast population growth, change is unlikely.
{"title":"Separation of State and Religion: The East Asian Model and The Middle East","authors":"Y. Shichor","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract East Asia (the post-Confucian countries) is by far more advanced than the Middle East, primarily in terms of better education, leadership quality and population control – for which East Asia ranks at the top of the world’s list (and the Middle East at the bottom). In an attempt to trace the origins of this gap, this article concentrates on one issue: the separation between state and religion. Whereas East Asia is the most irreligious region in the world (not in the sense that there is no religion but in the sense that religion is not allowed to institutionalize) but in the sense that the civilian and secular government is always above the clergy. On the other hand, the Middle East is not only the most religious region in the world but is also involves in the government and occasionally controls it, blocks all attempts at reform, and leads to lagging far behind East Asia. Given this situation, and fast population growth, change is unlikely.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"159 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41355519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1940016
Radhika Lakshminarayanan
Abstract In the twenty-first Century, small state partnerships are being re-aligned in the multipolar world. Addressing security concerns of small states, this paper reviews the prospects of strategic partnerships between small states and emerging powers. Contextualising from the historical relations between India and Kuwait, the paper analyses the dynamics of ‘soft power’ balancing within areas of mutual convergence. Further, the paper presents a future trajectory for small state partnerships with rising powers in an era of geo-economic interdependence.
{"title":"The Multipolar World and Small States: Emerging Perspectives in India-Kuwait Strategic Partnerships","authors":"Radhika Lakshminarayanan","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1940016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1940016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the twenty-first Century, small state partnerships are being re-aligned in the multipolar world. Addressing security concerns of small states, this paper reviews the prospects of strategic partnerships between small states and emerging powers. Contextualising from the historical relations between India and Kuwait, the paper analyses the dynamics of ‘soft power’ balancing within areas of mutual convergence. Further, the paper presents a future trajectory for small state partnerships with rising powers in an era of geo-economic interdependence.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"289 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1940016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42130134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1936842
Juan Chen, Xiehong Shi, Tao Yi
Abstract The concepts of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) are rooted in the profound traditional Chinese culture and philosophy. There is an old Chinese saying that ‘outstanding doctors can be masterful enough to govern a country.’ This means some concepts of TCM is compatible with the ones of governing political systems. At first, on the basis of the concepts of TCM treatment, this study puts forward a theoretical framework of TCM-based governance for China to participation in Middle Eastern issues. If we compare the Middle East to a human body with different systems and levels of organisations, its problems are its ‘illnesses,’ so to cure them and achieve the ultimate balance, as TCM focuses on, it is necessary to fundamentally improve the inner and outer political and economic environments of the Middle East, and its own ‘immune system.’ Secondly, the study will combine the concept of ‘holistic view’ with China’s participation in the governance of Middle Eastern issues before to prove the feasibility of the governance methods based on the TCM concepts. Furthermore, this study, to analyse the key factors of current conflicts in the region, ‘takes pulses’ to find out the root cause of those issues, and ‘prescribe Chinese medicine’ for different cases. It is our hope to promote the governance methods with Chinese wisdom.
{"title":"China’s Traditional Chinese Medicine-Style (TCM) Governance in Participation in the Middle Eastern Issues: Theories, Practices and Prospects","authors":"Juan Chen, Xiehong Shi, Tao Yi","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1936842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936842","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The concepts of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) are rooted in the profound traditional Chinese culture and philosophy. There is an old Chinese saying that ‘outstanding doctors can be masterful enough to govern a country.’ This means some concepts of TCM is compatible with the ones of governing political systems. At first, on the basis of the concepts of TCM treatment, this study puts forward a theoretical framework of TCM-based governance for China to participation in Middle Eastern issues. If we compare the Middle East to a human body with different systems and levels of organisations, its problems are its ‘illnesses,’ so to cure them and achieve the ultimate balance, as TCM focuses on, it is necessary to fundamentally improve the inner and outer political and economic environments of the Middle East, and its own ‘immune system.’ Secondly, the study will combine the concept of ‘holistic view’ with China’s participation in the governance of Middle Eastern issues before to prove the feasibility of the governance methods based on the TCM concepts. Furthermore, this study, to analyse the key factors of current conflicts in the region, ‘takes pulses’ to find out the root cause of those issues, and ‘prescribe Chinese medicine’ for different cases. It is our hope to promote the governance methods with Chinese wisdom.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"274 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936842","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45656768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1928415
Angana Kotokey, A. Borthakur
Abstract The ideological transition within the Taliban movement has witnessed several trajectories. Starting from a socio- cultural movement for bringing about law and order in the society as the ruler of Kabul in the mid-1990s; the movement experienced various phases where its norms and practices appeared alien to the socio-cultural fabric of the majority part of the modern Afghan state. At the present juncture, the movement’s aim is to become the ruler of Kabul again but with a new outlook. The movement and its leadership have entered an epoch different from the old Taliban to neo-Taliban and presents themselves as chief propagators of peace within the organisation that only reflects the Taliban’s desperate attempt to save the movement and present it as an alternative to the US backed Afghan government.
{"title":"The Ideological Trajectory within the Taliban Movement in Afghanistan","authors":"Angana Kotokey, A. Borthakur","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1928415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928415","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ideological transition within the Taliban movement has witnessed several trajectories. Starting from a socio- cultural movement for bringing about law and order in the society as the ruler of Kabul in the mid-1990s; the movement experienced various phases where its norms and practices appeared alien to the socio-cultural fabric of the majority part of the modern Afghan state. At the present juncture, the movement’s aim is to become the ruler of Kabul again but with a new outlook. The movement and its leadership have entered an epoch different from the old Taliban to neo-Taliban and presents themselves as chief propagators of peace within the organisation that only reflects the Taliban’s desperate attempt to save the movement and present it as an alternative to the US backed Afghan government.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"205 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928415","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43445988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1928412
G. Burton
Abstract How has China responded to regional tensions and conflicts in the Middle East? Broadly, it has done so in the form of a three-level game, at the global level (involving powerful outside parties like the US, Russia and the Europeans), at the regional level (and specifically the main regional powers like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Israel and Turkey) and at the sub-regional level where smaller and weaker states are based. The existence of this multipolar and competitive environment in which no one state or group of states is sufficiently capable to overcome another means that China’s relations with the region involve a range of sometimes contrary responses, including cooperation with these states while avoiding being caught up in their differences. This strategy may be summarised as ‘strategic ambiguity’ or ‘hedging’ and while it has served China well, it may be reaching the endpoint of its current utility.
{"title":"China’s Three Level Game in the Middle East","authors":"G. Burton","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1928412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928412","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How has China responded to regional tensions and conflicts in the Middle East? Broadly, it has done so in the form of a three-level game, at the global level (involving powerful outside parties like the US, Russia and the Europeans), at the regional level (and specifically the main regional powers like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Israel and Turkey) and at the sub-regional level where smaller and weaker states are based. The existence of this multipolar and competitive environment in which no one state or group of states is sufficiently capable to overcome another means that China’s relations with the region involve a range of sometimes contrary responses, including cooperation with these states while avoiding being caught up in their differences. This strategy may be summarised as ‘strategic ambiguity’ or ‘hedging’ and while it has served China well, it may be reaching the endpoint of its current utility.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"189 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928412","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47576030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1936840
Farhad Bayani
Abstract Islamic fundamentalism is a reading of Islam, the Qur'an and hadiths, according to which a large part of these bases are non-historical, independent and immune to social and political changes and are applicable to all societies and eras. The aim of this article is explanation the causes behind the emergence and spread of this specific form of fundamentalist trend. The research method is based on grounded theory. Samples have been selected through purposive sampling and theoretical saturation was obtained after carrying out depth interviews with 15 participants. Findings show confronting modernism, the crisis of meaning, dominant uncertainty, the need of the contemporary man to collective identity, and the weakness of religious clergy in converting religion to a discourse are the main reasons to tendency to Islamic fundamentalism movement. The fundamentalist movement in Kurdistan, rather than ethnic, highlights Sunni Islam and claims to establishment an Islamic state. These two characteristics distinguish this movement from other Kurdish movements throughout history of Iranian Kurdistan. Moreover, this movement is a reaction to the political, economic and social challenges of the Sunnis of Iran, especially the Kurds.
{"title":"Islam, Society and Kurds: Islamic Fundamentalism Among Iranian’s Kurds","authors":"Farhad Bayani","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1936840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936840","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Islamic fundamentalism is a reading of Islam, the Qur'an and hadiths, according to which a large part of these bases are non-historical, independent and immune to social and political changes and are applicable to all societies and eras. The aim of this article is explanation the causes behind the emergence and spread of this specific form of fundamentalist trend. The research method is based on grounded theory. Samples have been selected through purposive sampling and theoretical saturation was obtained after carrying out depth interviews with 15 participants. Findings show confronting modernism, the crisis of meaning, dominant uncertainty, the need of the contemporary man to collective identity, and the weakness of religious clergy in converting religion to a discourse are the main reasons to tendency to Islamic fundamentalism movement. The fundamentalist movement in Kurdistan, rather than ethnic, highlights Sunni Islam and claims to establishment an Islamic state. These two characteristics distinguish this movement from other Kurdish movements throughout history of Iranian Kurdistan. Moreover, this movement is a reaction to the political, economic and social challenges of the Sunnis of Iran, especially the Kurds.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"233 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936840","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47883430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1928411
ha-young Yu
Abstract Facing the new situation of international and domestic economic development, China and Turkey, as emerging developing countries, need to strengthen the docking and cooperation of their development strategies. The strategic docking between China and Turkey, which has strong compatibility, involves the communication and alignment of the two countries’ internal and external development strategies. Since the Belt and Road Initiative was put forward, China and Turkey have made continuous progress in strategic docking and cooperation, the bilateral strategic docking mechanism has been constantly improved, and docking areas have been significantly expanded, yielding more achievements. At the same time, the strategic docking between China and Turkey is also facing many challenges from the international environment and their respective domestic political and economic situation. In the future, China-Turkey strategic docking should strengthen political mutual trust, deepen docking mechanisms and fields, resolve specific docking cooperation obstacles, and explore new modes and cooperation docking in new technology fields. The deepening of strategic docking and communication and cooperation between China and Turkey also provides useful insights for developing countries to explore their own economic development path and jointly promote the improvement of global economic governance.
{"title":"China-Turkey Strategic Docking and Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative: Progress, Challenges and Prospects","authors":"ha-young Yu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1928411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928411","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Facing the new situation of international and domestic economic development, China and Turkey, as emerging developing countries, need to strengthen the docking and cooperation of their development strategies. The strategic docking between China and Turkey, which has strong compatibility, involves the communication and alignment of the two countries’ internal and external development strategies. Since the Belt and Road Initiative was put forward, China and Turkey have made continuous progress in strategic docking and cooperation, the bilateral strategic docking mechanism has been constantly improved, and docking areas have been significantly expanded, yielding more achievements. At the same time, the strategic docking between China and Turkey is also facing many challenges from the international environment and their respective domestic political and economic situation. In the future, China-Turkey strategic docking should strengthen political mutual trust, deepen docking mechanisms and fields, resolve specific docking cooperation obstacles, and explore new modes and cooperation docking in new technology fields. The deepening of strategic docking and communication and cooperation between China and Turkey also provides useful insights for developing countries to explore their own economic development path and jointly promote the improvement of global economic governance.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"254 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928411","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48678225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1928414
Yi Li
Abstract Promoting patriotism and national cohesion in history classes is a well-known practice in modern countries, and especially evident in countries embroiled in ongoing conflicts. Patriotism in middle school history education of Israel bear the task to inherit the essence of Jewish traditional culture, promote awakening civic consciousness and teach the history of nation building. The courses contains main lines of national image creation, complaints for diaspora history, reflection on the holocaust, the current situation of the stalemate with rivalry countries and the outlook for the trend towards integration. It aims at shaping the minds of nation residents with different ethnic, religious, cultural and political background, and turn them into social members with a strong sense of responsibility, characteristics of multicultural and harmonious coexistence. In the comprehensive educational system, Israeli patriotism education is conducive to national unity, social integration and modernisation, but at the same time smacks of Zionism.
{"title":"The Patriotism Education in History Courses of Israeli Middle School","authors":"Yi Li","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1928414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928414","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Promoting patriotism and national cohesion in history classes is a well-known practice in modern countries, and especially evident in countries embroiled in ongoing conflicts. Patriotism in middle school history education of Israel bear the task to inherit the essence of Jewish traditional culture, promote awakening civic consciousness and teach the history of nation building. The courses contains main lines of national image creation, complaints for diaspora history, reflection on the holocaust, the current situation of the stalemate with rivalry countries and the outlook for the trend towards integration. It aims at shaping the minds of nation residents with different ethnic, religious, cultural and political background, and turn them into social members with a strong sense of responsibility, characteristics of multicultural and harmonious coexistence. In the comprehensive educational system, Israeli patriotism education is conducive to national unity, social integration and modernisation, but at the same time smacks of Zionism.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"220 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1928414","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48827834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813
K. Aboul-Dahab
Abstract In March 2015, China issued an action plan which described the main objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As part of the BRI, Beijing launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 with a loose mandate. It has since become a significant part of Beijing’s overall BRI strategy, under which China provides aid, political support, and other assistance to recipient states. In June 2014, Chinese President Xi Jinping attended the sixth session of the ministerial meeting of the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum. During the meeting, Xi put forward the strategic concept of China–Arab cooperation mode as ‘1 + 2 + 3,’ with the ‘3’ including nuclear energy, aerospace and satellite technology and new energy. The two sides have agreed on the establishment of the China–Arab Centre for Technology Transfer, the construction of training centres for Arabian countries peaceful use of nuclear energy, and research on the use of China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite system in the Arab states. in Tunisia in April 2018. This paper will review the collaboration of China and the Arab states to implement a positive model of technological development and digital connectivity. Further, the ICT development of the Arab states in comparison to China will be investigated to explain changes observed in the countries ICT Exports.
{"title":"The Virtual Silk Road between China and the Arab States","authors":"K. Aboul-Dahab","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In March 2015, China issued an action plan which described the main objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As part of the BRI, Beijing launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 with a loose mandate. It has since become a significant part of Beijing’s overall BRI strategy, under which China provides aid, political support, and other assistance to recipient states. In June 2014, Chinese President Xi Jinping attended the sixth session of the ministerial meeting of the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum. During the meeting, Xi put forward the strategic concept of China–Arab cooperation mode as ‘1 + 2 + 3,’ with the ‘3’ including nuclear energy, aerospace and satellite technology and new energy. The two sides have agreed on the establishment of the China–Arab Centre for Technology Transfer, the construction of training centres for Arabian countries peaceful use of nuclear energy, and research on the use of China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite system in the Arab states. in Tunisia in April 2018. This paper will review the collaboration of China and the Arab states to implement a positive model of technological development and digital connectivity. Further, the ICT development of the Arab states in comparison to China will be investigated to explain changes observed in the countries ICT Exports.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"51 - 65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898813","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41997619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814
Yuanxia Zhang
Abstract This paper explores the approach of political integration behind the decision-making made by the Jordanian government in response to the threat of the COVID-19 global pandemic. Although Jordan is a developing MENA country that has relatively controlled the spread of the epidemic, especially in the first half of 2020, through 2020, to fight COVID-19, the Jordanian government was generally reluctant to give up nation-building that could contribute to political integration. Those specific policies to fight the pandemic are not only for ‘knee-hopping’ to responding to short-term suppression of public health security threats, but to smoothly maintain the existing political system, conveying comprehensive political culture, coping with external expectations, and balancing domestic forces in particular between ethnic groups, so as to achieve political integration required by a solid nation state.
{"title":"A Nation-Building Analysis of Jordan’s Response to Pandemic with the Perspective of Political Integration","authors":"Yuanxia Zhang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the approach of political integration behind the decision-making made by the Jordanian government in response to the threat of the COVID-19 global pandemic. Although Jordan is a developing MENA country that has relatively controlled the spread of the epidemic, especially in the first half of 2020, through 2020, to fight COVID-19, the Jordanian government was generally reluctant to give up nation-building that could contribute to political integration. Those specific policies to fight the pandemic are not only for ‘knee-hopping’ to responding to short-term suppression of public health security threats, but to smoothly maintain the existing political system, conveying comprehensive political culture, coping with external expectations, and balancing domestic forces in particular between ethnic groups, so as to achieve political integration required by a solid nation state.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"66 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/25765949.2021.1898814","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45173646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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