Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38693
Nor Atiqah MOHD ISA
Mekong River, known as the beating heart of mainland Southeast Asia, has been facing degradation of its natural flow of water due to anthropogenic activities across the river initiated by the Chinese government through the construction of hydropower dams. As a consequence, the river which provides a key source of water supplies and resources for the millions of people who live across its watershed has suffered significantly resulting in inequality and poverty in the community. The purpose of this study is to examine the root causes of inequality and poverty in the Lower Mekong region, as well as to identify ASEAN’s role in responding to the situation. The findings revealed that due to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects through the construction of dams along the river as well as ASEAN’s inability to resolve and address the crisis owing to economic dependence and difficulty to reach a consensus among its members has been a contributing factor to the ineffectiveness of ASEAN in the conflict resolution. From the findings, it can be concluded that China’s financial hegemony over the Mekong countries can have an impact on the region’s future levels of poverty and inequality.
{"title":"Global Inequality and Poverty Crisis: ASEAN Ineffective Role in the Mekong River Conflict Resolution","authors":"Nor Atiqah MOHD ISA","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38693","url":null,"abstract":"Mekong River, known as the beating heart of mainland Southeast Asia, has been facing degradation of its natural flow of water due to anthropogenic activities across the river initiated by the Chinese government through the construction of hydropower dams. As a consequence, the river which provides a key source of water supplies and resources for the millions of people who live across its watershed has suffered significantly resulting in inequality and poverty in the community. The purpose of this study is to examine the root causes of inequality and poverty in the Lower Mekong region, as well as to identify ASEAN’s role in responding to the situation. The findings revealed that due to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects through the construction of dams along the river as well as ASEAN’s inability to resolve and address the crisis owing to economic dependence and difficulty to reach a consensus among its members has been a contributing factor to the ineffectiveness of ASEAN in the conflict resolution. From the findings, it can be concluded that China’s financial hegemony over the Mekong countries can have an impact on the region’s future levels of poverty and inequality.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46058129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35864
Shafira Khairunnisa Anggraeni
The Nagorno-Karabakh war has been one of the most important conflicts in the South Caucasus. The two nations involved, Azerbaijan and Armenia, have been in conflict more times than in cooperation ever since their independence from the Soviet Union. The territory disputed, Nagorno-Karabakh, has been internationally recognized as Azerbaijan’s since the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 2008. However, this did not stop the conflict, as seen with the newest escalation happening in September of 2020. In the majority of the conflict, Russia has been a constant presence, being a mediator as well as a military supplier to both countries. Russia also has been involved in peacekeeping efforts, sending peacekeeping forces to Nagorno-Karabakh. In November 2020, a ceasefire agreement was reached involving Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia. This paper aims to examine Russia’s interest in its involvement in the conflict, the weaknesses of the ceasefire agreement, and Russia’s gains from the agreement and the overall situation. This paper found that Russia’s interests lay in its economic relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan and in exercising influence in the region with the deployment of its peacekeeping contingent.
{"title":"Analyzing Russia’s Interests in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh Ceasefire Agreemen","authors":"Shafira Khairunnisa Anggraeni","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35864","url":null,"abstract":"The Nagorno-Karabakh war has been one of the most important conflicts in the South Caucasus. The two nations involved, Azerbaijan and Armenia, have been in conflict more times than in cooperation ever since their independence from the Soviet Union. The territory disputed, Nagorno-Karabakh, has been internationally recognized as Azerbaijan’s since the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 2008. However, this did not stop the conflict, as seen with the newest escalation happening in September of 2020. In the majority of the conflict, Russia has been a constant presence, being a mediator as well as a military supplier to both countries. Russia also has been involved in peacekeeping efforts, sending peacekeeping forces to Nagorno-Karabakh. In November 2020, a ceasefire agreement was reached involving Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia. This paper aims to examine Russia’s interest in its involvement in the conflict, the weaknesses of the ceasefire agreement, and Russia’s gains from the agreement and the overall situation. This paper found that Russia’s interests lay in its economic relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan and in exercising influence in the region with the deployment of its peacekeeping contingent.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47413185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35987
Ega Cahayati
Education Diplomacy and Cultural Diplomacy has a strategic role in the public diplomacy of the Indonesian state. In the interaction of international relations, the formation of phenomena such as the partnership between various components of society has made the situation of the current global relations system increasingly colorful. It can also see that the role of diplomacy in this section is not inferior to the practice of public diplomacy adopted by the state. For example, in the field of education, the participation of scholars in the development of public diplomacy will accelerate the improvement of the quality of human resources in Indonesia and Filipina. This method of diplomacy can also be carried out through student exchange to the Philippines, art performances and cultural performances of the Indonesian state, discussions with lecturers & teachers, and much more. There is also uniqueness in implementing this diplomacy, such as cooperation, which leads to mutual benefit, respect, and appreciation. In addition, educational & cultural diplomacy can also provide new ideas. This unique idea leads to solving problems within the scope of international relations. Therefore, Indonesia must improve its cultural & educational Diplomacy in Filipina country.
{"title":"Indonesian Cultural Diplomacy and Education in The Philippines in 2011-2019","authors":"Ega Cahayati","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35987","url":null,"abstract":"Education Diplomacy and Cultural Diplomacy has a strategic role in the public diplomacy of the Indonesian state. In the interaction of international relations, the formation of phenomena such as the partnership between various components of society has made the situation of the current global relations system increasingly colorful. It can also see that the role of diplomacy in this section is not inferior to the practice of public diplomacy adopted by the state. For example, in the field of education, the participation of scholars in the development of public diplomacy will accelerate the improvement of the quality of human resources in Indonesia and Filipina. This method of diplomacy can also be carried out through student exchange to the Philippines, art performances and cultural performances of the Indonesian state, discussions with lecturers & teachers, and much more. There is also uniqueness in implementing this diplomacy, such as cooperation, which leads to mutual benefit, respect, and appreciation. In addition, educational & cultural diplomacy can also provide new ideas. This unique idea leads to solving problems within the scope of international relations. Therefore, Indonesia must improve its cultural & educational Diplomacy in Filipina country.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43472062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38198
Izzah Atirah Ruslan
Globalization has led to national security issues to occurred and resulted in people losing their fundamental human rights in some cases. Women’s poverty is clearly the deprivation of human rights for both women and young girls. Somalia, one of the nations in Africa regions, has suffered from the act of gender inequality that deprived the rights of women which led them to live in poverty. Social norms or traditions are playing a crucial role in worsening the condition of living hood among women in Somalia. While both men and women are indeed suffered poverty, however, men are getting wide chances to access job opportunities compared to women. However, in recent years, African Union has acknowledged the importance of women’s role in the economic development of the region, therefore African Union established the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Strategy as a guide to both the government of the states and women’s agency to spread awareness regarding the rights of the women to be equal as men. Therefore, this paper further will discuss how successful such strategies are to be able to construct new ideas and social norms in Somalia.
{"title":"Gender Inequality: African Union Strategy to Combat Women Poverty Crisis in Somalia","authors":"Izzah Atirah Ruslan","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38198","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization has led to national security issues to occurred and resulted in people losing their fundamental human rights in some cases. Women’s poverty is clearly the deprivation of human rights for both women and young girls. Somalia, one of the nations in Africa regions, has suffered from the act of gender inequality that deprived the rights of women which led them to live in poverty. Social norms or traditions are playing a crucial role in worsening the condition of living hood among women in Somalia. While both men and women are indeed suffered poverty, however, men are getting wide chances to access job opportunities compared to women. However, in recent years, African Union has acknowledged the importance of women’s role in the economic development of the region, therefore African Union established the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Strategy as a guide to both the government of the states and women’s agency to spread awareness regarding the rights of the women to be equal as men. Therefore, this paper further will discuss how successful such strategies are to be able to construct new ideas and social norms in Somalia.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49235195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35092
Raden Arief Meivio Bahari, Savitri Aditiany, Affabile Rifawan
Gerakan Women’s March yang pertama kali muncul pada 4 Maret 2017 di Indonesia. Gerakan ini terjadi karena terdapat banyak isu kesenjangan antara perempuan dan laki-laki, seperti adanya kasus pelecehan atau kekerasan dan masalah kesetaraan gender. Gerakan Women’s March di Indonesia menjadi salah satu Sister Marches dari Women’s March di Amerika Serikat. Riset ini dilakukan dengan metode riset kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif, serta dengan menggunakan teori feminisme. Hasil riset ini menunjukkan bahwa Women’s March di Indonesia sudah ada dan dilaksanakan dari tahun 2017 hingga 2021 yang merupakan bagian dari gerakan feminisme setelah era reformasi, dan sebagai bagian dari gerakan feminisme gelombang keempat yang berkaitan dengan feminisme dalam ranah Hubungan Internasional. Dalam hal ini, dengan adanya globalisasi yang menyebar tanpa kenal batas wilayah, maka Women’s March berkonvergensi menjadi gerakan transnasional yang membumikan isu nasional khususnya di Indonesia. Women’s March menjadi gerakan sisterhood dengan gerakan yang sama di Washington 2017, dan sisterhood dengan gerakan Women’s March yang ada di kabupaten atau kota di Indonesia.
{"title":"Gerakan Women’s March Indonesia dengan Amerika Serikat sebagai Aksi Solidaritas Sesama Perempuan Tahun 2017","authors":"Raden Arief Meivio Bahari, Savitri Aditiany, Affabile Rifawan","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35092","url":null,"abstract":"Gerakan Women’s March yang pertama kali muncul pada 4 Maret 2017 di Indonesia. Gerakan ini terjadi karena terdapat banyak isu kesenjangan antara perempuan dan laki-laki, seperti adanya kasus pelecehan atau kekerasan dan masalah kesetaraan gender. Gerakan Women’s March di Indonesia menjadi salah satu Sister Marches dari Women’s March di Amerika Serikat. Riset ini dilakukan dengan metode riset kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif, serta dengan menggunakan teori feminisme. Hasil riset ini menunjukkan bahwa Women’s March di Indonesia sudah ada dan dilaksanakan dari tahun 2017 hingga 2021 yang merupakan bagian dari gerakan feminisme setelah era reformasi, dan sebagai bagian dari gerakan feminisme gelombang keempat yang berkaitan dengan feminisme dalam ranah Hubungan Internasional. Dalam hal ini, dengan adanya globalisasi yang menyebar tanpa kenal batas wilayah, maka Women’s March berkonvergensi menjadi gerakan transnasional yang membumikan isu nasional khususnya di Indonesia. Women’s March menjadi gerakan sisterhood dengan gerakan yang sama di Washington 2017, dan sisterhood dengan gerakan Women’s March yang ada di kabupaten atau kota di Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48252026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35093
Badra Jultouriq Rahman
Dalam riset ini membahas ikhtiar diplomasi daerah Pangandaran dengan menyelenggarakan Pangandaran International Kite Festival (PIKF). Peneliti melakukan perbandingan dengan daerah penyelenggara festival serupa seperti Pasir Gudang, Johor, Malaysia. Hal ini dilakukan untuk memperkuat gambaran bahwa Pangandaran telah melakukan diplomasi daerah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dan analisis komparatif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bentuk diplomasi daerah dan kebijakan dalam acara Pangandaran International Kite Festival dengan perbandingan analisis pada kegiatan Pasir Gudang World Kite Festival. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan Pangandaran International Kite Festival merupakan bentuk upaya diplomasi daerah Pangandaran. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran memiliki tujuan dan kepentingan sehingga menerapkan strategi dan memanfaatkan foreign resources (visitors). Dalam penyelenggaraan PIKF, Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran bersama dengan Persatuan Layang-Layang Pangandaran (PERLAP) sebagai aktor non-governmental untuk dapat mendatangkan peserta internasional. Hal ini dilakukan Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran untuk mencapai visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia merujuk pada standar UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) dan Global Sustainable Tourism Council (GSTC). Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dan analisis komparatif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakahPangandaran International Kite Festival yang diselenggarakan oleh Pangandaran dapat dipandang sebagai ikhtiar diplomasi daerah, dan apa saja kebijakan dan kegiatan Pangandaran yang terkonfirmasi oleh kebijakan dan kegiatan Pasir Gudang World Kite Festival dalam merujuk pengertian diplomasi daerah. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Pangandaran International Kite Festival merupakan ikhtiar diplomasi daerah Pangandaran. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran memiliki tujuan dan kepentingan sebagai dasar untuk melakukan diplomasi daerah, lalu membuat rencana strategi, dan menerapkan kebijakan dengan memanfaatkan foreign resources (visitors). Hal ini dilakukan Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran dalam upaya untuk mencapai visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia merujuk pada standar UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) dan Global Sustainable Tourism Council(GSTC). Dalam penyelenggaraan PIKF, Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran bersama-sama dengan Persatuan Layang-Layang Pangandaran sebagai aktor non-governmental menggunakan jaringan transnasionalnya untuk dapat mendatangkan peserta internasional. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran menggunakan Pangandaran International Kite Festival sebagai alat untuk mempromosikan potensi daerah Pangandaran dan mewujudkan visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia. Kata kunci: Diplomasi Daerah; Festival Layang-Layang Internasional; Pangandaran;pariwisata internasional
{"title":"Festival Layang-Layang Internasional Pangandaran sebagai Diplomasi Daerah: Analisis Perbandingan dengan Festival Layang-Layang Internasional Pasir Gudang","authors":"Badra Jultouriq Rahman","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35093","url":null,"abstract":"Dalam riset ini membahas ikhtiar diplomasi daerah Pangandaran dengan menyelenggarakan Pangandaran International Kite Festival (PIKF). Peneliti melakukan perbandingan dengan daerah penyelenggara festival serupa seperti Pasir Gudang, Johor, Malaysia. Hal ini dilakukan untuk memperkuat gambaran bahwa Pangandaran telah melakukan diplomasi daerah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dan analisis komparatif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bentuk diplomasi daerah dan kebijakan dalam acara Pangandaran International Kite Festival dengan perbandingan analisis pada kegiatan Pasir Gudang World Kite Festival. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan Pangandaran International Kite Festival merupakan bentuk upaya diplomasi daerah Pangandaran. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran memiliki tujuan dan kepentingan sehingga menerapkan strategi dan memanfaatkan foreign resources (visitors). Dalam penyelenggaraan PIKF, Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran bersama dengan Persatuan Layang-Layang Pangandaran (PERLAP) sebagai aktor non-governmental untuk dapat mendatangkan peserta internasional. Hal ini dilakukan Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran untuk mencapai visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia merujuk pada standar UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) dan Global Sustainable Tourism Council (GSTC).\u0000Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dan analisis komparatif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakahPangandaran International Kite Festival yang diselenggarakan oleh Pangandaran dapat dipandang sebagai ikhtiar diplomasi daerah, dan apa saja kebijakan dan kegiatan Pangandaran yang terkonfirmasi oleh kebijakan dan kegiatan Pasir Gudang World Kite Festival dalam merujuk pengertian diplomasi daerah. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Pangandaran International Kite Festival merupakan ikhtiar diplomasi daerah Pangandaran. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran memiliki tujuan dan kepentingan sebagai dasar untuk melakukan diplomasi daerah, lalu membuat rencana strategi, dan menerapkan kebijakan dengan memanfaatkan foreign resources (visitors). Hal ini dilakukan Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran dalam upaya untuk mencapai visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia merujuk pada standar UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) dan Global Sustainable Tourism Council(GSTC). Dalam penyelenggaraan PIKF, Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran bersama-sama dengan Persatuan Layang-Layang Pangandaran sebagai aktor non-governmental menggunakan jaringan transnasionalnya untuk dapat mendatangkan peserta internasional. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pangandaran menggunakan Pangandaran International Kite Festival sebagai alat untuk mempromosikan potensi daerah Pangandaran dan mewujudkan visinya sebagai tujuan wisata berkelas dunia. \u0000 \u0000Kata kunci: Diplomasi Daerah; Festival Layang-Layang Internasional; Pangandaran;pariwisata internasional ","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42011664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36293
Sandra Amalina Rudiawan
Pandemi COVID-19 yang masih berlangsung pada tahun 2021 mendorong perubahan serta penyesuaiaan agenda dan kegiatan kebudayaan yang akan diselenggarakan oleh Japan Foundation Jakarta. Salah satunya seperti Japan Cultural Weeks 2021 yang diselenggarakan secara daring untuk pertama kalinya. Japan Cultural Weeks merupakan program rutin tahunan dengan beragam rangkaian kegiatan untuk dapat mengenalkan serta mempromosi kebudayaan Jepang di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui pelaksanaan diplomasi kebudayaan Jepang melalui inovasi Japan Cultural Weeks 2021 oleh Japan Foundation Jakarta selama masa pandemi di Indonesia, serta untuk memahami mengenai penerapan Tiga Prinsip Dasar diplomasi kebudayaan Jepang yaitu Penyebaran atau Transmission, Penerimaan atau Acceptance dan Koeksistensi atau Coexistence dalam Japan Cultural Weeks 2021. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Japan Foundation Jakarta telah berhasil memainkan perannya dalam mengenalkan kebudayaan Jepang kepada publik Indonesia melalui Japan Cultural Weeks 2021 yang dilaksanakan secara daring. Hal itu dibuktikan melalui pemenuhan Tiga Prinsip Dasar sebagai pedoman dalam menjalankan diplomasi kebudayaan Jepang. Walaupun, Japan Foundation Jakarta masih harus berupaya untuk dapat memaksimalkan beberapa kegiatan untuk dapat memenuhi Tiga Prinsip Dasar dengan seutuhnya.
目前2021年COVID-19大流行鼓励了由日本基金会雅加达举行的改变和改变议程和文化活动。其中一个就像2021年的日本文化周，第一次在网上举行。日本文化周是一个一年一度的例行活动，目的是在印尼引进和推广日本文化。这个研究,以了解日本文化外交的实施通过日本文化创新·威克斯2021年期间由日本基金会雅加达印尼的流行病,以及应用的理解三个日本文化外交的基本原则,即传输,接受或Acceptance和共存的传播日本文化中Coexistence·威克斯2021年。调查结果显示，日本雅加达基金会(Japan Foundation Jakarta)通过日本文化周2021年在网上成功地将日本文化引入印尼公众。这是通过遵守日本文化外交的三个基本原则来证明的。然而，日本基金会(Japan Foundation Jakarta)仍然需要努力使一些活动最大化，才能完全实现这三个基本原则。
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Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35109
Muliastuti Andi
Diskriminasi dan persekusi terhadap kelompok LGBT di beberapa negara Asia memicu gelombang aktivisme transnasional yang juga difasilitasi oleh globalisasi dan internasionalisasi. Tidak adanya jaminan perlindungan terhadap hak-hak kelompok LGBT, mendorong dibentuknya Prakarsa Being LGBT in Asia sebagai upaya pembelajaran dan pengembangan pemahaman akan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) yang dimiliki kelompok LGBT di Asia dengan berfokus di delapan negara prioritas yakni China, Filipina, Indonesia, Kamboja, Mongolia, Nepal, Thailand dan Vietnam. Struktur opresi di masing-masing negara didominasi oleh nilai-nilai agama, budaya (family values), dan konfigurasi politik domestik. Kondisi ini memunculkan ketegangan antara universalisme HAM dan relativisme budaya dalam diskursus gerakan hak-hak LGBT di Asia. Dengan menggunakan konsep aktivisme transnasional dan identitas kolektif, artikel ini berfokus pada pembentukan identitas LGBT Asia dan bagaimana identitas tersebut mempengaruhi diskursivitas gerakan hak-hak LGBT. Identitas sebagai LGBT Asia tidak hanya menjadi katalisator terbentuknya aksi kolektif komunitas LGBT, tetapi juga merupakan outcome dari proses-proses politik dalam gerakan tersebut.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36496
Equanjana Fatah Sedono, S. Choiruzzad
Integrasi di Eropa merupakan proyek yang dibentuk oleh suatu hegemoni transnasional. Hegemoni ini telah menyebabkan krisis sehingga menimbulkan penolakan dari kelompok sayap kanan seperti Front National di Prancis. Penelitian ini akan menjelaskan terjadinya counter-hegemony dari Front National terhadap hegemoni Transnational Capital Class di Eropa. Tulisan ini akan menggunakan pendekatan Cultural Hegemony Gramscian untuk melihat bagaimana hegemoni yang dibentuk oleh Transnational Capital Class menimbulkan dimensi krisis sehingga mendorong penolakan dari kelompok sayap kanan seperti Front National. European Roundtable for Industry sebagai manifestasi dari Transnational Capital Class memiliki kemampuan untuk mengelola modal transnasional untuk mereproduksi nilai hegemoni walaupun telah terjadi krisis akibat akumulasi modal yang berlebih. Krisis ekonomi di Eropa kemudian menyebabkan berkurangnya dukungan terhadap legitimasi Uni Eropa di Prancis. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif deduktif dan pengumpulan data melalui studi literatur, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa terjadinya penolakan dari Front National terhadap hegemoni Transnational Capital Class dan integrasi di Eropa didorong oleh krisis eurozone serta krisis legitimasi Uni Eropa.
欧洲的一体化是一个由跨国霸权组成的项目。这些霸权导致了一场危机，导致了右翼组织，比如法国国民阵线。这项研究将解释国家阵线对欧洲国家首都霸权级的反共。这篇文章将使用文化符号的方法来观察经跨国资本阶层(Transnational Capital Class)形成的霸权是如何导致右翼组织(如国民阵线)拒绝的。欧洲跨国资本集团(Transnational Capital Class)表现出，尽管资本积累引发危机，但它仍有能力管理跨国资本，以再生产霸权价值。欧洲经济危机导致对法国欧盟合法性的不支持。通过文献研究，通过定性方法和数据收集，该研究认为，由于欧元区危机和欧盟合法性危机，国民阵线反对欧洲跨民族资本主义和一体化战线的斗争。
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Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.34430
Nur Izzah Anisah Ismail
This paper discusses how corporate social responsibility could help in assisting states with global issues. The globalization which is experienced by every part of the world has created new and more complex issues. These issues sometimes cannot be solved by the state solely, demanding a global governance with the hope to cope with the issues. The existence of multinational corporations (MNC) as a new rising actor, through their corporate social responsibility (CSR) is hoping to be responsible to the society they operate. The writer argues that through the Public-Private Partnership, the CSR by MNC can help the state in solving the global issues faced by them. One of the global issues that needs the attention of the community is educational issues, especially in developing states. To strengthen the writer’s argument, this paper will raise a case study on Samsung’s CSR and their impacts on India educational issues. India is one of the states who is battling with the educational issues, and Samsung as one of the biggest MNC in India is actively assisting the government regarding the issues. The success of these CSR can be seen through the response of the Indian local government.
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