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L’Egeo fra i Persiani e Alessandro il Grande 爱琴海在波斯人和亚历山大大帝之间
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1925
L. Prandi
The paper concerns the Aegean war operations between Macedonians and Persians (334-331 B.C.) and focuses on two topics of the year 333: did make Alexander a mistake when he disbanded his fleet? Was Memnon’s sudden death a really damage to the Persian hopes? Particular care is devoted to examine naval strategies and to discuss the reasons of their success or failure.
这篇论文涉及马其顿人和波斯人之间的爱琴海战争(公元前334-331年),并集中讨论了333年的两个主题:亚历山大解散舰队是否犯了错误?门农的突然死亡真的对波斯人的希望造成了伤害吗?特别关注的是研究海军战略,并讨论其成功或失败的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Gli Agathoi di Taso, Platone e l’eroizzazione dei caduti per la patria 塔索的阿伽索伊,柏拉图和阵亡士兵为国家的英雄化
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1910
F. Frisone
Taking into account the new elements provided by a recently discovered fragment of the same inscription, the paper presents a study of the so called “Stele of the Agathoi ” from Thasos. A thorough reading of the epigraphical source brings into focus its relevance to the issue of rituals that Greek cities of the Classical period performed in honor of their citizens fallen in battle. The study also stresses a possible link with Plato’s tradition which suggests how this field was strictly inherent to changing ideas and models concerning politeia , the role of the good citizen and that of the city.
考虑到最近发现的同一铭文碎片所提供的新元素,本文对来自萨索斯的所谓“阿加托伊石碑”进行了研究。对铭文来源的全面阅读,将其与古典时期希腊城市为纪念在战斗中阵亡的公民而举行的仪式问题的相关性集中起来。该研究还强调了与柏拉图传统的可能联系,该传统表明,这一领域如何严格地固有于有关政治、好公民和城市角色的不断变化的思想和模式。
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引用次数: 0
Mare, potere e demagogia nella commedia attica 阿提卡喜剧中的大海、权力和煽动
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1931
G. Cuniberti
In the face of a single attestation of thalassokratia in ancient Attic comedy, the ancient exegetes have already traced the numerous passages that lead, in mostly critical or ironic terms, to the concept of thalassokratia and especially to the compelling relationship among sea, demos and political power. Aristophanes' comedies remind the audience that the sea is necessary, but it pushes to the boundless search for absolute supremacy that ultimately leads to destruction: it is better to turn to it with moderation, or stay away. However, in addition to Aristophanes, especially the fragments of missing comedies allow to understand the complex and varied relationship between the Athenian demos and the sea, the reference point of the profit of the danger.
面对古代阿提卡喜剧中对海索克拉提亚的单一证明,古代的注释者已经追溯了大量的段落,这些段落大多以批判或讽刺的方式,导致海索克拉提亚的概念,特别是海洋,人民和政治权力之间的引人注目的关系。阿里斯托芬的喜剧提醒观众,大海是必要的,但它推动了对绝对霸权的无限追求,最终导致毁灭:最好是温和地转向它,或者远离它。然而,除了阿里斯托芬之外,尤其是那些缺失的喜剧片段,让我们能够理解雅典民众与大海之间复杂多变的关系,大海是危险利益的参考点。
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引用次数: 0
Les Spartiates et la mer Ve s. av. J.-C. : des amiraux qui n’aimaient pas la mer 公元前5世纪的斯巴达人和大海:不喜欢大海的海军上将
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1937
F. Ruzé
Against Persians, in 480, the Greeks of the Hellenic League chose to be under the command of the Spartans, on sea as on land. Again for the end of the 5th century, Greek authors speak of Spartan hegemonia on land and sea. Actually, Spartans are very bad in sea-fight because they don’t understand its rules and they are afraid when they meet a good fleet or a bad weather. Their victories are generally on the sea-shore, not in open sea : even Lysander, the best of their navarchs, won on shore at Aigos Potamoi. Even their coastal territory is not well protected. It seems as if there was a kind of inadequacy between Spartan way of life and maritime activity, with some contempt for the maritime tekhne . So the Spartan superiority was only and exclusively on land, even when authors speak of their universal hegemony.
公元480年,为了对抗波斯人,希腊联盟的希腊人选择了听从斯巴达人的指挥,无论是陆上还是海上。同样在5世纪末,希腊作家谈到了斯巴达在陆地和海洋上的霸权。实际上,斯巴达人在海战中表现非常糟糕,因为他们不懂海战规则,而且当他们遇到一支优秀的舰队或恶劣的天气时,他们会感到害怕。他们的胜利通常是在海岸上,而不是在公海上:甚至拉山德,他们最优秀的海军将领,也在海岸上取得了胜利。甚至他们的沿海领地也没有得到很好的保护。似乎在斯巴达人的生活方式和海上活动之间存在着一种不相称,对海上技术有某种蔑视。因此,斯巴达人的优势只存在于陆地上,即使当作者谈到他们的全球霸权时也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
ἀρχὴ τῆς θαλάττης - ἀρχὴ τῶν κακῶν? Kompetitive Motivationen bei Thukydides, Ps.-Xenophon und Isokrates
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1928
Evangelos Alexiou
After observing that the thalassocracy was a key point of political consideration in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C., this article focuses on the moral interplay between Thucydides, Ps.-Xenophon and Isocrates. A proper analysis of the semantics of greed, ambition and power in an intertextual dialogue and from the sea-hegemony perspective attempts to show how competitive values of time , deos and ophelia have influenced the political thinking in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. and how Isocrates applies a moral approach in pursuing the success and in combining competitive and cooperative values, which he defines as „just greed”. The special weight is laid by Isocrates instead of deos on the combination of virtue and eunoia as far as success in foreign politics is concerned, but he does not condemn entirely the political realism of Thucydides.
在观察到地中海联盟是公元前5世纪和4世纪政治考虑的关键点之后,本文将重点放在修昔底德、色诺芬和伊索克拉底之间的道德相互作用上。从海上霸权的角度对互文对话中的贪婪、野心和权力的语义进行适当的分析,试图展示时间、deos和ophelia的竞争价值观如何影响公元前5世纪和4世纪的政治思想,以及伊索克拉底如何运用道德方法追求成功,并将竞争与合作的价值观结合起来,他将其定义为“只是贪婪”。伊索克拉底,而不是deos,特别重视美德和美乐的结合,就外交政治的成功而言,但他并没有完全谴责修昔底德的政治现实主义。
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引用次数: 1
Archaic Naval Warfare 古代海战
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1934
T. Figueira
An enigma in Thucydides’ description of the rise of Greek naval power in his Archaiologia is his notice on the late eighth-century origination of the trireme, which may be coupled with his further specification that large trireme navies did not emerge until the late archaic period. This paper stands strongly against the tendency to reject the implications of Thucydides’ treatment, although it also explains how Atthidography in the person of Kleidemos confronted the challenge of interpreting Thucydides. It argues that the emergence of the large trireme navy required mastering administrative problems, and not merely solving engineering challenges. Resources had to be amassed for the creation and maintenance of trireme forces in early monetizing economies. Manpower had to be mobilized in a manner conforming to prevailing socio-political structures. In this context, the evidence on the appearance of triremes in archaic navies is presented. I propose that leisteia ‘brigandage’ was pervasive in archaic Greece. This ‘small war’ was particularly suited to the use of pentekontors by commercial poleis such as Aigina, Phokaia, and Samos. Corinth, however, is the best example of an early trireme navy, and its naval administration became highly developed under the Kypselid tyrants. This force structure accommodated commerce that was more passive, intermediated, and colonial, but did not lend itself to rapid mobilization. In the late archaic period, the monetization of naval warfare becomes apparent, and slavery plays a role in addressing manpower needs. Moreover, synthetic regimes of naval organization appear on Samos under Polykrates and at Athens in the naukraric system — that balance or blend leisteia and trireme warfare. The resolution of the challenges of the trireme navy is an aspect of the achievement of the more integrated classical polis , which culminated in the breakthrough of the naval arche of Athens.
修昔底德在他的《考古学》一书中对希腊海军力量崛起的描述中有一个谜,那就是他注意到八世纪晚期特里勒河的起源,这可能与他进一步说明大型特里勒河海军直到古代晚期才出现有关。本文强烈反对拒绝修昔底德治疗的含义的倾向,尽管它也解释了Kleidemos的athidography如何面对解释修昔底德的挑战。它认为,大型三列河海军的出现需要掌握管理问题,而不仅仅是解决工程方面的挑战。在早期的货币化经济中,必须积累资源来创建和维持三位一体的力量。必须以符合现行社会政治结构的方式调动人力。在此背景下,提出了在古代海军中出现三列桨的证据。我认为雷斯泰亚的“劫掠”在古希腊很普遍。这种“小型战争”特别适合商业城邦如艾吉纳、福卡亚和萨摩斯使用五角形导弹。然而,科林斯是早期三列河海军的最好例子,在凯普塞利德暴君的统治下,它的海军管理得到了高度发展。这种力量结构适应了更为被动、中介化和殖民化的商业,但不适合快速动员。在古代晚期,海战的货币化变得明显,奴隶制在解决人力需求方面发挥了作用。此外,合成的海军政权组织出现在萨摩斯Polykrates和在雅典naukraric系统——平衡或混合leisteia和战船战争。特里勒姆海军挑战的解决是更加一体化的古典城邦成就的一个方面,这在雅典海军拱门的突破中达到高潮。
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引用次数: 1
The Comic Oars of Athenian Jurisdiction: Autodikia and the Manliness of Maritime Imperialism in Cloudcuckooville 雅典管辖权的滑稽桨:《Cloudcuckooville》中的Autodikia和海上帝国主义的男子气概
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1932
E. J. Buis
Old Comedy, as a genre pervaded by politics, frequently shows that Athenians were aware of the importance of consolidating their sea sovereignty and depriving the allied states of their traditional autodikia in order to impose their own power. This paper will deal with Aristophanes’ Birds (414 B.C.), a play in which the protagonist Peisetaerus knows very well the importance of maritime imperial ideology when he interacts with the other characters arriving to his newly-founded city. Through some recurring waves that alternate acceptance and rejection of the Athenian institutional mechanisms, Peisetaerus comically addresses a common concern of the new polis by endorsing the male imagery of self-sufficiency, authority, independence and lack of subordination.
老喜剧,作为一种充斥着政治的类型,经常表现出雅典人意识到巩固他们的海洋主权和剥夺盟国传统自治权的重要性,以便强加自己的权力。本文将讨论阿里斯托芬的《鸟》(公元前414年),在这部戏剧中,主角佩塞泰勒斯在与其他到达他新建立的城市的人物互动时,非常清楚海上帝国意识形态的重要性。通过一些反复出现的对雅典制度机制的接受和拒绝的交替浪潮,佩塞泰鲁斯通过支持自给自足,权威,独立和缺乏从属的男性形象,滑稽地解决了新城邦的共同关切。
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引用次数: 0
Thalassokratia: un concetto, molti nomi 一个概念,很多名字
Pub Date : 2016-11-30 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1908
E. Bianco
The concept of thalassocracy, although problematic and difficult to define, is commonly used by modern authors, but if we examine ancient sources, we note both an extraordinary shortage of occurrences of this word and a considerable gap between the idea of thalassokratia that appears in the authors of the classical era, which often seems to correspond to a power of the sea in more or less local area, and a broader concept that emerges later, as a political category considered in its development. Through an analysis of occurrences, in this essay we try to oppose the communis opinio that both the term and the concept must trace back to the Ionian area, emphasizing instead that this category may have better been developed in Attica during the Athenian Empire, when reflections about the hegemonic phenomenon and its antecedents could make sense and take hold. Herodotus, Pseudo-Xenophon and Thucydides could all bear witness to the existence of a highly developed debate in the early years of the Peloponnesian War, using the word thalassokratia with double sigma, perhaps because it was perceived as archaic or refined, rather than as typically Ionic. Whatever the origin of the word may be, however, it is not thoroughly used by the authors of classical prose, who preferred other options for the definition of this fundamental concept.
“海地权”这个概念虽然有问题,也很难定义,但现代作者通常使用这个词,但如果我们检查古代资料,我们会注意到这个词出现的频率非常低,而且在古典时代的作者中出现的“海地权”概念与后来出现的更广泛的概念之间存在相当大的差距,“海地权”似乎经常对应于或多或少局部地区的海洋力量。作为一个政治范畴在其发展过程中被考虑。通过对事件的分析,在本文中,我们试图反对共产主义者的观点,即这个术语和概念都必须追溯到爱奥尼亚地区,相反,我们强调这一范畴可能在雅典帝国时期的阿提卡得到了更好的发展,那时对霸权现象及其前因的反思可能是有意义的。希罗多德、假色诺芬和修昔底德都可以见证伯罗奔尼撒战争早期存在的一场高度发展的辩论,他们使用了“thalassokratia”这个词和两个sigma,也许是因为它被认为是古老或精致的,而不是典型的爱奥尼亚。然而,不管这个词的起源是什么,古典散文的作者们并没有完全使用它,他们更喜欢用其他的方法来定义这个基本概念。
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引用次数: 0
Aspetti finanziari dell'egemonia nelle rappresentazioni speculari di Tucidide e Demostene 图西迪德和德摩斯梯尼镜像中的霸权的金融方面
Pub Date : 2016-07-03 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/912
M. Valente
Mentre Tucidide contrappone l’intraprendenza degli Ateniesi all’indolenza degli Spartani, mezzo secolo piu tardi Demostene contrappone invece l’indolenza degli Ateniesi all’intraprendenza di Filippo II di Macedonia. Queste immagini retoriche tra loro speculari riflettono l’importanza che i due autori attribuivano al denaro come strumento indispensabile per esercitare l’egemonia, il quale favoriva una politica aggressiva ed efficace mentre la sua carenza spingeva invece a un atteggiamento arrendevole e rinunciatario in politica estera. While Thucydides oppose Athenians’ boldness to Lacedaemonians’ indolence, half a century later Demosthenes oppose instead Athenians’ indolence to Philip II of Macedonia’s boldness. These rhetorical images, specular to each other, reflect importance attached by two authors to money as necessary instrument to exercise hegemony; it paved the way to an aggressive and effective politics, but its lack pushed instead to a compliant and yielding attitude in foreign policy.
然而,半个世纪后,德摩斯梯尼将雅典人的懒惰与马其顿菲利普二世的懒惰进行了对比。这些镜像之间的修辞意象反映了两位作者对货币作为霸权不可缺少的工具的重视,货币支持一种积极和有效的政策,而货币的不作为则导致外交政策上的投降和投降。当Thucydides反对雅典人的懦弱时,半个世纪后的Demosthenes反对雅典人对马其顿人菲利普二世的软弱。这两个作者对金钱的重要性提出了质疑,因为金钱是消除霸权的必要工具;它害怕了一种咄咄逼人、有效的政治方式,但它缺乏对外交政策态度的依从性和依从性。
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引用次数: 0
Fare storia nella protostoria: la questione della presenza micenea a Cnosso alla luce dei dati archeologici e dei nuovi approcci antropologici 根据考古数据和新的人类学方法,在克诺索斯创造历史
Pub Date : 2016-07-03 DOI: 10.13135/2039-4985/1044
L. Alberti
Scopo di questo contributo e fare il punto sull’annosa e controversa questione della presenza micenea a Creta e, in particolare, a Cnosso a partire dalla meta del XV secolo a.C., la cui realta e natura negli ultimi decenni e stata messa in discussione. I principali dati che hanno indotto a credere che un gruppo di Micenei si fosse installato nel sito del palazzo di Cnosso sono rappresentati dal rinvenimento di tavolette scritte in lineare B, quindi in una forma di proto-greco, e dalla scoperta di tombe di tipo continentale con corredi caratterizzati da importanti set di armi, che fecero definire queste sepolture come “Tombe dei Guerrieri”. In anni recentissimi, particolare risonanza hanno avuto analisi archeometriche compiute su materiale osseo proveniente dalle tombe di Cnosso tramite la tecnica degli isotopi dello Stronzio ( 87 Sr/ 86 Sr). Tali analisi hanno dimostrato che gli individui esaminati hanno sempre vissuto a Creta, negando quindi la possibilita che provenissero da aree al di fuori dell’isola. Per chiarire i termini del problema, prenderemo in considerazione i dati archeologici, le principali interpretazioni e i contributi piu recenti sull’argomento. Cenno sara fatto anche ad alcune questioni di carattere disciplinare che negli ultimi anni hanno condizionato i risultati e gli sviluppi dell’archeologia egea dell’eta del Bronzo. The aim of this paper is to examine the long-standing and controversial question of the Mycenaean presence in Crete and, in particular, at Knossos, from the mid-15th century BC onwards. Its actuality and its nature in recent decades have been under intense scrutiny. The main points that may support the belief that a group of Mycenaeans established themselves in the palace of Knossos are represented by the discovery of texts written in Linear B, a form of proto-Greek, and tombs of the continental type called ‘Warrior graves’, containing important weapon-sets. Very recently, bio-archaeological analysis on skeletal materials from the Knossian tombs, utilizing Strontium isotopes ( 87 Sr/ 86 Sr), has resurrected interest in the question: the examined individuals passed their whole lives in Crete, negating accordingly the possibility they came from outside the island. To clarify the situation, the archaeological data and the main interpretations drawn from this will be reviewed in the light of more recent contributions. Some theoretical approaches that have deeply influenced Aegean archaeology of late will also be briefly evaluated.
这一贡献的目的是审查公元前15世纪中期以来在克里特岛,特别是在克诺索斯存在这一长期和有争议的问题,这一问题的现实和性质在过去几十年中受到了质疑。促使主要数据,就相信一群Micenei Cnosso宫殿网站安装中有线性B写成的回火挂起,所以在proto-greco的一种形式,和大陆与f型坟墓发现的重要武器,他们称之为集这些墓穴作为战士的“坟墓”。近年来,利用锶同位素技术对克诺索斯坟墓的骨头进行了特别的考古分析(87 Sr/ 86 Sr)。这些分析表明,被调查的人一直生活在克里特岛,因此排除了他们来自该岛以外地区的可能性。为了澄清这个问题,我们将考虑考古数据、主要解释和对这个问题的最新贡献。还将提到近年来影响青铜时代埃格亚考古学的结果和发展的一些纪律问题。这篇论文的目的是探讨我在现实生活中存在的长期和有争议的问题,特别是来自公元前15世纪中叶的诺索斯。它的实际和自然在过去十年中一直受到密切关注。可能支持在克诺索斯宫建立的一群Mycenaeans的信仰的主要观点是通过线性B文字的发现,一种原始希腊人的形式,和被称为“勇士坟墓”的大陆类型的坟墓来体现的。最近,来自Knossian tombs的skeletal材料的生物历史分析,使用强同位素(87 Sr/ 86 Sr),在这个问题中重新引起了人们的兴趣:他们的整个生命都是真实的,否认他们从岛上来到这里的可能性。为了宣传这一情况、历史数据和主要解释,它将在更多捐款的光下加以审查。一些理论方法对晚期历史产生了深远的影响,也会随着时间的推移而演变。
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引用次数: 1
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Historika Studi di Storia Greca e Romana
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