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Budapest légiháborús tűzkeresztsége 布达佩斯空战火洗礼
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.4.6
Lajos Olasz
The Hungarian capital was not hit by an air attack until September 1942. At the time of the First Vienna Award, the attack on Yugoslavia and the entry into the war against the Soviet Union, there were air raid alarms in Budapest, but no bombing took place. In August-September 1942, the Soviet strategic air force launched attacks against Berlin and the capitals of the satellite states of the Third Reich. Budapest was bombed on the night of September 4 and 9. A total of 122 machines participated in the 2 campaigns. The Soviet planes flew 1,400–1,500 km from their base to the Hungarian capital, both times in bad weather conditions, so only half of the planes reached the destination. The bombs dropped from a great height without precise targeting caused only minor material damage, the personal loss was 18 dead and 84 wounded. The first attack hit Budapest unexpectedly. Until now, the Hungarian capital lived in the deceptive illusion that nothing bad could happen to him. At the time of the second attack, the military air defence and civil air raid precaution were already better prepared. In the following weeks, additional defensive measures were taken, but no further bombing occurred until 1944.
直到1942年9月,匈牙利首都才遭到空袭。在第一次维也纳奖颁发时,对南斯拉夫的攻击和对苏联的战争,布达佩斯有空袭警报,但没有发生轰炸。1942年8月至9月,苏联战略空军对柏林和第三帝国卫星国的首都发动了袭击。布达佩斯在9月4日和9日晚上遭到轰炸。共有122台机器参与了这两次活动。苏联飞机从他们的基地飞到匈牙利首都,飞行了1400 - 1500公里,两次都是在恶劣的天气条件下,所以只有一半的飞机到达了目的地。没有精确定位的高空炸弹只造成了轻微的物质损失,个人损失为18人死亡,84人受伤。第一次袭击意外地袭击了布达佩斯。直到现在,匈牙利首都还生活在一种错觉中,认为他不会发生什么坏事。在第二次空袭时,军事防空和民防防空已经做好了较好的准备。在接下来的几个星期里,采取了额外的防御措施,但直到1944年才发生了进一步的轰炸。
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引用次数: 0
Lemorzsolódási kockázat és erőforrások a felsőoktatásban 高等教育提前离校风险与资源
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.1.13
Tímea Mezei
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引用次数: 0
Adó- és zsákmánylisták az Újasszír Birodalom első felének királyfelirataiban 新叙利亚帝国前半期王室铭文中的税单和战利品清单
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.2.3
Tamás Kristóf Árvai
Since the reign of Aššur-dan III (935–912 BC) the Assyrian Empire was the most aggressive military state in the Near East. During these wars enormous tribute and sack was flowing into the centrum of the Empire. One factor in ensuring the stability of this asymmetric system was the well-established administration. Therefore, it would be justly expected, that the tributes and sacks were precisely listed and archived (as we see on relief representations), but unfortunately this is not the case. As far as we know, there are no such documentations available. On the other hand, the long tribute and sack lists of the Assyrian royal inscriptions (which are well known) do not fulfil the function of administration. They are embedded in ideological structured texts: thus, following deterministic rules and fulfilling ideological functions. Therefore, these lists inform us more about the worldview of the Assyrians, than about the quantities and qualities of the tributes and sacks. The quality is determined through the structure of the list, the quantity through the prestige of the conquered state
自Aššur-dan三世(公元前935-912年)统治以来,亚述帝国是近东地区最具侵略性的军事国家。在这些战争中,大量的贡品和货物流入帝国的中心。确保这一不对称制度稳定的一个因素是完善的行政管理。因此,人们理所当然地认为,贡品和麻袋被精确地列出并存档(正如我们在救济代表上看到的那样),但不幸的是,情况并非如此。据我们所知,没有这样的文件。另一方面,亚述王室铭文(众所周知)的长贡品和麻袋清单并没有履行管理职能。它们被嵌入意识形态结构文本中:因此,遵循确定性规则并实现意识形态功能。因此,这些清单告诉我们更多的是亚述人的世界观,而不是贡品和麻袋的数量和质量。质量是通过名单的结构决定的,数量是通过被征服国家的声望决定的
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引用次数: 0
A mámoron és az igézeten túl 超越了迷醉和魔咒
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.2.1
László Z. Karvalics
As an introduction to a special, thematic issue, the author reviews four possible analytic approach to information history centered view of lists. The microhistory explanation (1), a tipology-driven, time-sensitive contextualization (through melting the given type of list with similar ones, extending the scope to other information managing objects, actors and institutions of a given age (2), the macrohistory framing, when we try to insert the list into different sets of trendlines and trajectories (3), and a group of content-oriented, functional, structural points of views, reviving the epistemological nature of list-making, regarding to different societies, cultures and situations (4). After speculating on the validity and possible significance of a substantive and dedicated ‘science of lists’, the author summarizes the aspects, which can be devoted to specially information history-related dissections.
作为一个专题的导论,作者回顾了以信息历史为中心的列表观的四种可能的分析方法。微观历史解释(1)、拓扑驱动的、时间敏感的语境化(通过将给定类型的列表与类似的列表融合,将范围扩展到特定时代的其他信息管理对象、参与者和机构(2)、宏观历史框架(当我们试图将列表插入不同的趋势线和轨迹集时),以及一组面向内容的、功能性的、结构性的观点,恢复列表制作的认识论本质。(4)在对一门实质性的、专门的“清单科学”的有效性和可能的意义进行了推测之后,作者总结了这些方面,这些方面可以专门用于与信息史相关的剖析。
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引用次数: 0
Diákok sportja - hallgatók egészségtőkéje? 学生体育-学生健康之都?
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.4.10
Zsuzsa Nagy
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引用次数: 0
Egy 1944-es jelentés a magyar olajiparról 1944年关于匈牙利石油工业的报告
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.4.7
Valentin Cseh
On 19 March 1944, the Wehrmacht invaded Hungary. The country’s fall under foreign military rule carried the threat that Nazi Germany would take control of the oil fields of Southern Zala. Since maintaining control over the Hungarian oil industry was also a key issue for Hungary, the opinion of German oil expert Alfred Bentz at the request of German military circles, who suspected significant oil reserves, could not be ignored. As always in such situations, the situation was not clear-cut, and the personal relationship between the two geologists made a difference in this situation, which enabled Hungarian interests to be asserted to some extent.
1944年3月19日,德国国防军入侵匈牙利。该国在外国军事统治下的垮台带来了纳粹德国将控制南扎拉油田的威胁。对匈牙利来说,维持对匈牙利石油工业的控制也是一个关键问题,因此,德国石油专家阿尔弗雷德·本茨(Alfred Bentz)应德国军界的要求提出的意见不容忽视,他怀疑匈牙利有大量的石油储备。在这种情况下,情况总是不明确的,两位地质学家之间的个人关系在这种情况下起了作用,这使得匈牙利的利益在某种程度上得到了维护。
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引用次数: 0
Emlékkönyv II. Rákóczi Ferencről 备忘录二。关于Ferenc Rákóczi
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.1.11
Benjámin Dávid
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引用次数: 0
Rendszerek és felhasználók 系统和用户
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2022.2.8
Erzsébet Horváthné Hanny
In my recent study I attempt to define the list and its importance in human culture. I give an example of these from antiquity to the 18th century and I try to draw a parallel with today’s computer system.
在我最近的研究中,我试图定义这个列表及其在人类文化中的重要性。我举了一个从古代到18世纪的例子,并试图将其与今天的计算机系统进行比较。
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引用次数: 0
The Birth of the Myth of the Unaffiliated Sociologist 无党派社会学家神话的诞生
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2021.3.4
Z. Rostás
The aim of this paper is to focus on Professor Dimitrie Gusti’s position within the Peasantist government at the beginning of 1930s. The author tries to gather necessary arguments against the belief which emerged in the fifties under the communist regime, and still valid until present days, that Gusti was promoted in the government of the National Peasantry Party because he was a good specialist, and not because of his political affiliation to this party. Asides the significant antecedents which prove the permanent and powerful connection with the elite of the National Peasantry Party since the beginning of the 1920s, he also had an interest in studying and modernizing the rural areas. The Professor’s political behavior during his term might be described as loyalty and dedication towards fulfilling the governing programme of the party. More than that, even in 1934, when the National Peasantry Party was in opposition, Dimitrie Gusti, defended the accuracy of this party’s political programme and participated in the conception of its new programme. The clarification of the professor’s position within the Peasantry Party government is suitable especially for analyzing his ideological stance, which is a subject that still arises perfectly justifiable in current debates. This analysis is legitimate not only for clearing the Professor’s position, but also for shedding light on the activity of the National Peasantry Party.
本文的目的是关注迪米特里·古斯蒂教授在20世纪30年代初农民主义政府中的地位。作者试图收集必要的论据来反对一种信念,这种信念出现在五十年代的共产主义政权下,直到今天仍然有效,即Gusti在全国农民党的政府中得到提升是因为他是一名优秀的专家,而不是因为他与该党的政治关系。从20世纪20年代开始,他就与全国农民党的精英阶层有着长期而强大的联系,除了这些重要的背景外,他还对研究和现代化农村地区很感兴趣。教授在其任期内的政治行为可以被描述为忠诚和献身于实现党的执政纲领。不仅如此,甚至在1934年,当全国农民党处于反对党地位时,迪米特里·古斯蒂还为该党政治纲领的准确性辩护,并参与了其新纲领的构思。澄清教授在农民党政府中的地位特别适合分析他的意识形态立场,这是一个在当前辩论中仍然出现的完全合理的主题。这种分析是合理的,不仅是为了澄清教授的立场,也是为了阐明全国农民党的活动。
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引用次数: 0
History of sociology that focuses more on the background than usual 社会学的历史,比平常更关注背景
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.14232/belv.2021.4.9
Z. Kádár
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引用次数: 0
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