Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19614
M. Hakim, Denimah Denimah, M. Ramadhan, Devy Febian Arisandy Bahtiar, Feryan Airlangga, Stefano Jalu Sambowo Putra
Uighur is an ethnic group which originally come from the Turkestan clan, which is predominantly found in Central and Western Asia Regions. As a minority within the People's Republic of China northwestern region, Its existence often sparks negative stigma from the China government. They are labelled as separatist groups. Large-scale demonstrations in 2009, which eventually led to riots between Uighur and Han Chinese population in Xinjiang, managed to worsen the situation. As a country that has primordial ties with the Uighur, Turkey has responded to the issue of discrimination that befell the Uighur. Therefore, this problem could bring tension to both Turkey and China. Utilizing the concept of bilateral diplomacy, this paper aims to examine the extent of the Turkish government's response to the issue of ethnic violence in Xinjiang. The findings show that the Uighur issue has always overshadowed Turkey-China bilateral relations ever since Its rise. Despite the disagreement, both have maintained a relatively good relation.
{"title":"Nationality, Ethnicity, and Solidarity: Respon Turki atas Perundingan Etnis Uighur","authors":"M. Hakim, Denimah Denimah, M. Ramadhan, Devy Febian Arisandy Bahtiar, Feryan Airlangga, Stefano Jalu Sambowo Putra","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19614","url":null,"abstract":"Uighur is an ethnic group which originally come from the Turkestan clan, which is predominantly found in Central and Western Asia Regions. As a minority within the People's Republic of China northwestern region, Its existence often sparks negative stigma from the China government. They are labelled as separatist groups. Large-scale demonstrations in 2009, which eventually led to riots between Uighur and Han Chinese population in Xinjiang, managed to worsen the situation. As a country that has primordial ties with the Uighur, Turkey has responded to the issue of discrimination that befell the Uighur. Therefore, this problem could bring tension to both Turkey and China. Utilizing the concept of bilateral diplomacy, this paper aims to examine the extent of the Turkish government's response to the issue of ethnic violence in Xinjiang. The findings show that the Uighur issue has always overshadowed Turkey-China bilateral relations ever since Its rise. Despite the disagreement, both have maintained a relatively good relation.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49499464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19618
Nida Fajrin Nafisah
At this time, writing about women in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria campaign has focused on their role as supporters. While in acts of terror, ISIS often turns women into combatans in ISIS terror acts. The study was conducted with a content analysis method for documents discussing the acrion of ISIS in Iraq, Syria and Southeast Asia and analyzed by transnational crime theory. Since the development of globalization and the advancement of information, technology communication, terrorist groups have been easier to create transnational terrorism networks because they are supported by various technological conveniences. ISIS makes use of these modern tools to spread their ideology, find and recruit new members from all corners of the world more easily. In recent years ISIS suffered a major defeat that changed the map and strategy of terror. This article concludes that women have been incarnated as subjects in ISIS international terrorism. The use of women as combatants in ISIS terror attacks is unusual. Thoughts that ISIS has implanted since 2015 produced various results by doing new terror attacks with women as perpetrators. Deradicalization then carried out by military and non-military ways. The military way to attack ISIS actions with military weapons, while the non-military way by changing the thoughts of the perpetrators.
{"title":"Perempuan dan Teror: Memahami Peran Kombatan Perempuan dalam Kampanye ISIS","authors":"Nida Fajrin Nafisah","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19618","url":null,"abstract":"At this time, writing about women in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria campaign has focused on their role as supporters. While in acts of terror, ISIS often turns women into combatans in ISIS terror acts. The study was conducted with a content analysis method for documents discussing the acrion of ISIS in Iraq, Syria and Southeast Asia and analyzed by transnational crime theory. Since the development of globalization and the advancement of information, technology communication, terrorist groups have been easier to create transnational terrorism networks because they are supported by various technological conveniences. ISIS makes use of these modern tools to spread their ideology, find and recruit new members from all corners of the world more easily. In recent years ISIS suffered a major defeat that changed the map and strategy of terror. This article concludes that women have been incarnated as subjects in ISIS international terrorism. The use of women as combatants in ISIS terror attacks is unusual. Thoughts that ISIS has implanted since 2015 produced various results by doing new terror attacks with women as perpetrators. Deradicalization then carried out by military and non-military ways. The military way to attack ISIS actions with military weapons, while the non-military way by changing the thoughts of the perpetrators.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42566124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v14i1.24963
Derina Faslig Silitonga
Starting from the aim of stopping the rebel movement, the enactment of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) of 1958 in practice became a boomerang for security stability in Northeastern India. The privileges granted by the government to soldiers are used as a pretext for discrimination and violations of human rights. The patriarchal tradition, which then considers women as property and weak creatures, causes women and children to suffer the most. Reports of sexual harassment cases, rape, and even murder unilaterally encouraged Meira Paibis as a grassroots women's movement to develop a strategy of resistance. Meira Paibis uses a non-violent approach through symbolic methods that are viewed as extreme and controversial in its mission. This research will describe the significant role of the Meira Paibis women's movement in organizing resistance to AFSPA policies and their efforts to achieve positive peace in Northeastern India. This paper will elaborate on the non-violence approach to see the strategies played by Meira Paibis and the obstacles faced in the process of achieving her goals.
{"title":"Meira Paibis Movement Roles in Creating Peace at Northeastern India","authors":"Derina Faslig Silitonga","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v14i1.24963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v14i1.24963","url":null,"abstract":"Starting from the aim of stopping the rebel movement, the enactment of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) of 1958 in practice became a boomerang for security stability in Northeastern India. The privileges granted by the government to soldiers are used as a pretext for discrimination and violations of human rights. The patriarchal tradition, which then considers women as property and weak creatures, causes women and children to suffer the most. Reports of sexual harassment cases, rape, and even murder unilaterally encouraged Meira Paibis as a grassroots women's movement to develop a strategy of resistance. Meira Paibis uses a non-violent approach through symbolic methods that are viewed as extreme and controversial in its mission. This research will describe the significant role of the Meira Paibis women's movement in organizing resistance to AFSPA policies and their efforts to achieve positive peace in Northeastern India. This paper will elaborate on the non-violence approach to see the strategies played by Meira Paibis and the obstacles faced in the process of achieving her goals.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43113963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-28DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19609
Siti Dhea Meutia Syarif
This study analyzes Australia and Fiji's bilateral cooperation in thesecurity sector for the 2014-2019 period. Entering the democratizationera after the Fiji Coup in 2006, the relationship between Canberra andSuva seems to be getting better. Several regional and even internationalsecurity initiatives were seen as being encouraged. This paper then arguesthat the convergence of interests between the two can be attributed to thesimilarity of perceptions in terms of regional and international defense,which is increasingly prevalent in the era of democratization in Fiji. Thispaper begins by describing the methodology and theoretical framework offoreign policy analysis used to analyze this phenomenon. The next sectionprovides background on contemporary relations between Australia andFiji and analyzes how their dynamics led to the collaboration in question.This paper ends by analyzing the prospects for the resilience of bilateralrelations between the two countries in the future with the proliferation ofnew security challenges.
{"title":"Analisis Hubungan Kerjasama Bilateral Australia dan Fiji Dalam Bidang Keamanan Periode 2014-2019","authors":"Siti Dhea Meutia Syarif","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19609","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes Australia and Fiji's bilateral cooperation in thesecurity sector for the 2014-2019 period. Entering the democratizationera after the Fiji Coup in 2006, the relationship between Canberra andSuva seems to be getting better. Several regional and even internationalsecurity initiatives were seen as being encouraged. This paper then arguesthat the convergence of interests between the two can be attributed to thesimilarity of perceptions in terms of regional and international defense,which is increasingly prevalent in the era of democratization in Fiji. Thispaper begins by describing the methodology and theoretical framework offoreign policy analysis used to analyze this phenomenon. The next sectionprovides background on contemporary relations between Australia andFiji and analyzes how their dynamics led to the collaboration in question.This paper ends by analyzing the prospects for the resilience of bilateralrelations between the two countries in the future with the proliferation ofnew security challenges.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47883763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-28DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19512
Hilda Ariastuti
This article analyzes the phenomenon of transnational organized crimein the Golden Crescent, one of the biggest producers of opium globally,and the United States’ involvement in the region. The author discussesthe production base for opium in the Golden Crescent by focusing onone country, namely Afghanistan. There are two main findings in thisstudy, namely the Golden Crescent region as a significant producer anddistributor of the global opium trade; and the business and politicalinterests that the United States brought in its invasion of Afghanistan. Oneof them is his interest in drug trafficking, which is considered to be highlyprofitable. This research concludes that the United States has politicaland economic advantage motives in its invasion of Afghanistan and itsinvolvement in the Golden Crescent.
{"title":"Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Golden Crescent: Analisis Geopolitik terhadap Kejahatan Transnasional","authors":"Hilda Ariastuti","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19512","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the phenomenon of transnational organized crimein the Golden Crescent, one of the biggest producers of opium globally,and the United States’ involvement in the region. The author discussesthe production base for opium in the Golden Crescent by focusing onone country, namely Afghanistan. There are two main findings in thisstudy, namely the Golden Crescent region as a significant producer anddistributor of the global opium trade; and the business and politicalinterests that the United States brought in its invasion of Afghanistan. Oneof them is his interest in drug trafficking, which is considered to be highlyprofitable. This research concludes that the United States has politicaland economic advantage motives in its invasion of Afghanistan and itsinvolvement in the Golden Crescent.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48623543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-04DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v13i1.18136
Novita Putri Rudiany, Fauzan Ranggi Lubis
Pada 1 Januari 2019 lalu, Menteri Energi Qatar, Saad Sherida Al-Kaabi, menyatakan bahwa Qatar memilih untuk mengundurkan diri dari keanggotannya di dalam OPEC. Keputusan tersebut mengakhiri 58 tahun keanggotaan Qatar dalam organisasi internasional yang bergerak di bidang minyak bumi tersebut. Pernyataan ini dilanjutkan dengan rasionalisasi terkait strategi baru yang hendak diterapkan Qatar dalam pengembangan potensi LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas). Namun, muncul asumsi bahwa alasan tersebut bukan merupakan satu-satunya yang melatarbelakangi keluarnya Qatar dari OPEC. Oleh karenanya, tulisan ini menganalisis faktor-faktor eksternal yang berpotensi untuk mempengaruhi keputusan Qatar tersebut. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah analisis kebijakan luar negeri yang didasarkan pada kondisi di luar negara. Salah satu determinan dalam pengambilan kebijakan luar negeri tersebut adalah organisasi internasional. Oleh karenanya, faktor tersebut dititikberatkan pada OPEC sebagai organisasi internasional yang menanunginya. Argumen utama dalam tulisan ini adalah bahwa hubungan power dan sosial antar negara menjadi faktor pendorong yang melatarbelakangi sikap negara untuk memilih keluar dari organisasi.
{"title":"Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Qatar untuk Mengakhiri Keanggotaan dalam OPEC pada Tahun 2019","authors":"Novita Putri Rudiany, Fauzan Ranggi Lubis","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v13i1.18136","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i1.18136","url":null,"abstract":"Pada 1 Januari 2019 lalu, Menteri Energi Qatar, Saad Sherida Al-Kaabi, menyatakan bahwa Qatar memilih untuk mengundurkan diri dari keanggotannya di dalam OPEC. Keputusan tersebut mengakhiri 58 tahun keanggotaan Qatar dalam organisasi internasional yang bergerak di bidang minyak bumi tersebut. Pernyataan ini dilanjutkan dengan rasionalisasi terkait strategi baru yang hendak diterapkan Qatar dalam pengembangan potensi LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas). Namun, muncul asumsi bahwa alasan tersebut bukan merupakan satu-satunya yang melatarbelakangi keluarnya Qatar dari OPEC. Oleh karenanya, tulisan ini menganalisis faktor-faktor eksternal yang berpotensi untuk mempengaruhi keputusan Qatar tersebut. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah analisis kebijakan luar negeri yang didasarkan pada kondisi di luar negara. Salah satu determinan dalam pengambilan kebijakan luar negeri tersebut adalah organisasi internasional. Oleh karenanya, faktor tersebut dititikberatkan pada OPEC sebagai organisasi internasional yang menanunginya. Argumen utama dalam tulisan ini adalah bahwa hubungan power dan sosial antar negara menjadi faktor pendorong yang melatarbelakangi sikap negara untuk memilih keluar dari organisasi.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48080657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-10DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V12I2.13981
Giyandra Meisarani
This paper discusses conflict resolution on problems in Somalia byprinciples taught in the Islamic world. The conflict in Somalia regardingjihadist group al-Shabaab has become an international issue. Somaliaitself is a country that has just a strong government system, and hasjust recognized by international community. This phenomenon then ledto many attacks conducted by the Al-Shabaab. The attacks made Somalipeople who were not members of al-Shabaab felt insecure. With theassistance that came to the Somali government, al-Shabaab felt defensivetowards foreign countries, as well as international organizations such asIntergovernmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD)and the African Union. This is due to the fact that they felt that the assistanceprovided would affect Somalia, as they wanted to make the country with awhole Islamic system without the interference of western countries. In thegiven conflict resolution above, it adjusts to what has been taught by theProphet Muhammad who put forward peace and prosperity as an Islamicstate.
{"title":"Resolusi Konflik di Dunia Islam: Studi Kasus Al-Shabaab di Somalia","authors":"Giyandra Meisarani","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V12I2.13981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V12I2.13981","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses conflict resolution on problems in Somalia byprinciples taught in the Islamic world. The conflict in Somalia regardingjihadist group al-Shabaab has become an international issue. Somaliaitself is a country that has just a strong government system, and hasjust recognized by international community. This phenomenon then ledto many attacks conducted by the Al-Shabaab. The attacks made Somalipeople who were not members of al-Shabaab felt insecure. With theassistance that came to the Somali government, al-Shabaab felt defensivetowards foreign countries, as well as international organizations such asIntergovernmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD)and the African Union. This is due to the fact that they felt that the assistanceprovided would affect Somalia, as they wanted to make the country with awhole Islamic system without the interference of western countries. In thegiven conflict resolution above, it adjusts to what has been taught by theProphet Muhammad who put forward peace and prosperity as an Islamicstate.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48853871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muhammad Naseh, Ikhwanuddin Ikhwanuddin, Faizal Ramadhani, Agung Kusprabandaru, Beny Bathara
The revolution in information, communication, and transportation technology have connected many different parts of the world and make the distance nearly gone. This immense development is in parallel with the changing of transnational crime. This article offers a comparative study of organized-transnational crime in Indonesia and Europe, especially in the issues of human trafficking, money laundering, drugs smuggling, and terrorism. Based on the method from Klaus von Lampe, this article aims to see the similarities and differences between both countries by the characteristic and intensity of the crime. This article identifies the challenge related to logistic as a key to overcoming any infringement in the border area. Another finding is the transnational crime in both countries has similarities in modes of operation. In which most of the criminal activity in both countries take advantage of the weakness of geographic and demographic condition, and security faint. The actors are seeking situations which give the advantages of whether in economics or the opportunity to commit the criminal act itself.
{"title":"Karakteristik Pelaku Kejahatan Transnasional Terorganisir di Indonesia dan Eropa","authors":"Muhammad Naseh, Ikhwanuddin Ikhwanuddin, Faizal Ramadhani, Agung Kusprabandaru, Beny Bathara","doi":"10.18196/hi.81144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/hi.81144","url":null,"abstract":"The revolution in information, communication, and transportation technology have connected many different parts of the world and make the distance nearly gone. This immense development is in parallel with the changing of transnational crime. This article offers a comparative study of organized-transnational crime in Indonesia and Europe, especially in the issues of human trafficking, money laundering, drugs smuggling, and terrorism. Based on the method from Klaus von Lampe, this article aims to see the similarities and differences between both countries by the characteristic and intensity of the crime. This article identifies the challenge related to logistic as a key to overcoming any infringement in the border area. Another finding is the transnational crime in both countries has similarities in modes of operation. In which most of the criminal activity in both countries take advantage of the weakness of geographic and demographic condition, and security faint. The actors are seeking situations which give the advantages of whether in economics or the opportunity to commit the criminal act itself.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42378844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is a critical tracer study of genealogy and development, including debates on the concepts and terminology of developing countries. By applying constructivism perspective, it aims to explain the meaning, categories, and criteria, the emergence and development of the idea, and the reason why these concepts and ideas have been changing from time to time. This article argues that the ontological existence (concepts and ideas) of the developing countries is the result of construction of agents both foreign countries–especially the western–and developing countries themselves. Therefore, the conceptualization of developing countries is inseparable from values and (self-)interest of each country, whether it is political, ideological, or economical. As a result, there must be possibilities of inconsistency from the agent in making categorization. This inconsistency is influenced by the changing of identity, world view, interests, and policies of the agents as an impact of geopolitical and geostrategic change in the world after Cold War. The significant economic and political development which has been experienced by some developing countries and the increasing of economic and political problems faced by some developed countries has forced the agents to reconceptualized their identity, interest, and foreign policy toward what so called developing countries.
{"title":"Contending Images of World Politics: Penelusuran Kritis terhadap Asal-Usul dan Perdebatan Mengenai Konsep ‘Developing Countries’","authors":"Dafri Agussalim","doi":"10.18196/hi.81148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/hi.81148","url":null,"abstract":"This article is a critical tracer study of genealogy and development, including debates on the concepts and terminology of developing countries. By applying constructivism perspective, it aims to explain the meaning, categories, and criteria, the emergence and development of the idea, and the reason why these concepts and ideas have been changing from time to time. This article argues that the ontological existence (concepts and ideas) of the developing countries is the result of construction of agents both foreign countries–especially the western–and developing countries themselves. Therefore, the conceptualization of developing countries is inseparable from values and (self-)interest of each country, whether it is political, ideological, or economical. As a result, there must be possibilities of inconsistency from the agent in making categorization. This inconsistency is influenced by the changing of identity, world view, interests, and policies of the agents as an impact of geopolitical and geostrategic change in the world after Cold War. The significant economic and political development which has been experienced by some developing countries and the increasing of economic and political problems faced by some developed countries has forced the agents to reconceptualized their identity, interest, and foreign policy toward what so called developing countries.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46152981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Semarang City, one of the biggest cities in Indonesia, experienced tidal floods due to climate change, which require systemic responses. The absence of a legal foundation to overcome the effects of climate change has prompted Semarang City Government to formulate a climate change adaptation policy. Mercy Corps – Asian Cities Climate Change Resilience Network (ACCCRN) opens climate change adaptation cooperation by assigning Semarang City as one of the core cities of ACCCRN. This study aims to analyze the climate change adaptation policy-making process in cooperation between Semarang City Government and ACCCRN using vertical and horizontal interactions of multilevel governance approach. This study also uses the indicators of urban climate change adaptation process to identify the elements of climate change adaptation policy in Semarang City. The vertical interactions show that the climate change adaptation negotiations at the international and national levels urge an adaptation policy-making in Semarang City. Meanwhile, in horizontal interactions, Semarang City Government in cooperation with Mercy Corps – ACCCRN tries to formulate an inclusive climate change adaptation policy through Shared Learning Dialogues (SLDs) mechanism. As a result, Semarang City Government produces climate change adaptation policy, namely Semarang Resilience Strategy.
{"title":"Politik Adaptasi Perubahan Iklim dalam Pendekatan Multilevel Governance di Kota Semarang","authors":"Naila Sukma Aisya","doi":"10.18196/hi.81143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/hi.81143","url":null,"abstract":"Semarang City, one of the biggest cities in Indonesia, experienced tidal floods due to climate change, which require systemic responses. The absence of a legal foundation to overcome the effects of climate change has prompted Semarang City Government to formulate a climate change adaptation policy. Mercy Corps – Asian Cities Climate Change Resilience Network (ACCCRN) opens climate change adaptation cooperation by assigning Semarang City as one of the core cities of ACCCRN. This study aims to analyze the climate change adaptation policy-making process in cooperation between Semarang City Government and ACCCRN using vertical and horizontal interactions of multilevel governance approach. This study also uses the indicators of urban climate change adaptation process to identify the elements of climate change adaptation policy in Semarang City. The vertical interactions show that the climate change adaptation negotiations at the international and national levels urge an adaptation policy-making in Semarang City. Meanwhile, in horizontal interactions, Semarang City Government in cooperation with Mercy Corps – ACCCRN tries to formulate an inclusive climate change adaptation policy through Shared Learning Dialogues (SLDs) mechanism. As a result, Semarang City Government produces climate change adaptation policy, namely Semarang Resilience Strategy.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48012054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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