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Indonesian Trade Policy in Adjusting the 2020 WTO’s Trade Policy Review 调整2020年WTO贸易政策审议中的印尼贸易政策
Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.18038
P. Simbolon, Angel Damayanti
This article analyzes the Trade Policy Review Body (TPRB) review of Indonesia in 2020, mainly in the agricultural sector, and how Indonesian compliance with the WTO Agreement is helpful for the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM). This study uses the normative method by gathering primary and secondary legal sources. The 2020 TPRB review perceives that Indonesia has applied untransparent safeguard measures related to its agricultural products, prohibited subsidies, and quantitative restrictions on other WTO member states. However, the Job Creation Law, launched in 2020, can be viewed as a proportional law as it puts imported products in an equivalent position with domestic agriculture or food products. The discussions reveal that Law No 11/2020 aims to balance its national interest with the WTO Agreement and the TPRB review of Indonesian trade policy, mainly in agriculture. With such legal certainty, this article recommends that Indonesia consider the TPRB review in good faith by invoking transparent safeguards, reducing its export subsidies on agricultural products, conducting a persistent report to the Committee on Agriculture, and protecting its public health and morals. The Indonesian government should also conduct text mining to determine its trade policies and deal with international trade uncertainty.
本文分析了2020年贸易政策审查机构(TPRB)对印度尼西亚的审查,主要是在农业部门,以及印度尼西亚遵守《WTO协定》对贸易政策审查机制(TPRM)的帮助。本研究采用规范的方法,收集一手和第二手的法律资料。2020年TPRB审查认为,印度尼西亚对其农产品实施了不透明的保障措施,禁止补贴,并对其他世贸组织成员国进行了数量限制。但是,2020年出台的《创造就业机会法》将进口产品与国内农产品或食品同等对待,可以看作是比例法。讨论显示,第11/2020号法律旨在平衡其国家利益与WTO协定和TPRB审查印度尼西亚贸易政策,主要是在农业方面。鉴于这种法律确定性,本文建议印度尼西亚通过援引透明的保障措施、减少对农产品的出口补贴、向农业委员会提交持久的报告以及保护其公共卫生和道德,真诚地审议TPRB审查。印尼政府也应该进行文本挖掘,以确定其贸易政策和应对国际贸易的不确定性。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia’s Approach towards Myanmar’s Crisis: Understanding the Different Perspectives of the Democracy Process in Indonesia and Myanmar and the Role of the Military 印尼应对缅甸危机的方法:理解印尼和缅甸民主进程的不同视角以及军队的作用
Pub Date : 2023-06-03 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17997
A. A. Azis, F. Indraswari, Annisa Ridhatul Khatimah, A. Azzahra
The recent military coup in Myanmar has shocked ASEAN countries, causing some to question ASEAN’s trajectory and approach to addressing the democratization issue. ASEAN countries have taken different approaches, as reflected in the UN General Assembly’s call to halt arms sales to Myanmar. Meanwhile, Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy, the largest democracy in Southeast Asia, and an ASEAN founding member, has taken the lead. Indonesia brought the issue to the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021, resulting in a five-point consensus. However, it demonstrated no actual progress so far. Many scholars, democracy activists, and foreign policy observers consider Indonesia’s role since its success in reforming its military and turning it into a professional after having political domination. Thus, this paper examined different perspectives on how Indonesia encourages democracy in the region. Recent development depicts that Indonesia has subtly challenged the traditional non-interference policy approach. This paper enables Indonesia to maintain ASEAN’s constructive engagement. Indonesia must become a role model as the champion for a civilian rule that will not make Myanmar’s military weaker, less prosperous, or no longer be appreciated as the glue of the country—but vice versa. This paper also recommends intensifying the Indonesian military to military engagement with Myanmar.
缅甸最近的军事政变震惊了东盟国家,导致一些人质疑东盟解决民主化问题的轨迹和方法。东盟国家采取了不同的做法,正如联合国大会呼吁停止向缅甸出售武器所反映的那样。与此同时,世界第三大民主国家、东南亚最大民主国家、东盟创始成员国印度尼西亚已经走在了前列。印度尼西亚于2021年4月24日将该问题提交给东盟领导人会议,达成了五点共识。然而,迄今为止,它没有显示出任何实际进展。许多学者、民主活动家和外交政策观察家都认为,印尼在成功改革军队并在拥有政治统治权后将其转变为专业人士后,将发挥其作用。因此,本文考察了印度尼西亚如何鼓励该地区民主的不同观点。最近的事态发展表明,印度尼西亚微妙地挑战了传统的不干涉政策做法。本文使印尼能够保持东盟的建设性参与。印尼必须成为文官统治倡导者的榜样,文官统治不会使缅甸的军事力量变得更弱、更不繁荣,也不会不再被视为国家的粘合剂,反之亦然。本文还建议印尼加强与缅甸的军事接触。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia-US Trade Barrier: A Study on the Halal Certification of Imported Chicken Leg Quarters 印尼-美国贸易壁垒:进口鸡腿肉清真认证研究
Pub Date : 2023-05-06 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17034
Akim Akim, Arfin Sudirman, Januar Aditya Pratama
This study discussed the background of Indonesia's non-tariff trade barrier implementation against imports of chicken legs from the United States (US) through halal certification. As WTO members, the two countries are bound by the rules and agreements of the WTO, one of which is trade liberalization related to the elimination of various kinds of trade barrier including non-tariff trade barrier such as halal certification. The application of halal certification by Indonesia to imports of chicken legs has prevented imported chicken legs from the US from entering the Indonesian market, even though they have a lower price. This study uses a mercantilism approach in the global political economy, namely the theory of non-tariff trade barrier from Thomas Oatley. The method used by the researcher was a qualitative research method with the type of case study and data collection techniques are carried out through literature study and interviews with related informants. This study concludes that there were two considerations behind the implementation of non-tariff trade barrier by Indonesia to the import of chicken legs from the US through halal certification, namely the consideration of a society-centered approach to protect public confidence, protect producers, and domestic livestock workers and considerations that are state-centered in the context of handling the economic crisis in the livestock sector and saving the state's foreign exchange expenditure.
本研究讨论了印度尼西亚对通过清真认证从美国进口鸡腿实施非关税贸易壁垒的背景。作为世贸组织成员,两国受世贸组织规则和协议的约束,其中之一是与消除各种贸易壁垒有关的贸易自由化,包括清真认证等非关税贸易壁垒。印尼对进口鸡腿应用清真认证,阻止了从美国进口鸡腿进入印尼市场,尽管它们的价格较低。本研究采用了全球政治经济学中的重商主义方法,即托马斯·奥特利的非关税贸易壁垒理论。研究人员采用的方法是案例研究的定性研究方法,数据收集技术是通过文献研究和对相关知情者的访谈进行的。本研究得出结论,印度尼西亚对通过清真认证从美国进口鸡腿实施非关税贸易壁垒背后有两个考虑因素,即考虑采取以社会为中心的方法来保护公众信心、保护生产者、,以及国内畜牧业工人,以及在处理畜牧业经济危机和节省国家外汇支出的背景下以国家为中心的考虑因素。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy under Joko Widodo: Building Credibility in Indo-Pacific Geostrategic Circuit 佐科·维多多领导下的印尼南海政策:建立印太地缘战略回路的可信度
Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.16188
Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar
This research explains how states’ expanding security policy contributes to its credibility of threats in international relations. The context is represented by the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy expansion under Joko Widodo administration, which became more assertive. Most of the current literatures picture Indonesia’s South China Sea engagement in the setting of its relation with China and its effort to build regional stability. This paper aims to locate the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy into a broader context of Indo-Pacific geostrategic landscape. To achieve this objective, this research utilized credibility concept in international relations as analytical framework. This research argues that Indonesia’s bolder and more institutionalized security policy in navigating South China Sea stand-offs aims to build its credibility of threat in Indo-Pacific circuit. With more credibility of threat, it expects to escalate Indonesia’s strategic positioning as it has more credibility to deter China’s intrusion. By that, Indonesia is seen to be more reliable to maintain the maritime stability and lead more strategic partners be more committed to cooperate with Indonesia, as the linchpin connecting Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean. 
这项研究解释了各国不断扩大的安全政策如何提高其在国际关系中威胁的可信度。佐科·维多多(Joko Widodo)政府领导下的印尼南海政策扩张就是这种情况的代表,该政府变得更加自信。目前的大多数文献都将印尼在南海的参与描述为其与中国的关系及其建立地区稳定的努力。本文旨在将印尼的南海政策定位在更广泛的印太地缘战略格局背景下。为了实现这一目标,本研究利用国际关系中的可信度概念作为分析框架。这项研究认为,印尼在应对南中国海对峙时采取的更大胆、更制度化的安全政策旨在建立其在印太回路中的威胁可信度。随着威胁的可信度越来越高,它预计将提升印尼的战略定位,因为它有更多的可信度来阻止中国的入侵。由此,印尼被视为更可靠地维护海洋稳定,并带领更多的战略伙伴更致力于与印尼合作,作为连接印度洋和太平洋的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Prospering the ASEAN Community: How Micro-Region Becomes a Driving Force Prosperity in Indonesia’s Border Area? 繁荣东盟:微观区域如何成为印尼边境地区繁荣的动力?
Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.14851
Fitrisia Munir, Yanyan Mohammad Yani, R. Prayuda, Artha Yudilla, Dini Tiara Sasmi
Providing space for sub-state actors’ actions at the micro-regional level is a significant trend in advancing regional integration in ASEAN. Transnational activities have contributed to the trade development and optimization of each country’s local production, a strategic goal, and micro-regions have emerged as critical players in this activity. Regional integration will be localized if sub-state actors play a significant role and engage in smaller regionalism activities, such as in border areas. With the goal of encouraging prosperity and reducing development gaps, especially for people in border areas, this research examined the collaboration of sub-state actors across ASEAN countries as an alternative development paradigm. Alternative research hypotheses applicable in various scientific disciplines were included in this research through a qualitative analysis method and a reflective case study approach. This research focused on the roles and activities of sub-state actors in border areas such as the Riau Islands with Malaysia and Singapore, who could work hard together with other sub-state actor entities through the support of a strong leadership network to take quicker and more efficient actions to overcome various issues. This research strengthens the existing literature by discovering that the collaboration of sub-state actors between countries in the border region has played a big role in encouraging the border community to advance and compete in the international arena, and ASEAN has become an institution encouraging and guaranteeing equal development for people in the border areas.
为次国家行为者在微观区域层面的行动提供空间是推进东盟区域一体化的一个重要趋势。跨国活动有助于贸易发展和各国当地生产的优化,这是一个战略目标,微观区域已成为这一活动的关键参与者。如果次国家行为者发挥重要作用并参与较小的区域主义活动,例如在边境地区,区域一体化将本地化。为了鼓励繁荣和缩小发展差距,特别是对边境地区的人们来说,这项研究考察了东盟国家次级国家行为者的合作,将其作为一种替代发展模式。本研究采用定性分析方法和反思性案例研究方法,纳入了适用于各个科学学科的替代研究假设。这项研究的重点是廖内群岛与马来西亚和新加坡等边境地区的次国家行为者的作用和活动,他们可以通过强大的领导网络的支持,与其他次国家行为者实体一起努力工作,采取更快、更有效的行动来克服各种问题。这项研究加强了现有文献,发现边境地区国家之间的次国家行为者的合作在鼓励边境社区在国际舞台上前进和竞争方面发挥了重要作用,东盟已成为鼓励和保障边境地区人民平等发展的机构。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesian Defense Diplomacy in Responding to China’s National Interest in South China Sea 回应中国南海国家利益的印尼国防外交
Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13707
S. D. Waluyo
Economic interests dominating the interests of both claimant and non-claimant-states make the South China Sea conflict challenging to obtain a satisfactory solution for all parties. In protecting its financial security, mainly dependent on the South China Sea, China continues to exhibit aggressiveness and firmness in realizing its national interests in this area, thereby raising the conflict tension. This study analyzed Indonesia’s defense diplomacy to counter China’s national interests in the South China Sea. Defense diplomacy is expected to eliminate any obstacles hindering the achievement of the two countries’ national interests. This study utilized a descriptive qualitative method with primary data obtained through interviews with defense strategists, defense diplomacy actors, academics, and other supporting secondary data. This study discovered that China’s national interests in the South China Sea center on securing its economic interests and military modernization. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s national interests in the South China Sea concern the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) waters. Maintaining the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is one of its national interests. Thus, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy should be conducted through win-win cooperation to promote its national interests in responding to China’s national interests in the South China Sea.
经济利益主导着声索国和非声索国的利益,这使得南海冲突难以得到各方满意的解决。中国在保护其主要依赖南海的金融安全方面,继续表现出在该地区实现国家利益的侵略性和坚定性,从而加剧了冲突的紧张局势。本研究分析了印尼在南中国海对抗中国国家利益的国防外交。国防外交有望消除妨碍两国实现国家利益的一切障碍。本研究采用描述性定性方法,主要数据来自对国防战略家、国防外交行为者、学者和其他辅助数据的访谈。本研究发现,中国在南海的国家利益集中在保障经济利益和军事现代化上。与此同时,印尼在南海的国家利益涉及专属经济区水域。维护印度尼西亚统一共和国的完整是其国家利益之一。因此,印尼的国防外交应以合作共赢为导向,在回应中国在南海的国家利益中促进印尼的国家利益。
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引用次数: 0
Combating Cybercrime and Cyberterrorism in Indonesia 印尼打击网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义
Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i2.15647
Cynthia Shafira Hartati, Ali Muhammad
Cybercrime poses a serious risk to national security in Indonesia. The pervasive nature of cybercrime calls into question the efficacy of current regulatory measures. The study objective reflects how the government addresses sustaining securitization in cyberspace. This study employed a descriptive qualitative method to analyze the impact of cybercrime in Indonesia and the regulations with an extremely high intercorrelation. Terrorism, both on the ground and digitally, has been on the rise at an alarming rate in recent years. The influence of universal access to all relevant information has several implications, including the propagation of misinformation and the growth of cybercrime networks. There must be significant disruption to the cyberterrorism industry to foster safe circumstances in Indonesia. The success of Indonesia’s regulatory efforts depends on the contribution and synergy between the government and the public.
网络犯罪对印度尼西亚的国家安全构成严重威胁。网络犯罪的普遍性使人们对现行监管措施的效力产生了疑问。研究目标反映了政府如何应对网络空间的持续证券化。本研究采用描述性定性方法分析了网络犯罪在印度尼西亚的影响和具有极高相关性的法规。近年来,恐怖主义,无论是在地面上还是在数字上,都以惊人的速度上升。普及所有相关信息的影响有几个方面的影响,包括错误信息的传播和网络犯罪网络的发展。必须对网络恐怖主义行业进行重大破坏,以促进印尼的安全环境。印尼监管工作的成功取决于政府和公众之间的贡献和协同作用。
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引用次数: 0
Transnational Coalition Building: The Role of The Yes I Do Alliance in Preventing Child Marriage Practices in Kediri Village, West Lombok 跨国联盟的建立:Yes I Do联盟在西龙目岛Kediri村防止童婚行为中的作用
Pub Date : 2023-01-26 DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13288
St. Amaliah Ramli
The practice of child marriage is an impact of gender-based discrimination, which reduces the value of women. Such discrimination might violate children’s rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Traditional Sasak marriages, known as Merariq, are carried out by the abduction of the prospective bride by the prospective groom. This issue increases the number of child marriages in West Lombok. This phenomenon has been contributing to the increasing number of child marriages in West Lombok and has become a serious issue that requires strategic breakthrough involving particular actors from various levels. Through the concept of Transnational Coalition Building, this research examines and analyzes to what extend the transnational coalition within the Yes I Do Alliance play a significant role in preventing the practice of child marriage in West Lombok. Data for this qualitative-descriptive study were gathered primarily through interviews with three individuals affiliated with each organization of the Yes I Do Alliance. Additional data were gleaned from the Baseline and Midline report of the Yes I Do program and other published literature. This study concluded that despite efforts to prevent and address child marriage in West Lombok through the transnational coalition, the scheme’s execution flaws prevented it from realizing its full potentia to achieve the maximum output. This research highlights the consequences of power imbalances that are certain and must exist in realizing a successful transnational coalition scheme. However, fundamentally this has not been accepted by the actors involved in the Yes I Do Alliance itself.
童婚的做法是基于性别的歧视的影响,它降低了妇女的价值。这种歧视可能侵犯《儿童权利公约》规定的儿童权利。传统的萨萨克族婚姻,被称为Merariq,是由未来的新郎绑架未来的新娘进行的。这个问题增加了西龙目岛童婚的数量。这一现象导致西龙目岛的童婚数量不断增加,并已成为一个严重问题,需要涉及各级特定行动者的战略突破。通过跨国联盟建设的概念,本研究考察和分析在什么范围内的跨国联盟是我做联盟在防止西龙目岛童婚的做法发挥重要作用。这项定性描述性研究的数据主要是通过对隶属于Yes I Do联盟每个组织的三个人的访谈收集的。其他数据收集自Yes I Do项目的基线和中线报告以及其他已发表的文献。本研究的结论是,尽管通过跨国联盟努力预防和解决西龙目岛的童婚问题,但该计划的执行缺陷使其无法充分发挥其潜力,实现最大产出。本研究强调了权力不平衡的后果,这是实现成功的跨国联盟计划所必然存在的。然而,从根本上说,参与“Yes I Do”联盟的行动者本身并没有接受这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Analisis Strategi Arktik Indonesia Berbasis SDGs Ke-13: Isu Penggunaan Jalur Perdagangan Maritim Kawasan Arktik 基于第13个可持续发展目标的印尼北极战略分析:北极海上贸易线使用内容
Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38987
Philipus Mikhael Priyo Nugroho, Jihan Amirotul Farikhah, Putri Audy Fahira, Gita Adjipersadani, Amouda Laula Nafila, M. Muttaqien
Kawasan Kutub Utara memiliki jalur perdagangan maritim yang akses penggunaannya menjadi perseteruan banyak negara di dunia. Dua jalur yang paling dikontestasikan, Northwest Passage (NWP) dan Northern Sea Route (NSR), dikontrol mayoritasnya oleh Kanada dan Rusia secara berurutan. Ketiadaan pemerintahan di Kawasan Arktik tampak melalui proliferasi penggunaan jalur perdagangan maritim di kawasan tersebut, yang juga berkorelasi terhadap percepatan pencairan es dan naiknya permukaan air laut global sebesar 4 mm/ tahun. Indonesia juga mengalami peningkatan permukaan air laut, yang semakin meningkat setiap tahunnya, dan salah satu akibatnya adalah pencairan es Arktik. Penelitian berjenis kualitatif preskriptif ini ditujukan untuk menemukan bagaimana SDGs ke-13 serta isu proliferasi perdagangan kawasan Arktik diikutsertakan dalam perumusan strategi Arktik Indonesia. Ditemukan bahwasanya Indonesia telah memulai langkah mitigasi terhadap isu tersebut dengan rencana dari Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana. Pemerintah Indonesia tengah merumuskan strategi urusan Arktik, yang berpedoman pada SDGs ke-13 beserta isu proliferasi jalur perdagangan maritim. Namun, kekurangan dalam perumusan kebijakan tersebut meliputi kurangnya fasilitas riset Arktik, diseminasi isu tersebut ke publik dan dunia akademik Indonesia, serta pembangunan kepentingan politis domestik tentang isu tersebut.
北极地区有海上贸易通道,可以使用它们成为世界上许多国家的世仇。最有可能的两条路线是:西北航道(NWP)和北海路(NSR),按照顺序控制着加拿大和俄罗斯的大部分路线。北极地区政府的缺乏是通过该地区使用海上贸易路线的增长率表现出来的,这也与融化加速度和全球海平面每年上升4毫米。印度尼西亚的海平面也在上升,每年都在上升,其中一个结果是北极冰盖的融化。本研究旨在探讨13个可持续发展目标和北极贸易扩散问题是如何参与印尼北极战略制定的。印尼国家救灾署计划开始减缓这一问题。印度尼西亚政府正在制定北极事务战略,指导第13个可持续发展目标及其海上贸易路线扩散问题。然而,政策制定者的缺陷包括缺乏北极研究设施、向公众和学术领域传播该问题以及在该问题上建立国内政治利益。
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引用次数: 0
Melampaui Pahlawan Devisa: Peran Aktor Negara dan Non-Negara Menyasar Permasalahan Finansial PMI Perempuan di Taiwan 透过Devisa英雄:台湾PMI女性财务问题的国家与非国家行动者的角色·全球之声
Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36080
P. Nuryananda, Ayu Rikza, Wulan Anggit Utami, Pujana Anggresta
Penelitian ini berusaha meninjau lebih jauh apakah kontribusi remitansi dalam bentuk devisa kepada negara berkontribusi yang sama pada perekonomian individu pasca kerja. Penelitian terdahulu menunjukkan permasalahan yang meliputi proses reintegrasi eks-PMI pasca kepulangan mereka, diantaranya adalah potensi jatuhnya eks-PMI ke kemiskinan dan akhirnya membawa eks-PMI pada keputusan bekerja kembali ke luar negeri. Permasalahan ini jika ditinjau secara struktural menyasar pada sistem yang melayani dan melanggengkan ketimpangan yang dihadapi oleh kelas pekerja. Penelitian ini mengurai aspek agensi yang melatarbelakangi kemiskinan pasca kerja eks-PMI. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan keuangan dan kewirausahaan memainkan faktor dalam mencegah PMI jatuh pada kemiskinan dan jerat industri migran. Dari studi kualitatif yang dilaksanakan, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa kehadiran aktor non-negara memiliki peran membentuk kapasitas perempuan PMI yang cenderung altruis dalam mengelola keuangan mereka sebagai basis agensi finansial mereka. Kontribusi penting penelitian ini terhadap penelitian yang terdahulu adalah skema pendidikan keuangan non-formal bagi PMI yang berlangsung di host country selama periode kerja mereka sehingga PMI memperoleh transfer of skill and knowledge yang mereka memungkinkan untuk merencanakan keputusan ekonomi dengan lebih baik.
本研究旨在进一步探讨外汇汇款对该国的贡献是否对就业后经济也有同样的贡献。先前的研究表明,前采购经理人回国后重新融入社会的过程中存在问题,包括前采购经理人陷入贫困的可能性,并最终导致前采购经理人决定回国工作。这是一个结构上有针对性的问题,忽略了为工人阶级服务和克服工人阶级面临的不平等的制度。这项研究描述了后PMI贫困背后的机构报告的各个方面。这项研究表明,金融和创业能力在防止中小企业陷入贫困和偏头痛行业方面发挥着关键作用。根据一项定性研究,这项研究表明,非国家行为者的存在在塑造PMI女性的能力方面发挥着作用,这些女性在管理财务时倾向于利他主义,将其作为金融机构的基础。这项研究对以往研究的重要贡献是在项目经理工作期间在东道国为其提供非正规金融教育计划,以便项目经理获得技能和知识的传授,从而更好地进行经济决策。
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引用次数: 0
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Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
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