The two Locrian territories were open to the sea: Eastern Locris to the Euboean Gulf, Western Locris to the Gulf of Corinth. My paper reviews the role played by the Locrians' control of important sea tracts in archaic and classical times and the evidence of the uses made by the Locrians of the sea. The development of trade, war, piracy, colonisation, law, are analysed in the Locrian context to show how also a region traditionally regarded as backward made extensive use of its sea coast as a tool of power and external relations. Lastly, a review of the evidence regarding the harbour installations both in Eastern and Western Locris is presented.
{"title":"The Locrians and the Sea","authors":"Adolfo J. Domínguez","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1917","url":null,"abstract":"The two Locrian territories were open to the sea: Eastern Locris to the Euboean Gulf, Western Locris to the Gulf of Corinth. My paper reviews the role played by the Locrians' control of important sea tracts in archaic and classical times and the evidence of the uses made by the Locrians of the sea. The development of trade, war, piracy, colonisation, law, are analysed in the Locrian context to show how also a region traditionally regarded as backward made extensive use of its sea coast as a tool of power and external relations. Lastly, a review of the evidence regarding the harbour installations both in Eastern and Western Locris is presented.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"1 1","pages":"249-262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75736477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Continental roads and sea routes were used by Greeks throughout antiquity for their transportation towards and from the sacred state of Elis for the participation to the Olympic Games, the greatest festival in honor of Zeus. Escorting the official delegation and the athletes of their city, great number of pilgrims from all around the Hellenic world, carrying among their luggage valuable offerings and goods, were reaching the Olympic land with ships. The two ports of Kyllini and Pheia were the gates that they had to pass, moments before they experience the prodigious panhellenic event. Kyllini served as the port of Koile Elis and its capital. As reported by Pausanias, the convenient and sheltered bay of Kyllini, reinforced by piers, offered protection to ships from the southwesterly winds. This natural advantage explains why vessels moored at this site continuously, from antiquity to contemporary era. Pheia or Phea in today’s Gulf of Agios Andreas was the seaport of the region of Pisa almost coinciding with its northern borders with Koile Elis. When Elis subjugated Pisa and other cities, the port of Pheia became the second most important port of the ancient state, after Kyllini. Despite the hazards described in the literary sources, such as the sinking of the ship carrying the official delegation of Syracuse at the fourth century BC during the return trip from Olympia, the sea voyage was preferable. The same applies today for the large waves of tourists reaching Olympia after disembarking huge cruise ships at the port of Katakolo, very close to ancient Pheia.
{"title":"Τα ηλειακά λιμάνια Κυλλήνης και Φειάς και ο ρόλος τους στους Ολυμπιακούς Αγώνες της Αρχαιότητας","authors":"Konstantinos B. Antonopoulos","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1913","url":null,"abstract":"Continental roads and sea routes were used by Greeks throughout antiquity for their transportation towards and from the sacred state of Elis for the participation to the Olympic Games, the greatest festival in honor of Zeus. Escorting the official delegation and the athletes of their city, great number of pilgrims from all around the Hellenic world, carrying among their luggage valuable offerings and goods, were reaching the Olympic land with ships. The two ports of Kyllini and Pheia were the gates that they had to pass, moments before they experience the prodigious panhellenic event. Kyllini served as the port of Koile Elis and its capital. As reported by Pausanias, the convenient and sheltered bay of Kyllini, reinforced by piers, offered protection to ships from the southwesterly winds. This natural advantage explains why vessels moored at this site continuously, from antiquity to contemporary era. Pheia or Phea in today’s Gulf of Agios Andreas was the seaport of the region of Pisa almost coinciding with its northern borders with Koile Elis. When Elis subjugated Pisa and other cities, the port of Pheia became the second most important port of the ancient state, after Kyllini. Despite the hazards described in the literary sources, such as the sinking of the ship carrying the official delegation of Syracuse at the fourth century BC during the return trip from Olympia, the sea voyage was preferable. The same applies today for the large waves of tourists reaching Olympia after disembarking huge cruise ships at the port of Katakolo, very close to ancient Pheia.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"27 1","pages":"183-204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78516032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The perception of the sea as a source of power is associated with Athens at the time of the Peloponnesian War. This paper examines the emergence, the development and the transformations of this concept from Homer to the end of the 5 th century BC. A special focus is on the idea of expediency which is progressively associated with seafaring and naval activity and of the terms applied to this positive evaluation of the sea. In both literary and historical texts from the archaic and classical periods, the idea of the appropriation of the sea is pointedly formulated and specified in various ways: at an initial stage, familiarity with the sea is treated as a pre-requisite for cultural development (shipbuilding, seafaring, trade, marine fighting) and the scope of the discussion is mankind at large; after the Persian Wars, naval excellence becomes a distinct mark of the Greeks and distinguishes them from the barbarians; thus, discourse about the sea reflects an ideological stance, as national characteristics are related to a metaphysically founded moral order which goes along the geographical separation of Asia and Europe. Finally, from the Athenians’ point of view, naval progress is a constituent of their particular identity and becomes a tool for supremacy and domination in the context of their hegemony. The story of the conquest of the sea is a story of problem-solving which required the development of technical means and boosted up specific moral and intellectual qualities. Coping with the sea entails a set of skills, technical knowledge, experience and ability for self-reflection which produces a specific mentality and attitude towards the sea. Thus, the idea of domination over the sea enhances abstract thinking, given that – apart from its reference to a world reality – its construction and imposition is rooted in mental representations and evaluations.
{"title":"Ναυτική ισχύς, ναυτικές επιχειρήσεις και η λογοτεχνική τους έκφραση από τις αρχές ως τα τέλη του 5ου αι. π.Χ.","authors":"Antonis Tsakmakis","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1909","url":null,"abstract":"The perception of the sea as a source of power is associated with Athens at the time of the Peloponnesian War. This paper examines the emergence, the development and the transformations of this concept from Homer to the end of the 5 th century BC. A special focus is on the idea of expediency which is progressively associated with seafaring and naval activity and of the terms applied to this positive evaluation of the sea. In both literary and historical texts from the archaic and classical periods, the idea of the appropriation of the sea is pointedly formulated and specified in various ways: at an initial stage, familiarity with the sea is treated as a pre-requisite for cultural development (shipbuilding, seafaring, trade, marine fighting) and the scope of the discussion is mankind at large; after the Persian Wars, naval excellence becomes a distinct mark of the Greeks and distinguishes them from the barbarians; thus, discourse about the sea reflects an ideological stance, as national characteristics are related to a metaphysically founded moral order which goes along the geographical separation of Asia and Europe. Finally, from the Athenians’ point of view, naval progress is a constituent of their particular identity and becomes a tool for supremacy and domination in the context of their hegemony. The story of the conquest of the sea is a story of problem-solving which required the development of technical means and boosted up specific moral and intellectual qualities. Coping with the sea entails a set of skills, technical knowledge, experience and ability for self-reflection which produces a specific mentality and attitude towards the sea. Thus, the idea of domination over the sea enhances abstract thinking, given that – apart from its reference to a world reality – its construction and imposition is rooted in mental representations and evaluations.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"24 1","pages":"111-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86687407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Until now it was admitted by scholars that the Spartan navarchs were, like the Athenian strategoi , elected every year. But the chronological lists present difficulties. Here, after examination of all the navarchs, we think than we can explain why. They were not elected, but chosen, and there is the problem, by the power. So Ephors or King? And two years or one year?
{"title":"L’institution spartiate des navarques","authors":"Jacqueline Christien","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1923","url":null,"abstract":"Until now it was admitted by scholars that the Spartan navarchs were, like the Athenian strategoi , elected every year. But the chronological lists present difficulties. Here, after examination of all the navarchs, we think than we can explain why. They were not elected, but chosen, and there is the problem, by the power. So Ephors or King? And two years or one year?","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"36 1","pages":"321-352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88084357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In two passages of book XIV Diodorus emphasizes the recognized hegemony exercised by Sparta both on land and sea after the Peloponnesian War (XIV 10 and 13). We have to put these places side to side with others: XIV 84 and 97, XV 23, XV 60, XV 78-79, from which comes out a judgment of failure of the maritime hegemony as such: it takes its full value only if it is combined with that on earth. Unlike Xenophon, who still believed in the dual hegemony and in the division of spheres of influence between Sparta and Athens, Diodorus reflects a perspective which is not Athenian and which reopens the debate on the conditions for the exercise of Panhellenic hegemony. Diodorus probably draws this topic from an historiographical tradition interested in Boeotian hegemony.
在第十四卷的两段中，狄奥多鲁斯强调了伯罗奔尼撒战争后斯巴达在陆地和海洋上公认的霸权(第十四章10和13节)。我们必须把这些地方与其他地方放在一起:XIV 84和97,XV 23, XV 60, XV 78-79，从中得出了对海上霸权失败的判断:只有当它与地球上的霸权结合在一起时，它才会发挥其全部价值。色诺芬仍然相信双重霸权以及斯巴达和雅典之间势力范围的划分，而迪奥多罗斯则不同，他反映了一种非雅典的观点，并重新开启了关于泛希腊霸权行使条件的辩论。狄奥多罗斯很可能是从对波斯霸权感兴趣的史学传统中引出这个话题的。
{"title":"L’impero del mare come egemonia subalterna nel IV secolo (Diodoro, libri XIV-XV)","authors":"C. Bearzot","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1920","url":null,"abstract":"In two passages of book XIV Diodorus emphasizes the recognized hegemony exercised by Sparta both on land and sea after the Peloponnesian War (XIV 10 and 13). We have to put these places side to side with others: XIV 84 and 97, XV 23, XV 60, XV 78-79, from which comes out a judgment of failure of the maritime hegemony as such: it takes its full value only if it is combined with that on earth. Unlike Xenophon, who still believed in the dual hegemony and in the division of spheres of influence between Sparta and Athens, Diodorus reflects a perspective which is not Athenian and which reopens the debate on the conditions for the exercise of Panhellenic hegemony. Diodorus probably draws this topic from an historiographical tradition interested in Boeotian hegemony.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"84 1","pages":"287-298"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81595479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The island of Rhodes was a naval base of great strategic interest for the Greek states fighting for hegemony, especially Athens and Sparta in the Classical period. This situation influenced the Rhodian civic community, where there were several episodes of stasis between democrats and oligarchs, supported respectively by Athenians and Spartans. In this paper we focus on one of these episodes, in the framework of the so-called Corinthian War (395-386 B.C.), on the development and implications of which our two main sources (Xenophon and Diodorus of Sicily) disagree.
{"title":"Rhodes during the Corinthian War: from strategic naval base to endemic 'stasis'","authors":"Fornis Vaquero, C. Antonio","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1930","url":null,"abstract":"The island of Rhodes was a naval base of great strategic interest for the Greek states fighting for hegemony, especially Athens and Sparta in the Classical period. This situation influenced the Rhodian civic community, where there were several episodes of stasis between democrats and oligarchs, supported respectively by Athenians and Spartans. In this paper we focus on one of these episodes, in the framework of the so-called Corinthian War (395-386 B.C.), on the development and implications of which our two main sources (Xenophon and Diodorus of Sicily) disagree.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"42 1","pages":"433-441"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80869806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since ancient times, it has been considered that the high point of Cilician piracy took place in the second half of the 2nd century BCE and the first half of the following. The main object of this paper is to demonstrate that the link between the Cilicians and the practice of piracy derives from earlier ages. Therefore, in the period that we have just defined, what we find is only an uncontrolled expansion of Cilician activities all over the Mediterranean Sea. The reason why this phenomenon did not happen before is that the highest powers in the area were well aware, over several centuries, of the warlike and maritime skills of the inhabitants of Cilicia, and tried to use them for their own profit. In order to do so, they enlisted them in their troops, thus taking advantage of their maritime expertise, and establishing a pattern of behaviour that would keep on happening during later historical periods. The main subject of this work is, therefore, to explain how the Eastern Mediterranean seapowers realised about the benefits of ruling over these seasoned mariners. We will see that ruling over the seas is not only a matter of a high naval power level, but piracy (in this case, Cilician) was also considered by Mediterranean States as a factor that could modify the balance of seapower. And this is what happened indeed with the Cilicians within the Archaic and Classical times, or even before.
{"title":"Piracy as a disequilibrium factor in the Eastern Mediterranean seapower balance: the Cilician example during the Archaic and Classical times","authors":"Alfonso Álvarez-Ossorio Rivas","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1919","url":null,"abstract":"Since ancient times, it has been considered that the high point of Cilician piracy took place in the second half of the 2nd century BCE and the first half of the following. The main object of this paper is to demonstrate that the link between the Cilicians and the practice of piracy derives from earlier ages. Therefore, in the period that we have just defined, what we find is only an uncontrolled expansion of Cilician activities all over the Mediterranean Sea. The reason why this phenomenon did not happen before is that the highest powers in the area were well aware, over several centuries, of the warlike and maritime skills of the inhabitants of Cilicia, and tried to use them for their own profit. In order to do so, they enlisted them in their troops, thus taking advantage of their maritime expertise, and establishing a pattern of behaviour that would keep on happening during later historical periods. The main subject of this work is, therefore, to explain how the Eastern Mediterranean seapowers realised about the benefits of ruling over these seasoned mariners. We will see that ruling over the seas is not only a matter of a high naval power level, but piracy (in this case, Cilician) was also considered by Mediterranean States as a factor that could modify the balance of seapower. And this is what happened indeed with the Cilicians within the Archaic and Classical times, or even before.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"14 1","pages":"277-286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90271510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This is a philological study that deals with the articulated ideas and it is not in the least concerned with the historicity of events; it is not the events but the ideas that I thought are worth writing about (cf. I 22, 2). ‘Archaeology’, the title of this paper, refers – with a certain degree of ambiguity – first to the Archaeology of Thucydides, next it includes the connotation of Archaeology as excavation of the idea in Thucydides and Old-Oligarch, the sea-power of Polycrates in Herodotus, the Catalogue of the Ships in the second Book of the Iliad and the third chorus of the Persians of Aeschylus (852-907). In addition, the notion of ‘archaeology’ involves the components of the idea in Hesiod and Homer, and its survival in Xenophon’s Hellenica and in Isocrates, and, finally, its philosophical foundation in works of Plato and Aristotle; the study of the notion of Archaeology culminates with Atlantis and the works Timaeus and Critias of Plato.
{"title":"«Μέγα τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης κράτος» (Θουκ. Ι 143, 5): αρχαιολογία της ιδέας","authors":"Ioannis N. Perysinakis","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1927","url":null,"abstract":"This is a philological study that deals with the articulated ideas and it is not in the least concerned with the historicity of events; it is not the events but the ideas that I thought are worth writing about (cf. I 22, 2). ‘Archaeology’, the title of this paper, refers – with a certain degree of ambiguity – first to the Archaeology of Thucydides, next it includes the connotation of Archaeology as excavation of the idea in Thucydides and Old-Oligarch, the sea-power of Polycrates in Herodotus, the Catalogue of the Ships in the second Book of the Iliad and the third chorus of the Persians of Aeschylus (852-907). In addition, the notion of ‘archaeology’ involves the components of the idea in Hesiod and Homer, and its survival in Xenophon’s Hellenica and in Isocrates, and, finally, its philosophical foundation in works of Plato and Aristotle; the study of the notion of Archaeology culminates with Atlantis and the works Timaeus and Critias of Plato.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"109 1 1","pages":"387-404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83877679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sparta has long enjoyed the reputation of a polis that was hostile toward and incompetent in τὰ ναυτικά. Impediments, including its location and agrarian economic base, made it difficult for Sparta to challenge Athenian sea power before the last decade of the fifth century. Herodotus and Thucydides, moreover, repeatedly offer support for the Athenian-based stereotype of the Lacedaemonian “landlubber”. Both authors, however, provide accounts of Spartan naval activity that question the assumption that the Spartans were “at sea” when it came to naval matters.
斯巴达长期以来一直享有一个在τ να ν τικά方面敌视和无能的城邦的声誉。在五世纪最后十年之前，斯巴达的地理位置和农业经济基础等障碍使得它很难挑战雅典的海上力量。此外，希罗多德(Herodotus)和修昔底德(Thucydides)一再支持雅典人对拉西达蒙人(Lacedaemonian)“陆夫”(landluber)的刻板印象。然而，两位作者都提供了关于斯巴达海军活动的描述，质疑斯巴达人在海军事务上“在海上”的假设。
{"title":"The Spartans “at Sea”","authors":"E. Millender","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1921","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1921","url":null,"abstract":"Sparta has long enjoyed the reputation of a polis that was hostile toward and incompetent in τὰ ναυτικά. Impediments, including its location and agrarian economic base, made it difficult for Sparta to challenge Athenian sea power before the last decade of the fifth century. Herodotus and Thucydides, moreover, repeatedly offer support for the Athenian-based stereotype of the Lacedaemonian “landlubber”. Both authors, however, provide accounts of Spartan naval activity that question the assumption that the Spartans were “at sea” when it came to naval matters.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"220 1","pages":"299-312"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74507986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Concord is order, harmony, balance, it is a moral principle that inspires pacific coexistence within the civic community; this is the image delivered by IV century philosophical and political thought. Such a notion was developed within a speculation over spaces and places considered in their faculty of producing or hindering the establishment of a condition of ὁμονοeῖν. In the IV century cultural horizon the sea figured both as the space of inequality, violence and power struggle, as opposed to the earth that produced concord and relations of friendship, and also as a vehicle of ideas that associated freedom and concord, a bulwark for democracy. Athens’s action on the sea was just as much a model for both the positive and negative notion. Gorgias and Lysias can be considered the first authors to provide evidence of these contrasting representations. Under another perspective, the sea was the space of mercantile activities and the Aegean harbours functioned as privileged places of an operational concord born from the meeting and association of diverse people, united by their work experiences and economic interests by which social integration prevailed over political distinctions. The diffusion of the cult of Homonoia at Piraeus, epigraphically attested since the IV century B.C., and its fortune among the communities of thiasotai testifies its correlation with mercantile society and its establishment among the multiethnic population of the Athenian port. The devotion of citizens and foreigners, free and slaves, men and women, answered the need for a cult to be shared by people of most diverse provenance, heterogeneous social extraction and of different religious traditions, offering thus a model of homonoia that went beyond the bounds of the civic community to be declined according to the criteria of cosmopolitism and integration.
{"title":"Immaginario del mare e homonoia. Luoghi reali e virtuali dell’armonia e dell’amicizia nella retorica politica e nella prassi (IV sec. a.C.)","authors":"G. D. Rocchi","doi":"10.13135/2039-4985/1907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13135/2039-4985/1907","url":null,"abstract":"Concord is order, harmony, balance, it is a moral principle that inspires pacific coexistence within the civic community; this is the image delivered by IV century philosophical and political thought. Such a notion was developed within a speculation over spaces and places considered in their faculty of producing or hindering the establishment of a condition of ὁμονοeῖν. In the IV century cultural horizon the sea figured both as the space of inequality, violence and power struggle, as opposed to the earth that produced concord and relations of friendship, and also as a vehicle of ideas that associated freedom and concord, a bulwark for democracy. Athens’s action on the sea was just as much a model for both the positive and negative notion. Gorgias and Lysias can be considered the first authors to provide evidence of these contrasting representations. Under another perspective, the sea was the space of mercantile activities and the Aegean harbours functioned as privileged places of an operational concord born from the meeting and association of diverse people, united by their work experiences and economic interests by which social integration prevailed over political distinctions. The diffusion of the cult of Homonoia at Piraeus, epigraphically attested since the IV century B.C., and its fortune among the communities of thiasotai testifies its correlation with mercantile society and its establishment among the multiethnic population of the Athenian port. The devotion of citizens and foreigners, free and slaves, men and women, answered the need for a cult to be shared by people of most diverse provenance, heterogeneous social extraction and of different religious traditions, offering thus a model of homonoia that went beyond the bounds of the civic community to be declined according to the criteria of cosmopolitism and integration.","PeriodicalId":30377,"journal":{"name":"Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana","volume":"9 1","pages":"83-96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88895623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：