Si presenta una nuova edizione del decreto onorario attico IG I3 30. Si suggerisce che un possibile contesto storico idoneo per il decreto possa essere la perdita dell’Eubea (411 a.C.) che ha avuto come conseguenza una carenza di grano ad Atene.
{"title":"The Attic decree IG I3 30 revisited","authors":"A. Matthaiou","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/2588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/2588","url":null,"abstract":"Si presenta una nuova edizione del decreto onorario attico IG I3 30. Si suggerisce che un possibile contesto storico idoneo per il decreto possa essere la perdita dell’Eubea (411 a.C.) che ha avuto come conseguenza una carenza di grano ad Atene.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"1 1","pages":"13-22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73136036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the IVth Book of Politics, Aristotle, classifying the different eide tou demou present in different democratic poleis according to the different types of the prevailing socio-economic activities carried on by the main component of those demoi , mentions Tarent and Byzanz as examples of cities whose demos includes a very great number of fishers ( alieis ). While for Byzanz the large presence of fishers and the economic importance of fishing and related activities are richly documented and widely studied, in the case of Tarent the evidence is relatively poor, especially for pre-Roman and even pre-Hellenistic times, thus leaving almost isolated the testimony of Aristotle. In this paper, after reviewing and commenting on the available documentation - literary sources as well as archaeological evidence -, I shall propose to add to this lean dossier an interesting fragment, so far not taken into account, by Aristoxenus of Tarent, a prominent member of Aristotle’s school, where we find a reference to alieis kai thalattioi as lipernetes , that is ‘those who lost crops’ and therefore make their living by selling marine products ( ta tou alos ).
在《政治学》第四卷中，亚里士多德根据不同民主政体中民众的主要组成部分所进行的主流社会经济活动的不同类型，对不同民主政体中出现的不同民众进行了分类，他提到了塔伦特和拜赞兹作为城市的例子，这些城市的民众包括大量的渔民。对于拜占庭来说，大量的渔民以及渔业和相关活动的经济重要性都有丰富的文献记录和广泛的研究，而对于塔伦特来说，证据相对较少，特别是在罗马之前甚至是希腊化之前，因此亚里士多德的证词几乎是孤立的。本文在回顾和评论可用的文档——文学来源以及考古证据,我建议再加上精益档案一个有趣的片段,没有考虑到目前为止,Tarent亚里,亚里士多德的学校的重要成员,我们找到一个参考alieis kai thalattioi lipernetes,这是那些失去作物,因此谋生通过出售水产(ta tou树脂黄)。
{"title":"Aristote, Aristoxène et le demos alieutikòs de Tarente","authors":"Mario Lombardo","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1933","url":null,"abstract":"In the IVth Book of Politics, Aristotle, classifying the different eide tou demou present in different democratic poleis according to the different types of the prevailing socio-economic activities carried on by the main component of those demoi , mentions Tarent and Byzanz as examples of cities whose demos includes a very great number of fishers ( alieis ). While for Byzanz the large presence of fishers and the economic importance of fishing and related activities are richly documented and widely studied, in the case of Tarent the evidence is relatively poor, especially for pre-Roman and even pre-Hellenistic times, thus leaving almost isolated the testimony of Aristotle. In this paper, after reviewing and commenting on the available documentation - literary sources as well as archaeological evidence -, I shall propose to add to this lean dossier an interesting fragment, so far not taken into account, by Aristoxenus of Tarent, a prominent member of Aristotle’s school, where we find a reference to alieis kai thalattioi as lipernetes , that is ‘those who lost crops’ and therefore make their living by selling marine products ( ta tou alos ).","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"70 1","pages":"479-498"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73214817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Si presentano alcuni esempi iconografici e letterari relativi alla sacralita e all’alone religioso con cui si volle circonfondere l’immagine del senato di Costantinopoli. La solennizzazione religiosa dell’istituzione e, di riflesso, dei suoi componenti e della sua duplice sede, presso il Foro di Costantino e presso il Gran Palazzo, avvenne nelle forme di un paganesimo “laico”, l’unico disponibile anche per le cerimonie di fondazione della citta. Some iconographic and literary examples are here offered about the sacredness and religious halo surrounding the image of the Senate of Constantinople. The religious solemnization of the institution and, as a consequence, of its members and of its dual headquarters, at the Forum of Constantine and near the Great Palace, was in the forms of a " secular" paganism, the only one available also for the ceremonies which accompanied the foundation of the city.
以下是一些关于圣公会和宗教信仰的图像和文学例子，这些图像和宗教信仰旨在围绕君士坦丁堡参议院的形象。该机构及其组成部分及其在君士坦丁论坛和大皇宫的双重办公地点的宗教庄严化，以一种“世俗”异教的形式发生，这是唯一一种也可用于该市奠基仪式的异教形式。这里介绍了君士坦丁堡参议院的神圣和宗教光环。The religious solemnization of The institution and, as a consequence of its members and of its双重总部,at The Constantine和论坛形式中的近The Great宫,是“世俗”持久alfieri paganism, The one, for The ceremonies该accompanied The foundation of The city。
{"title":"Metafore religiose nell'immagine del Senato di Costantino-poli: testimonianze tardoantiche e protobizantine","authors":"Andrea Pellizzari","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/2029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/2029","url":null,"abstract":"Si presentano alcuni esempi iconografici e letterari relativi alla sacralita e all’alone religioso con cui si volle circonfondere l’immagine del senato di Costantinopoli. La solennizzazione religiosa dell’istituzione e, di riflesso, dei suoi componenti e della sua duplice sede, presso il Foro di Costantino e presso il Gran Palazzo, avvenne nelle forme di un paganesimo “laico”, l’unico disponibile anche per le cerimonie di fondazione della citta. Some iconographic and literary examples are here offered about the sacredness and religious halo surrounding the image of the Senate of Constantinople. The religious solemnization of the institution and, as a consequence, of its members and of its dual headquarters, at the Forum of Constantine and near the Great Palace, was in the forms of a \" secular\" paganism, the only one available also for the ceremonies which accompanied the foundation of the city.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"44 1","pages":"183-204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84007894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Historika VII Copertina e indice","authors":"G. Cuniberti","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/2586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/2586","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"5 1","pages":"1-8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79746686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La vocazione centripeta. Una divergenza ideologica tra Libanio e Temistio di fronte alla prospettiva costantinopolitana dei buleuti di Antiochia","authors":"M. Casella","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/2030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/2030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"32 1","pages":"205-242"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84230907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Areopagiticus [VII], well known for its remarks about the Athenian constitution and internal politics, provides nonetheless an analysis of the naval power. If we date this speech after the Social War, in 354, it looks like a bitter observation connected with a condemnation of the maritime empire. But, if, as I try to prove it, the speech has been composed before, in 357/6, even earlier (Isocrates probably started to think about it as soon as 364-360), its impact and its significance are different. Isocrates would prevent the loss of the naval supremacy of Athens. He never condemns it (such a sentence he could not avoid after writing de Pace in 355). On the contrary, supremacy still remains his major preoccupation and he even praises it. The League of Delos was well working when Areopagos was still powerful. The transformation of the internal Athenian politics, and not the arche , is the reason of the polis ’ bane, a polis which can’t keep what generals as Conon or Timothy gave to the Athenians.
{"title":"Isocrate, la seconde Confédération maritime et l’Aréopagitique","authors":"C. Bouchet","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1929","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1929","url":null,"abstract":"The Areopagiticus [VII], well known for its remarks about the Athenian constitution and internal politics, provides nonetheless an analysis of the naval power. If we date this speech after the Social War, in 354, it looks like a bitter observation connected with a condemnation of the maritime empire. But, if, as I try to prove it, the speech has been composed before, in 357/6, even earlier (Isocrates probably started to think about it as soon as 364-360), its impact and its significance are different. Isocrates would prevent the loss of the naval supremacy of Athens. He never condemns it (such a sentence he could not avoid after writing de Pace in 355). On the contrary, supremacy still remains his major preoccupation and he even praises it. The League of Delos was well working when Areopagos was still powerful. The transformation of the internal Athenian politics, and not the arche , is the reason of the polis ’ bane, a polis which can’t keep what generals as Conon or Timothy gave to the Athenians.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"251 1","pages":"423-431"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77627209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the itinerary and rites of Telemachus’ journey in search of news concerning his missing father, from his travel arrangements in Ithaca until his safe arrival back home. The author offers a special emphasis on the organization of the expeditionary group of hetairoi , including the prevailing special relationship among them. To conclude, this study will attempt to make a comparison between the significance of Odysseus’ odyssey and Telemachus’ learning journey, both from an historical and symbolic point of view, together with their literary reception within the Western tradition.
{"title":"La Télémachie et la mer: rites et épreuves d’un apprenti héros","authors":"V. A. Troncoso","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1936","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the itinerary and rites of Telemachus’ journey in search of news concerning his missing father, from his travel arrangements in Ithaca until his safe arrival back home. The author offers a special emphasis on the organization of the expeditionary group of hetairoi , including the prevailing special relationship among them. To conclude, this study will attempt to make a comparison between the significance of Odysseus’ odyssey and Telemachus’ learning journey, both from an historical and symbolic point of view, together with their literary reception within the Western tradition.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"31 4 1","pages":"523-538"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79901168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on ναυσικλeιτή Eὔβοια, the “Euboia famous for the ships”, mentioned in verses 31 and 219 of the hymn to Apollon. These words are usually seen as literary evidence supporting the currently wide accepted idea, mainly based on archaeological indicators, of a strong Euboean maritime power during the Geometric Age, widespread in the Mediterranean framework. But is that really so? Is there an actual connection between the mentioned verses and Euboea of the 9th and 8th centuries? And, if so, what does exactly “famous for the ships” mean?
本文的重点是να ν σικλ οι τή E ι βοια，即在阿波罗圣歌第31和219节中提到的“以船而闻名的伊波亚”。这些词通常被视为支持目前广泛接受的观点的文学证据，主要基于考古指标，即几何时代强大的欧洲海上力量，在地中海框架内广泛存在。但真的是这样吗?上面提到的诗句和九世纪和八世纪的欧波亚有实际的联系吗?如果是这样的话，“以船闻名”到底是什么意思呢?
{"title":"L’Eubea “famosa per le navi”","authors":"G. Boffa","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1916","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on ναυσικλeιτή Eὔβοια, the “Euboia famous for the ships”, mentioned in verses 31 and 219 of the hymn to Apollon. These words are usually seen as literary evidence supporting the currently wide accepted idea, mainly based on archaeological indicators, of a strong Euboean maritime power during the Geometric Age, widespread in the Mediterranean framework. But is that really so? Is there an actual connection between the mentioned verses and Euboea of the 9th and 8th centuries? And, if so, what does exactly “famous for the ships” mean?","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"32 1","pages":"231-247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80375766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Xenophon generally considered Sparta to have been a well organized, ideal city-state, which fact he attributed to the presumed lawgiver Lycurgus. By contrast, he saw the Sparta of his own time as having gone awry in several ways, especially due to the undertakings of leading Spartans towards other Greek cities, which lead to the corrupting influx of gold as a symbol of prestige ( Lac . 14). These misguided Sparta big-power policies were associated with the harmosts, who served as magistrates in foreign areas and were not provided for in the Lycurgan system. Not mentioned in this context are the nauarchs, who served in overseas areas as ship’s captains, and could also, like the harmosts, be involved in political operations and thus win power not only for Sparta but also for themselves. In my opinion, the reasons for this silence regarding the nauarchia become evident from an analysis of the concrete actions of nauarchs in Xenophon’s Hellenika . There, as we shall see, the nauarchs are on official missions as elected magistrates, responsible to the polis, who generally worked for the strength of Sparta. Although the same persons are often involved, the nauarchs, unlike the harmosts, assumed no permanent foreign positions of rulership, which, according to Xenophon, was what was the cause of Sparta’s undoing. The nauarchs – by contrast with the harmosts – occupied individual positions, which caused fewer problems and which were not suited to maintain any permanent rulership. Therefore, Xenophon had no immediate reason to include the nauarchs in his critique of the contemporary Lakedaimonion politeia . The main thrust of his argument was rather that the role of a long-term hegemonic power in the Aegean was one that overtaxed the powers of Sparta, for the often ruthless behavior of the magistrates sent abroad was what sparked the resistance against Spartan rule. By contrast to Athens, Sparta could conduct no successful imperial policy, and only brought itself into danger. Thereby Xenophon does not take into consideration the fact that Sparta, as a land power, was dependent on a certain maritime strength and presence as well, and hence needed the right kind of commanders. Therefore, he ultimately prefers not to mention the nauarchs in connection with the ideal Spartan constitution, and to connect the city’s imperial misbehavior only with the harmosts.
{"title":"Xenophon und die spartanische Nauarchie","authors":"L. Thommen","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1922","url":null,"abstract":"Xenophon generally considered Sparta to have been a well organized, ideal city-state, which fact he attributed to the presumed lawgiver Lycurgus. By contrast, he saw the Sparta of his own time as having gone awry in several ways, especially due to the undertakings of leading Spartans towards other Greek cities, which lead to the corrupting influx of gold as a symbol of prestige ( Lac . 14). These misguided Sparta big-power policies were associated with the harmosts, who served as magistrates in foreign areas and were not provided for in the Lycurgan system. Not mentioned in this context are the nauarchs, who served in overseas areas as ship’s captains, and could also, like the harmosts, be involved in political operations and thus win power not only for Sparta but also for themselves. In my opinion, the reasons for this silence regarding the nauarchia become evident from an analysis of the concrete actions of nauarchs in Xenophon’s Hellenika . There, as we shall see, the nauarchs are on official missions as elected magistrates, responsible to the polis, who generally worked for the strength of Sparta. Although the same persons are often involved, the nauarchs, unlike the harmosts, assumed no permanent foreign positions of rulership, which, according to Xenophon, was what was the cause of Sparta’s undoing. The nauarchs – by contrast with the harmosts – occupied individual positions, which caused fewer problems and which were not suited to maintain any permanent rulership. Therefore, Xenophon had no immediate reason to include the nauarchs in his critique of the contemporary Lakedaimonion politeia . The main thrust of his argument was rather that the role of a long-term hegemonic power in the Aegean was one that overtaxed the powers of Sparta, for the often ruthless behavior of the magistrates sent abroad was what sparked the resistance against Spartan rule. By contrast to Athens, Sparta could conduct no successful imperial policy, and only brought itself into danger. Thereby Xenophon does not take into consideration the fact that Sparta, as a land power, was dependent on a certain maritime strength and presence as well, and hence needed the right kind of commanders. Therefore, he ultimately prefers not to mention the nauarchs in connection with the ideal Spartan constitution, and to connect the city’s imperial misbehavior only with the harmosts.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"12 1","pages":"313-320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83312714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From Thucydides we assume that among Athens’ allied states the burden of providing ships or phoros fell entirely on the δυνατοί, wealthy landowners, who were either oligarchs or democrats or «potential democrats». It is worth mentioning that the arrangement concerning the poleis of Lesbos, except Methymna, after their surrender, mainly, the rental yearly paid by the farmers to the cleruchs, worked as a substitution of the phoros , divided equally to the farmers, since the δυνατοί who survived could not afford by themselves the burden of it. In other cases the land occupied by cleruchs was taken from wealthy landowners, who contributed in another way to the growth of Athenian hegemony. The power and wealth of the δ υνατοί are indicated by the role they played in the revolts, which occurred till 412, and the measures taken by Athens after recovering the revolted poleis. Oligarchs, mainly, were the instigators of the revolts, while Athens favored those friendly to her. Even when a democracy was imposed the wealthy gained effective control since a system of paying citizens for public services did not exist. It is noticeable that at Samos in 412 the demos having slew 200 and condemned to exile 400 of the δυνατοί distributed among themselves their land and houses. By so doing they secured their means of living and were able to participate in the government. After Athens’ great defeat in Sicily δυνατοί oligarchs grasped the opportunity to secede from Athens, since they believed that the Athenians would not be able to hold out through the following summer. Thus they opportunely aligned themselves with Sparta helping her to obtain the hegemony, hoping that in the near future they will without any pressure or intervention control their own affairs.
{"title":"H συμβολή των δυνατών σε πόλεις της Δηλιακής-Αθηναϊκής Συμμαχίας στο τῆς θαλάσσης κράτος","authors":"Anna Ramou-Hapsiadi","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1905","url":null,"abstract":"From Thucydides we assume that among Athens’ allied states the burden of providing ships or phoros fell entirely on the δυνατοί, wealthy landowners, who were either oligarchs or democrats or «potential democrats». It is worth mentioning that the arrangement concerning the poleis of Lesbos, except Methymna, after their surrender, mainly, the rental yearly paid by the farmers to the cleruchs, worked as a substitution of the phoros , divided equally to the farmers, since the δυνατοί who survived could not afford by themselves the burden of it. In other cases the land occupied by cleruchs was taken from wealthy landowners, who contributed in another way to the growth of Athenian hegemony. The power and wealth of the δ υνατοί are indicated by the role they played in the revolts, which occurred till 412, and the measures taken by Athens after recovering the revolted poleis. Oligarchs, mainly, were the instigators of the revolts, while Athens favored those friendly to her. Even when a democracy was imposed the wealthy gained effective control since a system of paying citizens for public services did not exist. It is noticeable that at Samos in 412 the demos having slew 200 and condemned to exile 400 of the δυνατοί distributed among themselves their land and houses. By so doing they secured their means of living and were able to participate in the government. After Athens’ great defeat in Sicily δυνατοί oligarchs grasped the opportunity to secede from Athens, since they believed that the Athenians would not be able to hold out through the following summer. Thus they opportunely aligned themselves with Sparta helping her to obtain the hegemony, hoping that in the near future they will without any pressure or intervention control their own affairs.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"47 1","pages":"41-58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89387147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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