Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.18038
P. Simbolon, Angel Damayanti
This article analyzes the Trade Policy Review Body (TPRB) review of Indonesia in 2020, mainly in the agricultural sector, and how Indonesian compliance with the WTO Agreement is helpful for the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM). This study uses the normative method by gathering primary and secondary legal sources. The 2020 TPRB review perceives that Indonesia has applied untransparent safeguard measures related to its agricultural products, prohibited subsidies, and quantitative restrictions on other WTO member states. However, the Job Creation Law, launched in 2020, can be viewed as a proportional law as it puts imported products in an equivalent position with domestic agriculture or food products. The discussions reveal that Law No 11/2020 aims to balance its national interest with the WTO Agreement and the TPRB review of Indonesian trade policy, mainly in agriculture. With such legal certainty, this article recommends that Indonesia consider the TPRB review in good faith by invoking transparent safeguards, reducing its export subsidies on agricultural products, conducting a persistent report to the Committee on Agriculture, and protecting its public health and morals. The Indonesian government should also conduct text mining to determine its trade policies and deal with international trade uncertainty.
{"title":"Indonesian Trade Policy in Adjusting the 2020 WTO’s Trade Policy Review","authors":"P. Simbolon, Angel Damayanti","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.18038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.18038","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the Trade Policy Review Body (TPRB) review of Indonesia in 2020, mainly in the agricultural sector, and how Indonesian compliance with the WTO Agreement is helpful for the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM). This study uses the normative method by gathering primary and secondary legal sources. The 2020 TPRB review perceives that Indonesia has applied untransparent safeguard measures related to its agricultural products, prohibited subsidies, and quantitative restrictions on other WTO member states. However, the Job Creation Law, launched in 2020, can be viewed as a proportional law as it puts imported products in an equivalent position with domestic agriculture or food products. The discussions reveal that Law No 11/2020 aims to balance its national interest with the WTO Agreement and the TPRB review of Indonesian trade policy, mainly in agriculture. With such legal certainty, this article recommends that Indonesia consider the TPRB review in good faith by invoking transparent safeguards, reducing its export subsidies on agricultural products, conducting a persistent report to the Committee on Agriculture, and protecting its public health and morals. The Indonesian government should also conduct text mining to determine its trade policies and deal with international trade uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":"12 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41269458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-03DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17997
A. A. Azis, F. Indraswari, Annisa Ridhatul Khatimah, A. Azzahra
The recent military coup in Myanmar has shocked ASEAN countries, causing some to question ASEAN’s trajectory and approach to addressing the democratization issue. ASEAN countries have taken different approaches, as reflected in the UN General Assembly’s call to halt arms sales to Myanmar. Meanwhile, Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy, the largest democracy in Southeast Asia, and an ASEAN founding member, has taken the lead. Indonesia brought the issue to the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021, resulting in a five-point consensus. However, it demonstrated no actual progress so far. Many scholars, democracy activists, and foreign policy observers consider Indonesia’s role since its success in reforming its military and turning it into a professional after having political domination. Thus, this paper examined different perspectives on how Indonesia encourages democracy in the region. Recent development depicts that Indonesia has subtly challenged the traditional non-interference policy approach. This paper enables Indonesia to maintain ASEAN’s constructive engagement. Indonesia must become a role model as the champion for a civilian rule that will not make Myanmar’s military weaker, less prosperous, or no longer be appreciated as the glue of the country—but vice versa. This paper also recommends intensifying the Indonesian military to military engagement with Myanmar.
{"title":"Indonesia’s Approach towards Myanmar’s Crisis: Understanding the Different Perspectives of the Democracy Process in Indonesia and Myanmar and the Role of the Military","authors":"A. A. Azis, F. Indraswari, Annisa Ridhatul Khatimah, A. Azzahra","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17997","url":null,"abstract":"The recent military coup in Myanmar has shocked ASEAN countries, causing some to question ASEAN’s trajectory and approach to addressing the democratization issue. ASEAN countries have taken different approaches, as reflected in the UN General Assembly’s call to halt arms sales to Myanmar. Meanwhile, Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy, the largest democracy in Southeast Asia, and an ASEAN founding member, has taken the lead. Indonesia brought the issue to the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021, resulting in a five-point consensus. However, it demonstrated no actual progress so far. Many scholars, democracy activists, and foreign policy observers consider Indonesia’s role since its success in reforming its military and turning it into a professional after having political domination. Thus, this paper examined different perspectives on how Indonesia encourages democracy in the region. Recent development depicts that Indonesia has subtly challenged the traditional non-interference policy approach. This paper enables Indonesia to maintain ASEAN’s constructive engagement. Indonesia must become a role model as the champion for a civilian rule that will not make Myanmar’s military weaker, less prosperous, or no longer be appreciated as the glue of the country—but vice versa. This paper also recommends intensifying the Indonesian military to military engagement with Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45585893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-06DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17034
Akim Akim, Arfin Sudirman, Januar Aditya Pratama
This study discussed the background of Indonesia's non-tariff trade barrier implementation against imports of chicken legs from the United States (US) through halal certification. As WTO members, the two countries are bound by the rules and agreements of the WTO, one of which is trade liberalization related to the elimination of various kinds of trade barrier including non-tariff trade barrier such as halal certification. The application of halal certification by Indonesia to imports of chicken legs has prevented imported chicken legs from the US from entering the Indonesian market, even though they have a lower price. This study uses a mercantilism approach in the global political economy, namely the theory of non-tariff trade barrier from Thomas Oatley. The method used by the researcher was a qualitative research method with the type of case study and data collection techniques are carried out through literature study and interviews with related informants. This study concludes that there were two considerations behind the implementation of non-tariff trade barrier by Indonesia to the import of chicken legs from the US through halal certification, namely the consideration of a society-centered approach to protect public confidence, protect producers, and domestic livestock workers and considerations that are state-centered in the context of handling the economic crisis in the livestock sector and saving the state's foreign exchange expenditure.
{"title":"Indonesia-US Trade Barrier: A Study on the Halal Certification of Imported Chicken Leg Quarters","authors":"Akim Akim, Arfin Sudirman, Januar Aditya Pratama","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.17034","url":null,"abstract":"This study discussed the background of Indonesia's non-tariff trade barrier implementation against imports of chicken legs from the United States (US) through halal certification. As WTO members, the two countries are bound by the rules and agreements of the WTO, one of which is trade liberalization related to the elimination of various kinds of trade barrier including non-tariff trade barrier such as halal certification. The application of halal certification by Indonesia to imports of chicken legs has prevented imported chicken legs from the US from entering the Indonesian market, even though they have a lower price. This study uses a mercantilism approach in the global political economy, namely the theory of non-tariff trade barrier from Thomas Oatley. The method used by the researcher was a qualitative research method with the type of case study and data collection techniques are carried out through literature study and interviews with related informants. This study concludes that there were two considerations behind the implementation of non-tariff trade barrier by Indonesia to the import of chicken legs from the US through halal certification, namely the consideration of a society-centered approach to protect public confidence, protect producers, and domestic livestock workers and considerations that are state-centered in the context of handling the economic crisis in the livestock sector and saving the state's foreign exchange expenditure.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44930818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-27DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.16188
Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar
This research explains how states’ expanding security policy contributes to its credibility of threats in international relations. The context is represented by the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy expansion under Joko Widodo administration, which became more assertive. Most of the current literatures picture Indonesia’s South China Sea engagement in the setting of its relation with China and its effort to build regional stability. This paper aims to locate the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy into a broader context of Indo-Pacific geostrategic landscape. To achieve this objective, this research utilized credibility concept in international relations as analytical framework. This research argues that Indonesia’s bolder and more institutionalized security policy in navigating South China Sea stand-offs aims to build its credibility of threat in Indo-Pacific circuit. With more credibility of threat, it expects to escalate Indonesia’s strategic positioning as it has more credibility to deter China’s intrusion. By that, Indonesia is seen to be more reliable to maintain the maritime stability and lead more strategic partners be more committed to cooperate with Indonesia, as the linchpin connecting Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean.
{"title":"Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy under Joko Widodo: Building Credibility in Indo-Pacific Geostrategic Circuit","authors":"Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.16188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.16188","url":null,"abstract":"This research explains how states’ expanding security policy contributes to its credibility of threats in international relations. The context is represented by the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy expansion under Joko Widodo administration, which became more assertive. Most of the current literatures picture Indonesia’s South China Sea engagement in the setting of its relation with China and its effort to build regional stability. This paper aims to locate the case of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy into a broader context of Indo-Pacific geostrategic landscape. To achieve this objective, this research utilized credibility concept in international relations as analytical framework. This research argues that Indonesia’s bolder and more institutionalized security policy in navigating South China Sea stand-offs aims to build its credibility of threat in Indo-Pacific circuit. With more credibility of threat, it expects to escalate Indonesia’s strategic positioning as it has more credibility to deter China’s intrusion. By that, Indonesia is seen to be more reliable to maintain the maritime stability and lead more strategic partners be more committed to cooperate with Indonesia, as the linchpin connecting Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean. ","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43557699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-27DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.14851
Fitrisia Munir, Yanyan Mohammad Yani, R. Prayuda, Artha Yudilla, Dini Tiara Sasmi
Providing space for sub-state actors’ actions at the micro-regional level is a significant trend in advancing regional integration in ASEAN. Transnational activities have contributed to the trade development and optimization of each country’s local production, a strategic goal, and micro-regions have emerged as critical players in this activity. Regional integration will be localized if sub-state actors play a significant role and engage in smaller regionalism activities, such as in border areas. With the goal of encouraging prosperity and reducing development gaps, especially for people in border areas, this research examined the collaboration of sub-state actors across ASEAN countries as an alternative development paradigm. Alternative research hypotheses applicable in various scientific disciplines were included in this research through a qualitative analysis method and a reflective case study approach. This research focused on the roles and activities of sub-state actors in border areas such as the Riau Islands with Malaysia and Singapore, who could work hard together with other sub-state actor entities through the support of a strong leadership network to take quicker and more efficient actions to overcome various issues. This research strengthens the existing literature by discovering that the collaboration of sub-state actors between countries in the border region has played a big role in encouraging the border community to advance and compete in the international arena, and ASEAN has become an institution encouraging and guaranteeing equal development for people in the border areas.
{"title":"Prospering the ASEAN Community: How Micro-Region Becomes a Driving Force Prosperity in Indonesia’s Border Area?","authors":"Fitrisia Munir, Yanyan Mohammad Yani, R. Prayuda, Artha Yudilla, Dini Tiara Sasmi","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.14851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.14851","url":null,"abstract":"Providing space for sub-state actors’ actions at the micro-regional level is a significant trend in advancing regional integration in ASEAN. Transnational activities have contributed to the trade development and optimization of each country’s local production, a strategic goal, and micro-regions have emerged as critical players in this activity. Regional integration will be localized if sub-state actors play a significant role and engage in smaller regionalism activities, such as in border areas. With the goal of encouraging prosperity and reducing development gaps, especially for people in border areas, this research examined the collaboration of sub-state actors across ASEAN countries as an alternative development paradigm. Alternative research hypotheses applicable in various scientific disciplines were included in this research through a qualitative analysis method and a reflective case study approach. This research focused on the roles and activities of sub-state actors in border areas such as the Riau Islands with Malaysia and Singapore, who could work hard together with other sub-state actor entities through the support of a strong leadership network to take quicker and more efficient actions to overcome various issues. This research strengthens the existing literature by discovering that the collaboration of sub-state actors between countries in the border region has played a big role in encouraging the border community to advance and compete in the international arena, and ASEAN has become an institution encouraging and guaranteeing equal development for people in the border areas.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44047742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-27DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13707
S. D. Waluyo
Economic interests dominating the interests of both claimant and non-claimant-states make the South China Sea conflict challenging to obtain a satisfactory solution for all parties. In protecting its financial security, mainly dependent on the South China Sea, China continues to exhibit aggressiveness and firmness in realizing its national interests in this area, thereby raising the conflict tension. This study analyzed Indonesia’s defense diplomacy to counter China’s national interests in the South China Sea. Defense diplomacy is expected to eliminate any obstacles hindering the achievement of the two countries’ national interests. This study utilized a descriptive qualitative method with primary data obtained through interviews with defense strategists, defense diplomacy actors, academics, and other supporting secondary data. This study discovered that China’s national interests in the South China Sea center on securing its economic interests and military modernization. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s national interests in the South China Sea concern the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) waters. Maintaining the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is one of its national interests. Thus, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy should be conducted through win-win cooperation to promote its national interests in responding to China’s national interests in the South China Sea.
{"title":"Indonesian Defense Diplomacy in Responding to China’s National Interest in South China Sea","authors":"S. D. Waluyo","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13707","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13707","url":null,"abstract":"Economic interests dominating the interests of both claimant and non-claimant-states make the South China Sea conflict challenging to obtain a satisfactory solution for all parties. In protecting its financial security, mainly dependent on the South China Sea, China continues to exhibit aggressiveness and firmness in realizing its national interests in this area, thereby raising the conflict tension. This study analyzed Indonesia’s defense diplomacy to counter China’s national interests in the South China Sea. Defense diplomacy is expected to eliminate any obstacles hindering the achievement of the two countries’ national interests. This study utilized a descriptive qualitative method with primary data obtained through interviews with defense strategists, defense diplomacy actors, academics, and other supporting secondary data. This study discovered that China’s national interests in the South China Sea center on securing its economic interests and military modernization. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s national interests in the South China Sea concern the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) waters. Maintaining the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is one of its national interests. Thus, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy should be conducted through win-win cooperation to promote its national interests in responding to China’s national interests in the South China Sea.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48896120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i2.15647
Cynthia Shafira Hartati, Ali Muhammad
Cybercrime poses a serious risk to national security in Indonesia. The pervasive nature of cybercrime calls into question the efficacy of current regulatory measures. The study objective reflects how the government addresses sustaining securitization in cyberspace. This study employed a descriptive qualitative method to analyze the impact of cybercrime in Indonesia and the regulations with an extremely high intercorrelation. Terrorism, both on the ground and digitally, has been on the rise at an alarming rate in recent years. The influence of universal access to all relevant information has several implications, including the propagation of misinformation and the growth of cybercrime networks. There must be significant disruption to the cyberterrorism industry to foster safe circumstances in Indonesia. The success of Indonesia’s regulatory efforts depends on the contribution and synergy between the government and the public.
{"title":"Combating Cybercrime and Cyberterrorism in Indonesia","authors":"Cynthia Shafira Hartati, Ali Muhammad","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i2.15647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i2.15647","url":null,"abstract":"Cybercrime poses a serious risk to national security in Indonesia. The pervasive nature of cybercrime calls into question the efficacy of current regulatory measures. The study objective reflects how the government addresses sustaining securitization in cyberspace. This study employed a descriptive qualitative method to analyze the impact of cybercrime in Indonesia and the regulations with an extremely high intercorrelation. Terrorism, both on the ground and digitally, has been on the rise at an alarming rate in recent years. The influence of universal access to all relevant information has several implications, including the propagation of misinformation and the growth of cybercrime networks. There must be significant disruption to the cyberterrorism industry to foster safe circumstances in Indonesia. The success of Indonesia’s regulatory efforts depends on the contribution and synergy between the government and the public.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47603928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-26DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13288
St. Amaliah Ramli
The practice of child marriage is an impact of gender-based discrimination, which reduces the value of women. Such discrimination might violate children’s rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Traditional Sasak marriages, known as Merariq, are carried out by the abduction of the prospective bride by the prospective groom. This issue increases the number of child marriages in West Lombok. This phenomenon has been contributing to the increasing number of child marriages in West Lombok and has become a serious issue that requires strategic breakthrough involving particular actors from various levels. Through the concept of Transnational Coalition Building, this research examines and analyzes to what extend the transnational coalition within the Yes I Do Alliance play a significant role in preventing the practice of child marriage in West Lombok. Data for this qualitative-descriptive study were gathered primarily through interviews with three individuals affiliated with each organization of the Yes I Do Alliance. Additional data were gleaned from the Baseline and Midline report of the Yes I Do program and other published literature. This study concluded that despite efforts to prevent and address child marriage in West Lombok through the transnational coalition, the scheme’s execution flaws prevented it from realizing its full potentia to achieve the maximum output. This research highlights the consequences of power imbalances that are certain and must exist in realizing a successful transnational coalition scheme. However, fundamentally this has not been accepted by the actors involved in the Yes I Do Alliance itself.
童婚的做法是基于性别的歧视的影响,它降低了妇女的价值。这种歧视可能侵犯《儿童权利公约》规定的儿童权利。传统的萨萨克族婚姻,被称为Merariq,是由未来的新郎绑架未来的新娘进行的。这个问题增加了西龙目岛童婚的数量。这一现象导致西龙目岛的童婚数量不断增加,并已成为一个严重问题,需要涉及各级特定行动者的战略突破。通过跨国联盟建设的概念,本研究考察和分析在什么范围内的跨国联盟是我做联盟在防止西龙目岛童婚的做法发挥重要作用。这项定性描述性研究的数据主要是通过对隶属于Yes I Do联盟每个组织的三个人的访谈收集的。其他数据收集自Yes I Do项目的基线和中线报告以及其他已发表的文献。本研究的结论是,尽管通过跨国联盟努力预防和解决西龙目岛的童婚问题,但该计划的执行缺陷使其无法充分发挥其潜力,实现最大产出。本研究强调了权力不平衡的后果,这是实现成功的跨国联盟计划所必然存在的。然而,从根本上说,参与“Yes I Do”联盟的行动者本身并没有接受这一点。
{"title":"Transnational Coalition Building: The Role of The Yes I Do Alliance in Preventing Child Marriage Practices in Kediri Village, West Lombok","authors":"St. Amaliah Ramli","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v12i1.13288","url":null,"abstract":"The practice of child marriage is an impact of gender-based discrimination, which reduces the value of women. Such discrimination might violate children’s rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Traditional Sasak marriages, known as Merariq, are carried out by the abduction of the prospective bride by the prospective groom. This issue increases the number of child marriages in West Lombok. This phenomenon has been contributing to the increasing number of child marriages in West Lombok and has become a serious issue that requires strategic breakthrough involving particular actors from various levels. Through the concept of Transnational Coalition Building, this research examines and analyzes to what extend the transnational coalition within the Yes I Do Alliance play a significant role in preventing the practice of child marriage in West Lombok. Data for this qualitative-descriptive study were gathered primarily through interviews with three individuals affiliated with each organization of the Yes I Do Alliance. Additional data were gleaned from the Baseline and Midline report of the Yes I Do program and other published literature. This study concluded that despite efforts to prevent and address child marriage in West Lombok through the transnational coalition, the scheme’s execution flaws prevented it from realizing its full potentia to achieve the maximum output. This research highlights the consequences of power imbalances that are certain and must exist in realizing a successful transnational coalition scheme. However, fundamentally this has not been accepted by the actors involved in the Yes I Do Alliance itself.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135998295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kawasan Kutub Utara memiliki jalur perdagangan maritim yang akses penggunaannya menjadi perseteruan banyak negara di dunia. Dua jalur yang paling dikontestasikan, Northwest Passage (NWP) dan Northern Sea Route (NSR), dikontrol mayoritasnya oleh Kanada dan Rusia secara berurutan. Ketiadaan pemerintahan di Kawasan Arktik tampak melalui proliferasi penggunaan jalur perdagangan maritim di kawasan tersebut, yang juga berkorelasi terhadap percepatan pencairan es dan naiknya permukaan air laut global sebesar 4 mm/ tahun. Indonesia juga mengalami peningkatan permukaan air laut, yang semakin meningkat setiap tahunnya, dan salah satu akibatnya adalah pencairan es Arktik. Penelitian berjenis kualitatif preskriptif ini ditujukan untuk menemukan bagaimana SDGs ke-13 serta isu proliferasi perdagangan kawasan Arktik diikutsertakan dalam perumusan strategi Arktik Indonesia. Ditemukan bahwasanya Indonesia telah memulai langkah mitigasi terhadap isu tersebut dengan rencana dari Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana. Pemerintah Indonesia tengah merumuskan strategi urusan Arktik, yang berpedoman pada SDGs ke-13 beserta isu proliferasi jalur perdagangan maritim. Namun, kekurangan dalam perumusan kebijakan tersebut meliputi kurangnya fasilitas riset Arktik, diseminasi isu tersebut ke publik dan dunia akademik Indonesia, serta pembangunan kepentingan politis domestik tentang isu tersebut.
{"title":"Analisis Strategi Arktik Indonesia Berbasis SDGs Ke-13: Isu Penggunaan Jalur Perdagangan Maritim Kawasan Arktik","authors":"Philipus Mikhael Priyo Nugroho, Jihan Amirotul Farikhah, Putri Audy Fahira, Gita Adjipersadani, Amouda Laula Nafila, M. Muttaqien","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.38987","url":null,"abstract":"Kawasan Kutub Utara memiliki jalur perdagangan maritim yang akses penggunaannya menjadi perseteruan banyak negara di dunia. Dua jalur yang paling dikontestasikan, Northwest Passage (NWP) dan Northern Sea Route (NSR), dikontrol mayoritasnya oleh Kanada dan Rusia secara berurutan. Ketiadaan pemerintahan di Kawasan Arktik tampak melalui proliferasi penggunaan jalur perdagangan maritim di kawasan tersebut, yang juga berkorelasi terhadap percepatan pencairan es dan naiknya permukaan air laut global sebesar 4 mm/ tahun. Indonesia juga mengalami peningkatan permukaan air laut, yang semakin meningkat setiap tahunnya, dan salah satu akibatnya adalah pencairan es Arktik. Penelitian berjenis kualitatif preskriptif ini ditujukan untuk menemukan bagaimana SDGs ke-13 serta isu proliferasi perdagangan kawasan Arktik diikutsertakan dalam perumusan strategi Arktik Indonesia. Ditemukan bahwasanya Indonesia telah memulai langkah mitigasi terhadap isu tersebut dengan rencana dari Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana. Pemerintah Indonesia tengah merumuskan strategi urusan Arktik, yang berpedoman pada SDGs ke-13 beserta isu proliferasi jalur perdagangan maritim. Namun, kekurangan dalam perumusan kebijakan tersebut meliputi kurangnya fasilitas riset Arktik, diseminasi isu tersebut ke publik dan dunia akademik Indonesia, serta pembangunan kepentingan politis domestik tentang isu tersebut.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47014931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36080
P. Nuryananda, Ayu Rikza, Wulan Anggit Utami, Pujana Anggresta
Penelitian ini berusaha meninjau lebih jauh apakah kontribusi remitansi dalam bentuk devisa kepada negara berkontribusi yang sama pada perekonomian individu pasca kerja. Penelitian terdahulu menunjukkan permasalahan yang meliputi proses reintegrasi eks-PMI pasca kepulangan mereka, diantaranya adalah potensi jatuhnya eks-PMI ke kemiskinan dan akhirnya membawa eks-PMI pada keputusan bekerja kembali ke luar negeri. Permasalahan ini jika ditinjau secara struktural menyasar pada sistem yang melayani dan melanggengkan ketimpangan yang dihadapi oleh kelas pekerja. Penelitian ini mengurai aspek agensi yang melatarbelakangi kemiskinan pasca kerja eks-PMI. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan keuangan dan kewirausahaan memainkan faktor dalam mencegah PMI jatuh pada kemiskinan dan jerat industri migran. Dari studi kualitatif yang dilaksanakan, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa kehadiran aktor non-negara memiliki peran membentuk kapasitas perempuan PMI yang cenderung altruis dalam mengelola keuangan mereka sebagai basis agensi finansial mereka. Kontribusi penting penelitian ini terhadap penelitian yang terdahulu adalah skema pendidikan keuangan non-formal bagi PMI yang berlangsung di host country selama periode kerja mereka sehingga PMI memperoleh transfer of skill and knowledge yang mereka memungkinkan untuk merencanakan keputusan ekonomi dengan lebih baik.
{"title":"Melampaui Pahlawan Devisa: Peran Aktor Negara dan Non-Negara Menyasar Permasalahan Finansial PMI Perempuan di Taiwan","authors":"P. Nuryananda, Ayu Rikza, Wulan Anggit Utami, Pujana Anggresta","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.36080","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini berusaha meninjau lebih jauh apakah kontribusi remitansi dalam bentuk devisa kepada negara berkontribusi yang sama pada perekonomian individu pasca kerja. Penelitian terdahulu menunjukkan permasalahan yang meliputi proses reintegrasi eks-PMI pasca kepulangan mereka, diantaranya adalah potensi jatuhnya eks-PMI ke kemiskinan dan akhirnya membawa eks-PMI pada keputusan bekerja kembali ke luar negeri. Permasalahan ini jika ditinjau secara struktural menyasar pada sistem yang melayani dan melanggengkan ketimpangan yang dihadapi oleh kelas pekerja. Penelitian ini mengurai aspek agensi yang melatarbelakangi kemiskinan pasca kerja eks-PMI. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan keuangan dan kewirausahaan memainkan faktor dalam mencegah PMI jatuh pada kemiskinan dan jerat industri migran. Dari studi kualitatif yang dilaksanakan, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa kehadiran aktor non-negara memiliki peran membentuk kapasitas perempuan PMI yang cenderung altruis dalam mengelola keuangan mereka sebagai basis agensi finansial mereka. Kontribusi penting penelitian ini terhadap penelitian yang terdahulu adalah skema pendidikan keuangan non-formal bagi PMI yang berlangsung di host country selama periode kerja mereka sehingga PMI memperoleh transfer of skill and knowledge yang mereka memungkinkan untuk merencanakan keputusan ekonomi dengan lebih baik.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49101933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}