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Editorial Vol.8 编辑Vol.8
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/MEF.V8I0.22436
Bhupa P. Dhamala
No abstract available.
没有摘要。
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引用次数: 0
Aspects of Federalism Implementation for Development and Prosperity 实施联邦制促进发展与繁荣的若干方面
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/mef.v8i0.22441
Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha
In Nepal‘s context, concepts like 'development' and 'prosperity' are two age-old (suppressive Rana oligarchy, uni-Panchayat regime and its aftermath) mirages chased by rulers for the ruled ones almost seem to be unattainable. Nevertheless, the mirages of 'development' and 'prosperity' can be materialized when one readily changes his/her antediluvian attitude of fatalism (Bista 1991) and low work ethics. In a recent political paradigm shift from unitary monarchism-oligarchy to multi-party federalism, those two mirages have again been reiterated as Nepalese people's dream and discourse (claimed as Oli-vision) in political arena. In our recent practice, federalism is in its infancy and as a form of government may not matter much first about separating or devolution of political power more effectively, avoiding the power concentration and bringing government responsibilities closer to the citizens. In fact, what acutally matters is its action-oriented effective implementation for separating 'development' from 'fatalism' before it turns frequently into a vicious nightmare. Thus, this paper aims to explore some pertinent aspects or preconditions/hindrances of implementing federalism effictively for achieving the aforesaid goal of 'development' and 'prosperity' within our prevalent general socio-political and bureaucratic trend of 'Balaram syndrome' (a metaphor of ethical degradation of mankind), 'bholi' and 'chiya' syndrome, 'sida-bida' syndrome, nepotism, cronyism, medieval mindset, malpractices of blind capitalism and absence of good governance. In this paper, my main point of departure in methodological tool as such is a closer observation of socio-political trends in Nepalese society and its relevant literature.
在尼泊尔的背景下,像“发展”和“繁荣”这样的概念是两个古老的(压迫性的拉纳寡头政治,unipanchayat政权及其后果),统治者追逐的海市蜃楼,被统治者似乎几乎无法实现。然而,当一个人轻易地改变他/她的宿命论(Bista 1991)和低职业道德时,“发展”和“繁荣”的海市蜃楼就可以实现。在尼泊尔从单一的君主寡头政治到多党联邦制的政治范式转变中,这两个幻影再次被重申为尼泊尔人民在政治舞台上的梦想和话语(号称奥利-愿景)。在我们最近的实践中,联邦制处于起步阶段,作为一种政府形式,首先可能不太重要的是更有效地分离或下放政治权力,避免权力集中,使政府责任更接近公民。事实上,真正重要的是它以行动为导向的有效实施,将“发展”与“宿命论”区分开来,以免它经常变成一场恶性噩梦。因此,本文旨在探讨在我们普遍存在的“巴拉拉姆综合症”(人类道德退化的隐喻)、“bholi”和“chiya”综合症、“sida-bida”综合症、裙带关系、任人唯亲、中世纪心态、盲目资本主义的弊端和缺乏良好治理的社会政治和官僚趋势中,有效实施联邦制以实现上述“发展”和“繁荣”目标的一些相关方面或先决条件/障碍。在本文中,我在方法论工具方面的主要出发点是对尼泊尔社会及其相关文献的社会政治趋势进行更密切的观察。
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引用次数: 2
Critical Appraisal of Governance and Justice: Then and Now in Nepal 对治理和正义的批判性评价:尼泊尔的过去和现在
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/MEF.V8I0.22442
Lokindra Hari Bhattarai
Governance and justice strengthen systems in order to support security, economic, politics and socio-cultural progress in the country. Nepal since ancient period of Kirats, Lichhavis, Mallas to Shah to Rana period, to Panchayat system to republican democratic state governance and justice make our civilizations more accountable, transparent, inclusive, efficient and participative. Yet they are inadequate for reflecting development and prosperity. Nepal is the first country in the history of Asia to have made the most comprehensive code of law and justice called Manab Nyayasastra (the code of human justice). Also the first country to practice natural justice –jasko pap usko gardan (one who commits crime is liable to face the punishment). Dharma in the past was one of the method to enhance governance and justice whereas the transparency, accountability, management of human, natural, economic and financial resource and equity promote governance in the federal system in the present days. The paper aims at presenting critical appraisal of governance and justice since period of Dharmasastra to modern federal republican state. It highlights with diverse stakeholders involved in education, human rights, equity, inclusion and empowerment initiatives in federal republican state. Dharma was pillar in the past whereas equity, equality, transparency, accountability, rule of law and inclusion are grains of modern concept of governance and justice.
治理和司法加强了制度,以支持该国的安全、经济、政治和社会文化进步。尼泊尔从古代的基拉特、利哈维斯、马拉斯、沙阿到拉纳时期,从潘恰亚特制度到共和民主国家治理和正义,使我们的文明更加负责任、透明、包容、高效和参与。然而,它们不足以反映发展和繁荣。尼泊尔是亚洲历史上第一个制定了最全面的法律和正义法典的国家,称为Manab Nyayasastra(人类正义法典)。也是第一个实行自然正义的国家-jasko pap usko gardan(犯罪的人有可能面临惩罚)。佛法在过去是加强治理和正义的一种方法,而在今天的联邦制度中,透明度、问责制、对人、自然、经济和财政资源的管理以及公平促进了治理。本文旨在对近代联邦共和国家自达摩寺以来的治理与正义进行批判性评价。它突出了联邦共和州参与教育、人权、公平、包容和赋权倡议的不同利益相关者。佛法是过去的支柱,而公平、平等、透明、问责、法治和包容是现代治理和正义概念的核心。
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引用次数: 1
Resource Mapping and Indexing of Federal Provinces of Nepal: An Analysis 尼泊尔联邦省资源制图与索引分析
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/MEF.V8I0.22437
C. Pandey, Niraj Poudyal, Dipesh Khadka
Nepal has entered into a federal political structure with 7 provincial governments and 753 local municipalities (rural and urban). There is a paucity of evidence on the status of resources available in the seven provincial governments without which, estimation of resource gap and potentials of these provincial governments for appropriate policy interventions remains elusive. In this paper, we have prepared a resource map of the provincial governments and developed a resource index so that we can rank the provinces using the index. The resource index includes the dimensions of human resource (population), natural resource (arable land, forest coverage and water resources) and financial resources (tax revenue generated per person and GDP per capita). Our findings suggest that there is a high disparity of resource availability in seven different provinces. Provinces 6 and 7 located in the mid and far western regions are found developmentally challenged with low revenue collection and high poverty rate and migration. Provinces 2 and 5 have high levels of resources, wastage and inefficiency. Province 4 is found to be outstanding in terms of efficient resource use and knowledge, and if supported with more resources possesses high chance of becoming the role model province in Nepal.
尼泊尔已进入联邦政治结构,有7个省级政府和753个地方直辖市(农村和城市)。关于七个省级政府现有资源状况的证据不足,没有这些证据,估计资源差距和这些省级政府进行适当政策干预的潜力仍然难以实现。在本文中,我们编制了省级政府资源地图,并编制了资源指数,以便利用该指数对各省进行排序。资源指数包括人力资源(人口)、自然资源(耕地、森林覆盖率和水资源)和财政资源(人均税收收入和人均国内生产总值)三个方面。我们的研究结果表明,在7个不同的省份,资源的可用性存在很大的差异。位于中西部和西部偏远地区的第6省和第7省面临发展挑战,税收收入低,贫困率和移民率高。第二省和第五省的资源、浪费和效率都很高。发现第4省在有效利用资源和知识方面表现突出,如果得到更多资源的支持,很有可能成为尼泊尔的榜样省。
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引用次数: 2
Decentralization and Corruption: Does Decentralization Lead to Corruption in Local Level in Nepal? 权力下放与腐败:权力下放是否导致尼泊尔地方层面的腐败?
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/MEF.V8I0.22438
D. Ghimire
Federalism has been constitutionally uniting separate political communities in a limited by encompassing political community (Kincaid and Tarr 2005). Federalism as a mode of governance is concerned with combining 'self-rule and shared rule' (Elazar, 1987), where by the constituent members of the federal union can govern themselves autonomously while they and their citizen also participate together in the common national governing regime, which is autonomous within its sphere of constitutional authority (Kincaid, 2011). Federalism is the extreme form of decentralization. Similarly, corruption is defined as exercise of official powers against public interest or the abuse of public office for private gain. Corruption is a symptom of degeneration of the relationship between the state and the people, characterized by bribery, extortion and nepotism (Altas, 1968). Similarly, Sen (1999) defines corruption or corrupt behavior as "the violation of established rules for personal gains and profits". This article tries to explore the relationship among federalism, decentralization and corruption. My finding is: constitutional, political and spatial decentralization is very strong and fiscal decentralization is very weak in Nepal. Fiscal decentralization plays vital role to improve quality of governance. However, lack of proper fiscal decentralization and highly constitutional, political and spatial federalism or decentralization promote corruption in the local level. Similarly the monitoring mechanism and vertical controls system are very weak in Nepal. It shows that the localization process motivate to corrupt behavior among public authorities.
联邦制一直在宪法上团结独立的政治社区在一个有限的由包括政治社区(金凯德和塔尔2005)。作为一种治理模式,联邦制关注的是“自治与共治”的结合(Elazar, 1987),在这种模式下,联邦联盟的组成成员可以自主管理自己,同时他们和他们的公民也可以共同参与共同的国家治理制度,该制度在其宪法权力范围内是自治的(Kincaid, 2011)。联邦制是分权的极端形式。同样,腐败被定义为行使违背公共利益的官方权力或滥用公职谋取私利。腐败是国家与人民关系退化的一种症状,其特征是贿赂、勒索和裙带关系(Altas, 1968)。同样,Sen(1999)将腐败或腐败行为定义为“为了个人利益和利益而违反既定规则”。本文试图探讨联邦制、分权与腐败之间的关系。我的发现是:尼泊尔的宪法、政治和空间分权非常强,而财政分权非常弱。财政分权对提高政府治理质量具有重要作用。然而,缺乏适当的财政权力下放和高度的宪法、政治和空间联邦制或权力下放促进了地方一级的腐败。同样,尼泊尔的监测机制和垂直控制系统也非常薄弱。研究表明,本土化过程对公共权力机构的腐败行为具有激励作用。
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引用次数: 2
Role of Youth in Strengthening Parliamentary Federal Democracy in Nepal 青年在加强尼泊尔议会联邦民主中的作用
Pub Date : 2018-12-03 DOI: 10.3126/MEF.V8I0.22440
K. Prasai
Politics has become a frustrating social activity for many young people. However, there is no escape from it: the only choice in democratic society is between ―good‖ politics and ―bad‖ politics. The performance of ―independent‖ media, our cultural and social norms, some constitutionals provisions, liberalism and cynicism are among those principal factors that are responsible for the alienation of you from politics. Federal structure, in the meantime, has encouraged the youth to engage in politics. In a federal-democratic society, youth needs to possess critical and deliberative mind to make politics meaningful and productive. This paper explores the roles youth can play in strengthening federal democracy in Nepal.
对许多年轻人来说,政治已经成为一种令人沮丧的社交活动。然而,这是无法逃避的:民主社会的唯一选择是“好”政治和“坏”政治。“独立”媒体的表现、我们的文化和社会规范、一些宪法条款、自由主义和玩世不恭是造成你们与政治疏远的主要因素。与此同时,联邦结构鼓励年轻人参与政治。在联邦制民主社会中,青年需要具有批判和深思熟虑的头脑,才能使政治有意义和富有成效。本文探讨了青年在加强尼泊尔联邦民主中可以发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Vulnerability and Disaster Resilience at Household Level 家庭层面的脆弱性和抗灾能力
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.3126/mef.v9i0.33592
Namita Poudel
Many development practitioners, academicians, development institutions and organizations, are attempting to discover the characteristic of resilience in Nepal. The issue of disaster resilience got its prominence in Nepali scholarship after the 2015 earthquake. The people of Nepal today, are visible to perpetual disaster events and profound vulnerability to the disaster, which was already there. Disaster incidents are increasing day by day, due to natural hazards such as landslides, floods, and human-induced activities like road accidents, fire, etc. But these consequences are not merely natural events; they are social events as well. The deaths of people, injuries, and property damage are related to the social side of the disaster. Similarly, natural hazards such as earthquakes are also creating disasters because of vulnerability and the absence of disaster resilience in Nepalese people. Rising incidents of disaster vulnerability and resilience is increasing concern of the state, academia and local level, since Nepal is 4th and 11th vulnerable to the risk of climate change and earthquakes in the world. Apart from that, other chances of disaster are equally mounting, and the capacity to cope (Resilience), or coming back to usual conditions is not enough for surviving and moving forward.   This article tries to explore the relationship between vulnerability and disaster resilience, and the research questions of this article are, what types of vulnerability are creating the barrier for a resilient household and what are the attributes of a resilient family? Dhugin, Lamatar is the field for this research, and answers are dug out based on the Nepal earthquake 2015 as a major disaster of Nepal. Field data are collected after finalizing the purposive sampling. The interview method is used to take the depth information. Face-to-face interviews with informants remained the primary sources for data collection. And this research has been conducted using a qualitative method. My finding is: adopting capacity with the help of resources and assets and absorbing capacity by shifting occupation; after a disaster are the attributes of resilient households, whereas geographically vulnerability, exclusion, poverty remained barriers for resilient families.
许多发展实践者、学者、发展机构和组织正试图发现尼泊尔复原力的特点。2015年地震后,灾害恢复力问题在尼泊尔学术界得到了重视。今天的尼泊尔人民对不断发生的灾难事件和对已经存在的灾难的深刻脆弱性是显而易见的。由于山体滑坡、洪水等自然灾害,以及交通事故、火灾等人为活动,灾害事件日益增多。但这些后果不仅仅是自然事件;它们也是社交活动。人员的死亡、受伤和财产损失与灾难的社会方面有关。同样,由于尼泊尔人民的脆弱性和缺乏抗灾能力,地震等自然灾害也造成了灾难。由于尼泊尔在全球气候变迁和地震风险中分别排在第4和第11位,灾害脆弱性和复原力事件的增加日益引起国家、学术界和地方层面的关注。除此之外,其他灾难发生的可能性也同样在增加,而应对(恢复力)或恢复到正常状态的能力不足以生存和前进。本文试图探讨脆弱性与灾害恢复力之间的关系,本文的研究问题是,哪些类型的脆弱性构成了弹性家庭的障碍,弹性家庭的属性是什么?杜金,拉马尔是本研究的领域,并根据2015年尼泊尔地震作为尼泊尔的重大灾难挖掘出答案。在完成有目的的抽样后收集现场数据。采用访谈法获取深度信息。与举报人面对面面谈仍然是收集数据的主要来源。本研究采用定性方法进行。研究发现:利用资源和资产吸纳能力,通过职业转移吸纳能力;灾后复原力家庭的特征,而地理脆弱性、排斥、贫困仍然是复原力家庭的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
Cultural Crisis of Caste Renouncer: A Study of Dasnami Sanyasi Identity in Nepal 种姓弃绝者的文化危机:尼泊尔达斯纳米·桑雅西身份研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.3126/mef.v9i0.33588
Madhu S. Giri
Jat Nasodhanu Jogiko is a famous mocking proverb to denote the caste status of Sanyasi because the renouncer has given up traditional caste rituals set by socio-cultural institutions. In other cultural terms, being Sanyasi means having dissociation himself/herself with whatever caste career or caste-based social rank one might imagine. To explore the philosophical foundation of Sanyasi, they sacrificed caste rituals and fire (symbol of power, desire, and creation). By the virtues of sacrifice, Sanyasi set images of universalism, higher than caste order, and otherworldly being. Therefore, one should not ask the renouncer caste identity. Traditionally, Sanyasi lived in Akhada or Matha, and leadership, including ownership of the Matha transformed from Guru to Chela. On the contrary, Dasnami Mahanta started marital and private life, which is paradoxical to the philosophy of Sanyasi. Very few of them are living in Matha, but the ownership of the property of Mathatrans formed from father to son. The land and property of many Mathas transformed from religious Guthi to private property. In terms of cultural practices, Dasnami Sanyasi adopted high caste culture and rituals in their everyday life. Old Muluki Ain 1854 ranked them under Tagadhari, although they did not assert twice-born caste in Nepal. Central Bureau of Statistics, including other government institutions of Nepal, listed Dasnamiunder the line of Chhetri and Thakuri. The main objective of the paper is to explore the transformation of Dasnami institutional characteristics and status from caste renunciation identity to caste rejoinder and from images of monasticism, celibacy, universalism, otherworldly orientation to marital, individualistic lay life. Both philosophical orientation and behaviors are transformed. Who are the Dasnami Sanyasi? Why did the Dasnami Sanyasis campaign for the identity? How has the Dasnami Sanyasi been changing? Based on key informant interviews, observations in different Dasnami Sanyasi communities, their historical institutions, and self-reflection as a member of Dasnami Sanyasiare methods of data collection.  
Jat Nasodhanu Jogiko是一个著名的讽刺谚语,用来表示桑雅西人的种姓地位,因为放弃者已经放弃了社会文化机构设定的传统种姓仪式。在其他文化术语中,作为桑雅西意味着将自己与任何种姓职业或基于种姓的社会等级分离开来。为了探索三雅西的哲学基础,他们牺牲了种姓仪式和火(权力、欲望和创造的象征)。通过牺牲的美德,三雅西树立了普遍主义、高于种姓秩序和超凡脱俗的形象。因此,人们不应该问弃绝者的种姓身份。传统上,Sanyasi住在Akhada或Matha,领导权,包括Matha的所有权从Guru转变为Chela。相反,Dasnami Mahanta开始了婚姻和私人生活,这与Sanyasi的哲学是矛盾的。他们中很少有人住在玛莎,但玛莎人的财产所有权是由父亲传给儿子的。许多maas的土地和财产从宗教的Guthi变成了私人财产。在文化习俗方面,Dasnami Sanyasi在日常生活中采用了高种姓文化和仪式。1854年,老穆卢基·艾因(Muluki Ain)将他们排在塔加哈里(Tagadhari)之下,尽管他们没有在尼泊尔主张双重种姓。尼泊尔中央统计局,包括其他政府机构,将达斯奈米列为Chhetri和Thakuri。本文的主要目的是探讨达斯纳米的制度特征和地位的转变,从放弃种姓身份到种姓反抗,从修道主义、独身主义、普遍主义、超凡脱俗的形象到婚姻的、个人主义的世俗生活。哲学取向和行为方式都发生了转变。谁是Dasnami Sanyasi?为什么Dasnami Sanyasis要争取这个身份?Dasnami Sanyasi是如何变化的?基于关键信息者访谈、对不同达斯纳米山亚族社区的观察、他们的历史制度以及作为达斯纳米山亚族成员的自我反思,这些都是数据收集的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Contribution of Foreign Direct Investment in Nepal 外国直接投资对尼泊尔的贡献
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.3126/mef.v9i0.33587
Khom Raj Kharel, Suman Kharel
 The purpose of this paper is to analyze the foreign direct investment status and environment in Nepal. There is significant contribution of foreign investment in economic development of developing countries like Nepal. Foreign investment attraction in a country like Nepal increases the foreign capital and technology transfer. Since 1990s inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) has been increasing in Nepal due to the adoption of liberal economic policy by the government of Nepal. The Foreign Investment Technology Transfer Act (FITTA) has made better foreign investment environment in Nepal. This paper examines and analyses the contribution of FDI in Nepal. For the analysis, simple linear regression model has been applied to measure the impact of FDI on GDP and employment. Because FDI inflow has been recorded after 1990s, the impact of FDI has been analyzed in this paper over the period of 1990/91-2018/19. This study finds a positive impact of FDI on GDP and other macro variables.
本文的目的是分析尼泊尔的外商直接投资现状和环境。外国投资对尼泊尔等发展中国家的经济发展作出了重大贡献。在尼泊尔这样的国家吸引外国投资增加了外国资本和技术转让。自20世纪90年代以来,由于尼泊尔政府采取了自由经济政策,外国直接投资(FDI)流入尼泊尔一直在增加。《外国投资技术转让法》为尼泊尔创造了更好的外国投资环境。本文考察和分析了外国直接投资在尼泊尔的贡献。在分析中,我们采用简单的线性回归模型来衡量FDI对GDP和就业的影响。由于FDI流入是在20世纪90年代之后记录的,因此本文分析了1990/91-2018/19期间FDI的影响。本研究发现FDI对GDP等宏观变量具有正向影响。
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引用次数: 0
Gender Discourses as a ‘Technology of Power’ in Nepalese Primary Level Textbooks 尼泊尔小学教科书中的性别话语作为“权力技术”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.3126/mef.v9i0.33593
Pragya Paneru
 The Gender gap is one of the most prominent problems in the context of Nepal. Even if Nepal constitution promotes gender equality and equity, there is still a huge gap between male and female. Women lag in literary percentage, nutritional health conditions, ownership, and employment opportunities. One of the obstacles in the path of gender equality is our systemic education materials especially our textbooks which reinforce the stereotypical concept of male and female through textbook representations. Researchers have shown that gender stereotypes have been seen in the textbooks of highly developed countries like America, Australia, and Hongkong. In this context, all the compulsory textbooks of grade four and five prescribed by the Curriculum Development Centre in the context of Nepal were observed. In all the books, stereotypical representations of male and female characters were found. Most of the men and women were presented doing conventional gender roles, and male-centered themes are found in the narratives. This research claims that when conventional attitude regarding gender is transferred to young children, it ultimately reproduces similar gendered personalities and helps to maintain the gender gap. This research uses the concept of ‘technology of power’ by Foucault to interpret gender representations in textbooks. A Ccritical Discourse Analysis has been used to analyze the data from textbooks. The findings suggest that there are biased gender representations suggesting stereotypes and gender binary which could potentially affect the learners both male and female as it fosters false knowledge regarding gender and overburdens the male whereas humiliates the females.
性别差距是尼泊尔最突出的问题之一。即使尼泊尔宪法提倡性别平等和公平,男女之间仍然存在巨大的差距。妇女在文学比例、营养健康状况、所有权和就业机会方面落后。性别平等道路上的障碍之一是我们的系统教育材料,特别是我们的教科书,通过教科书的表现强化了男性和女性的刻板观念。研究人员发现,在美国、澳大利亚和香港等高度发达国家的教科书中,性别刻板印象随处可见。在这方面,课程发展中心在尼泊尔规定的所有四年级和五年级必修教科书都得到了遵守。在所有的书中,都发现了男性和女性角色的刻板印象。大多数男性和女性都扮演着传统的性别角色,并且在叙事中发现了以男性为中心的主题。这项研究声称,当传统的性别态度传递给年幼的孩子时,它最终会复制出相似的性别性格,并有助于保持性别差距。本研究运用福柯的“权力技术”概念来解读教科书中的性别表征。本文运用批判性话语分析方法对教科书中的数据进行分析。研究结果表明,存在偏见的性别表征,即刻板印象和性别二元,这可能会影响到男性和女性学习者,因为它培养了关于性别的错误知识,使男性负担过重,同时羞辱了女性。
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引用次数: 1
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Molung Educational Frontier
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