Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38237
Alfin Febrian Basundoro
Pada tanggal 10 Februari 2022, Indonesia dan Prancis telah menyetujui kesepakatan pembelian pesawat tempur Dassault Rafale. Kesepakatan tersebut ditandatangani oleh Menteri Pertahanan RI Prabowo Subianto dan Menteri Pertahanan Prancis, Florence Parly. Pembelian Dassault Rafale merupakan suatu langkah signifikan guna memperkuat alutsista TNI Angkatan Udara (TNI AU) yang hingga kini memiliki efek penggentar yang minim. Apalagi, posisi geopolitik Indonesia di kawasan Indo-Pasifik cukup rawan, dengan memanasnya ketegangan di kawasan Indo-Pasifik seiring dengan ekspansi militer Republik Rakyat Tiongkok (RRT) di Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Di sisi lain, Amerika Serikat (AS) selalu berupaya membendung ekspansi tersebut dengan beragam upaya strategis. Analisis ini berfokus pada pembelian pesawat tempur tersebut yang merupakan tindakan rasional untuk memperkuat pertahanan udara Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan teoritis Strategic Hedging, analisis ini berargumen bahwa pembelian pesawat tempur dari Prancis ini merupakan implementasi strategis untuk menghadapi pusaran konflik di Indo-Pasifik. Dengan memperkuat kemitraan strategis dengan Prancis melalui pembelian Dassault Rafale, Indonesia dapat memperoleh keuntungan berupa transfer teknologi dan memiliki daya tawar yang lebih kuat sekaligus menghindari ancaman dan tekanan dari AS dan RRT di kawasan dan konflik geopolitik yang kemungkinan dapat terjadi. Kata Kunci: Dassault Rafale; Indonesia; Prancis; TNI AU; Strategic Hedging
{"title":"Pembelian Pesawat Tempur Dassault Refale sebagai Implementasi Strategic Hedging Indonesia di Indo-Pasifik","authors":"Alfin Febrian Basundoro","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38237","url":null,"abstract":"Pada tanggal 10 Februari 2022, Indonesia dan Prancis telah menyetujui kesepakatan pembelian pesawat tempur Dassault Rafale. Kesepakatan tersebut ditandatangani oleh Menteri Pertahanan RI Prabowo Subianto dan Menteri Pertahanan Prancis, Florence Parly. Pembelian Dassault Rafale merupakan suatu langkah signifikan guna memperkuat alutsista TNI Angkatan Udara (TNI AU) yang hingga kini memiliki efek penggentar yang minim. Apalagi, posisi geopolitik Indonesia di kawasan Indo-Pasifik cukup rawan, dengan memanasnya ketegangan di kawasan Indo-Pasifik seiring dengan ekspansi militer Republik Rakyat Tiongkok (RRT) di Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Di sisi lain, Amerika Serikat (AS) selalu berupaya membendung ekspansi tersebut dengan beragam upaya strategis. Analisis ini berfokus pada pembelian pesawat tempur tersebut yang merupakan tindakan rasional untuk memperkuat pertahanan udara Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan teoritis Strategic Hedging, analisis ini berargumen bahwa pembelian pesawat tempur dari Prancis ini merupakan implementasi strategis untuk menghadapi pusaran konflik di Indo-Pasifik. Dengan memperkuat kemitraan strategis dengan Prancis melalui pembelian Dassault Rafale, Indonesia dapat memperoleh keuntungan berupa transfer teknologi dan memiliki daya tawar yang lebih kuat sekaligus menghindari ancaman dan tekanan dari AS dan RRT di kawasan dan konflik geopolitik yang kemungkinan dapat terjadi.\u0000Kata Kunci: Dassault Rafale; Indonesia; Prancis; TNI AU; Strategic Hedging","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48225484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.36888
J. Korwa, Meyland S. F. Wambrauw
This article attempts to shed light on AUKUS formation based on constructivist perspective and its implications for regional stability in the Indo-Pacific. Using a qualitative approach with a case study method, this article found that the formation of AUKUS is strongly influenced by two fundamental elements of constructivism: identity and interests. Identity refers to the shared ideas among the Anglo-Saxon nations (including Canada and New Zealand). Nevertheless, New Zealand tends not to join AUKUS due to its commitment to non-proliferation, while Canada seems to contribute nothing to the nuclear submarine program. The interests of the AUKUS alliance are: the US desires to strengthen its hegemony in the Indo-Pacific and rebalance China’s domination; the UK craves to become the first European country to enhance alliance cooperation in the Indo-Pacific after Brexit; and Australia’s willingness to modernize its military capability and affirms its commitment to which allies it counts on in the future. The implications of establishing AUKUS might include: undermining the status quo in the region concerning a nuclear-free zone, weakening existing cooperation agreements and reducing mutual trust between traditional allies, and bringing catastrophe to the region by triggering an armed race. Keywords: AUKUS; China; Constructivism; Indo-Pacific; Regional Stability
{"title":"A Constructivist Analysis of the Establishment of the AUKUS Security Pact and its Implications for Regional Stability in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"J. Korwa, Meyland S. F. Wambrauw","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.36888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.36888","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to shed light on AUKUS formation based on constructivist perspective and its implications for regional stability in the Indo-Pacific. Using a qualitative approach with a case study method, this article found that the formation of AUKUS is strongly influenced by two fundamental elements of constructivism: identity and interests. Identity refers to the shared ideas among the Anglo-Saxon nations (including Canada and New Zealand). Nevertheless, New Zealand tends not to join AUKUS due to its commitment to non-proliferation, while Canada seems to contribute nothing to the nuclear submarine program. The interests of the AUKUS alliance are: the US desires to strengthen its hegemony in the Indo-Pacific and rebalance China’s domination; the UK craves to become the first European country to enhance alliance cooperation in the Indo-Pacific after Brexit; and Australia’s willingness to modernize its military capability and affirms its commitment to which allies it counts on in the future. The implications of establishing AUKUS might include: undermining the status quo in the region concerning a nuclear-free zone, weakening existing cooperation agreements and reducing mutual trust between traditional allies, and bringing catastrophe to the region by triggering an armed race.\u0000 \u0000Keywords: AUKUS; China; Constructivism; Indo-Pacific; Regional Stability\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46769973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38242
Elfa Aulia Rahmah
Thailand merupakan negara yang memiliki sejarah panjang konflik militer dan politik sehingga pada beberapa tahun terakhir masih terjadi aksi protes domestik. Para demonstran menuntut reformasi konstitusi, mundurnya Perdana Menteri Prayut Chan-o-cha serta perubahan pada monarki. Tulisan ini mengulas kontribusi National Endowment for Democracy (NED) dalam aksi protes domestik pada tahun 2020-2021 di Thailand untuk menuntut pemerintah Thailand untuk merubah konstitusi. Secara khusus, penulis berusaha melihat bagaimana respon, peran, dan strategi yang dilakukan oleh organisasi nonpemerintah (NGO) kemanusiaan National Endowment for Democracy (NED) sebagai salah satu pemangku kepentingan (stakeholder) dalam kaitannya dengan mempengaruhi protes domestik di Thailand untuk menuntut pemerintah Thailand untuk merubah konstitusi. Argumen utama penulis adalah kontribusi NED pada memberikan pengaruh terhadap protes domestik di Thailand untuk mengubah konstitusi dengan menggunakan strategi Shaming & Blaming Strategy. NED melakukan kontribusi untuk mempengaruhi protes domestik tidak langsung dengan mempengaruhi aktor lain seperti NGO Thailand Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), iLaw, dan media online. Keywords: Thailand, INGO, National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Hak Asasi Manusia, Demokrasi
{"title":"Kontribusi National Endowment for Democracy (NED) dalam Aksi Protes Domestik di Thailand Tahun 2020-2021","authors":"Elfa Aulia Rahmah","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38242","url":null,"abstract":"Thailand merupakan negara yang memiliki sejarah panjang konflik militer dan politik sehingga pada beberapa tahun terakhir masih terjadi aksi protes domestik. Para demonstran menuntut reformasi konstitusi, mundurnya Perdana Menteri Prayut Chan-o-cha serta perubahan pada monarki. Tulisan ini mengulas kontribusi National Endowment for Democracy (NED) dalam aksi protes domestik pada tahun 2020-2021 di Thailand untuk menuntut pemerintah Thailand untuk merubah konstitusi. Secara khusus, penulis berusaha melihat bagaimana respon, peran, dan strategi yang dilakukan oleh organisasi nonpemerintah (NGO) kemanusiaan National Endowment for Democracy (NED) sebagai salah satu pemangku kepentingan (stakeholder) dalam kaitannya dengan mempengaruhi protes domestik di Thailand untuk menuntut pemerintah Thailand untuk merubah konstitusi. Argumen utama penulis adalah kontribusi NED pada memberikan pengaruh terhadap protes domestik di Thailand untuk mengubah konstitusi dengan menggunakan strategi Shaming & Blaming Strategy. NED melakukan kontribusi untuk mempengaruhi protes domestik tidak langsung dengan mempengaruhi aktor lain seperti NGO Thailand Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), iLaw, dan media online.\u0000Keywords: Thailand, INGO, National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Hak Asasi Manusia, Demokrasi","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44681466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38971
A. Darmawan, Kholifatus Saadah, I. Utama
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kedaulatan negara dalam ruang siber dengan mengambil studi kasus perselisihan antara Australia dengan Facebook dan Google. Sejak kemunculannya sebagai aktor global pada dekade 1970-an, pertumbuhan perusahaan multinasional yang sangat pesat membuat para akademisi berargumen tentang peran negara yang terus berkurang dalam hubungan internasional. Kemajuan digital saat ini pun tidak lepas dari peran perusahaan multinasional. Tapi penelitian ini membuktikan pengamatan itu tidak sepenuhnya benar. Aktor negara masih memiliki kekuatan dan kedaulatan yang kuat ketika berhadapan dengan perusahaan multinasional raksasa. Penulis berargumen bahwa hal itu mungkin terjadi karena selain keberadaan state sovereignty yang berpengaruh terhadap besarnya kedaulatan negara, terdapat konsep cyber sovereignty yang memungkinkan negara untuk memiliki peran besar dalam era digital. Dalam menganalisis masalah, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui empat tahapan proses analisis data, yaitu pengumpulan data, reduksi data, presentasi data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Australia merasa bahwa Facebook dan Google harus membayar konten-konten berita mengenai Australia karena hal itu merupakan hak negara sebagai pemilik data. Kedaulatan siber yang dimiliki negara memungkinkan adanya pengaturan model bisnis pembagian keuntungan yang lebih merata. Keywords: kedaulatan negara, kedaulatan siber, kekuataan siber, ruang siber
{"title":"Kedaulatan Negara dalam Kepemilikan Data Digital: Analisis Langkah Strategis Australia Menghadapi Facebook dan Google","authors":"A. Darmawan, Kholifatus Saadah, I. Utama","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38971","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38971","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kedaulatan negara dalam ruang siber dengan mengambil studi kasus perselisihan antara Australia dengan Facebook dan Google. Sejak kemunculannya sebagai aktor global pada dekade 1970-an, pertumbuhan perusahaan multinasional yang sangat pesat membuat para akademisi berargumen tentang peran negara yang terus berkurang dalam hubungan internasional. Kemajuan digital saat ini pun tidak lepas dari peran perusahaan multinasional. Tapi penelitian ini membuktikan pengamatan itu tidak sepenuhnya benar. Aktor negara masih memiliki kekuatan dan kedaulatan yang kuat ketika berhadapan dengan perusahaan multinasional raksasa. Penulis berargumen bahwa hal itu mungkin terjadi karena selain keberadaan state sovereignty yang berpengaruh terhadap besarnya kedaulatan negara, terdapat konsep cyber sovereignty yang memungkinkan negara untuk memiliki peran besar dalam era digital. Dalam menganalisis masalah, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui empat tahapan proses analisis data, yaitu pengumpulan data, reduksi data, presentasi data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Australia merasa bahwa Facebook dan Google harus membayar konten-konten berita mengenai Australia karena hal itu merupakan hak negara sebagai pemilik data. Kedaulatan siber yang dimiliki negara memungkinkan adanya pengaturan model bisnis pembagian keuntungan yang lebih merata.\u0000Keywords: kedaulatan negara, kedaulatan siber, kekuataan siber, ruang siber","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42801970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.44162
Nur Karimah Jamili
This paper elaborates on the private authority which is focused on INTERPOL. Private authority is when nonstate actors create laws or norms that other important actors in international politics accept. There are three sources of authority which are market, moral and illicit authority. The aim of INTERPOL’s establishment is to combat international crimes and facilitates international police collaboration and communication. The writer would like to discuss about “does INTERPOL exacerbate or ameliorate interstate conflict?”. The thesis statement is INTERPOL ameliorate interstate conflict through the cooperation between its member states. INTERPOL usually acts as the middleman that provides information needed by the member states and also assists member states in arresting suspects. Through this paper, the writer will also state the case in which INTERPOL involve in Malaysia. This study will focus on the year 2006 until 2017. The year 2006 was chosen as it was the start of the Altantuya Shariibuu’s case and the year 2017 was chosen as it was the latest year the case of 1MDB was discussed. These two cases were high-profile political case in Malaysia as it is said to involve Najib Razak, the former prime minister of Malaysia. Malaysia was chosen because through these two cases we can see the active involvement of INTERPOL as the private authority that helps its member state in solving the crime by offering a hand. Keywords: international political economy, INTERPOL, Malaysia, member states, private authority
{"title":"Private Authority: INTERPOL Involvement in Malaysia's Political Case","authors":"Nur Karimah Jamili","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.44162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.44162","url":null,"abstract":"This paper elaborates on the private authority which is focused on INTERPOL. Private authority is when nonstate actors create laws or norms that other important actors in international politics accept. There are three sources of authority which are market, moral and illicit authority. The aim of INTERPOL’s establishment is to combat international crimes and facilitates international police collaboration and communication. The writer would like to discuss about “does INTERPOL exacerbate or ameliorate interstate conflict?”. The thesis statement is INTERPOL ameliorate interstate conflict through the cooperation between its member states. INTERPOL usually acts as the middleman that provides information needed by the member states and also assists member states in arresting suspects. Through this paper, the writer will also state the case in which INTERPOL involve in Malaysia. This study will focus on the year 2006 until 2017. The year 2006 was chosen as it was the start of the Altantuya Shariibuu’s case and the year 2017 was chosen as it was the latest year the case of 1MDB was discussed. These two cases were high-profile political case in Malaysia as it is said to involve Najib Razak, the former prime minister of Malaysia. Malaysia was chosen because through these two cases we can see the active involvement of INTERPOL as the private authority that helps its member state in solving the crime by offering a hand.\u0000Keywords: international political economy, INTERPOL, Malaysia, member states, private authority","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46671697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38104
Giffary Salsha Al Fajrin, Shanti Darmastuti, Dairatul Ma’arif
Crude palm oil is considered a strategic export commodity for Indonesia because of its contribution to the domestic economy and development so the government will always ensure that agreements related to CPO are included in the discussion of international trade agreements, including the Indonesia EFTA CEPA. However, the agreement related to CPO in Indonesia-EFTA CEPA received an unfavorable response from several national NGOs in Switzerland who are members of The Swiss Palm Oil Coalition. They urged the government of Switzerland to exclude CPO from the free trade agreement. This research aimed to find out the involvement of NGO in Indonesia-EFTA negotiations on palm oil using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy. The research method used in this paper is descriptive qualitative. The data collection methods used are interview methods, document-based methods, and internet-based methods with data analysis techniques consisting of data reduction, data presentation, and verification and conclusion drawing. Based on the results of the research, it can be concluded that the form of NGO involvement in the palm oil negotiations in the Indonesia-EFTA CEPA can be divided into two, namely NGOs as consulting partners, and NGOs as pressure groups. Keywords: Crude Palm Oil; Economic Diplomacy; Indonesia-EFTA CEPA; NGO
{"title":"NGO Involvement in the Indonesia-EFTA CEPA Negotiations on Palm Oil","authors":"Giffary Salsha Al Fajrin, Shanti Darmastuti, Dairatul Ma’arif","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.38104","url":null,"abstract":"Crude palm oil is considered a strategic export commodity for Indonesia because of its contribution to the domestic economy and development so the government will always ensure that agreements related to CPO are included in the discussion of international trade agreements, including the Indonesia EFTA CEPA. However, the agreement related to CPO in Indonesia-EFTA CEPA received an unfavorable response from several national NGOs in Switzerland who are members of The Swiss Palm Oil Coalition. They urged the government of Switzerland to exclude CPO from the free trade agreement. This research aimed to find out the involvement of NGO in Indonesia-EFTA negotiations on palm oil using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy. The research method used in this paper is descriptive qualitative. The data collection methods used are interview methods, document-based methods, and internet-based methods with data analysis techniques consisting of data reduction, data presentation, and verification and conclusion drawing. Based on the results of the research, it can be concluded that the form of NGO involvement in the palm oil negotiations in the Indonesia-EFTA CEPA can be divided into two, namely NGOs as consulting partners, and NGOs as pressure groups.\u0000Keywords: Crude Palm Oil; Economic Diplomacy; Indonesia-EFTA CEPA; NGO","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48789485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37690
Rachmat Fauzan, Deasy Silvya Sari
Pandemi COVID-19 telah menimbulkan permintaan akan vaksin sebagai respon cepat tanggap untuk menanggulangi masalah kesehatan global. Untuk itu, peran aktor internasional dari berbagai level sangat diperlukan untuk menangani masalah global seperti ini. Salah satu upaya yang dapat dilakukan adalah dengan kerja sama. Pfizer dan BioNTech merupakan contoh perusahaan multinasional yang ahli dalam bidang teknologi kesehatan yang melakukan kerja sama untuk membuat vaksin COVID-19. Penelitian ini berupaya untuk memahami kerja sama bilateral yang dilakukan oleh Pfizer dan BioNTech berdasarkan konsep Kerja Sama Bilateral serta relevansinya dengan kesehatan global. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada data arsip, dokumen, dan internet. Adapun temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama bilateral yang dilakukan Pfizer dan BioNTech telah melalui proses utama dalam kerja sama bilateral, yakni membentuk perjanjian, melaksanakan kerja sama, serta hasil yang diberikan dapat menyelesaikan masalah yang ada. Vaksin BNT162b2 yang Pfizer dan BioNTech produksi juga telah terbukti efektif dan aman dalam menangkal penyakit COVID-19, sehingga relevan dalam mewujudkan nilai-nilai Kesehatan Global. Kata Kunci: Vaksin COVID-19, Pfizer-BioNTech, Kerja Sama Bilateral, Kesehatan Global
{"title":"Vaksin SARS-CoV-2: Kontribusi Global Pfizer dan BioNTech dalam Menangani Covid-19","authors":"Rachmat Fauzan, Deasy Silvya Sari","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37690","url":null,"abstract":"Pandemi COVID-19 telah menimbulkan permintaan akan vaksin sebagai respon cepat tanggap untuk menanggulangi masalah kesehatan global. Untuk itu, peran aktor internasional dari berbagai level sangat diperlukan untuk menangani masalah global seperti ini. Salah satu upaya yang dapat dilakukan adalah dengan kerja sama. Pfizer dan BioNTech merupakan contoh perusahaan multinasional yang ahli dalam bidang teknologi kesehatan yang melakukan kerja sama untuk membuat vaksin COVID-19. Penelitian ini berupaya untuk memahami kerja sama bilateral yang dilakukan oleh Pfizer dan BioNTech berdasarkan konsep Kerja Sama Bilateral serta relevansinya dengan kesehatan global. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada data arsip, dokumen, dan internet. Adapun temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama bilateral yang dilakukan Pfizer dan BioNTech telah melalui proses utama dalam kerja sama bilateral, yakni membentuk perjanjian, melaksanakan kerja sama, serta hasil yang diberikan dapat menyelesaikan masalah yang ada. Vaksin BNT162b2 yang Pfizer dan BioNTech produksi juga telah terbukti efektif dan aman dalam menangkal penyakit COVID-19, sehingga relevan dalam mewujudkan nilai-nilai Kesehatan Global.\u0000Kata Kunci: Vaksin COVID-19, Pfizer-BioNTech, Kerja Sama Bilateral, Kesehatan Global","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47458769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study will discuss the mainstreaming of public interest in economic policy making under the government of Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP). Policy making, especially in making political-economic policies, is very unified and interesting, namely the public choice method, where the government or policy-making actors collect ideas that are used as national and international political economy policies based on the interests of the community through interaction with the political institutions of the People’s Action Party as a party that has been in power in Singapore since 1959. Multiracial political policies provide a change in perspective on the differences between the minority and the majority in making economic policies that tend to have no differences or barriers. The method used in this detailed study uses a systematic literature review. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method. The results show that the mainstreaming of public interest in Singapore’s economic policy making has a positive impact on the Singaporean economy. Significant economic growth is supported by the development of good public education. Keywords: Society Interest; Political Institution; Economic Policy; People’s Action Party
{"title":"Societal Interest in The Policy Making Process: Study of Singapore’s Political Institutions Under Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong","authors":"Ica Cahayani, Sheila Shafira Mahsyar, Oddie Bagus Saputra","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37716","url":null,"abstract":"This study will discuss the mainstreaming of public interest in economic policy making under the government of Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP). Policy making, especially in making political-economic policies, is very unified and interesting, namely the public choice method, where the government or policy-making actors collect ideas that are used as national and international political economy policies based on the interests of the community through interaction with the political institutions of the People’s Action Party as a party that has been in power in Singapore since 1959. Multiracial political policies provide a change in perspective on the differences between the minority and the majority in making economic policies that tend to have no differences or barriers. The method used in this detailed study uses a systematic literature review. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method. The results show that the mainstreaming of public interest in Singapore’s economic policy making has a positive impact on the Singaporean economy. Significant economic growth is supported by the development of good public education.\u0000Keywords: Society Interest; Political Institution; Economic Policy; People’s Action Party","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46099863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37533
Titing Reza Fahrisa, S. R. Susanto, R. Rossdiana, Abraham Pardamean
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a diversification of economic, diplomatic, and geopolitical activities, previously known as the “New Silk Road”, which was later changed to “One Belt and One Road”. BRI is one of the Chinese Government’s most ambitious foreign and economic policies. China uses this route to expand its influence and gain attention in destinations in commodities, energy, transportation, and others in the Middle East & North Africa (MENA) countries. This paper uses descriptive qualitative methods to explore various unique phenomena from the Health Silk Road against Vaccination in MENA countries. As a result, 17 countries have become members of the BRI and have cooperated with China, and at this time of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, most MENA countries are using vaccine diplomacy from China to overcome their crisis. This situation is used for China to carry out “Mask Diplomacy” to expand its influence in MENA countries. This proves to be effective for China in improving and creating more significant opportunities to emerge as a “hero” in providing health services to developing countries while increasing its presence in the world. Kata Kunci: COVID-19; Vaccine diplomacy; Belt Road Initiative; Mask Diplomacy; MENA
{"title":"The Application of Mask Diplomacy: China’s Belt and Road Initiative as Health Diplomacy in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Countries During COVID-19","authors":"Titing Reza Fahrisa, S. R. Susanto, R. Rossdiana, Abraham Pardamean","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37533","url":null,"abstract":"China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a diversification of economic, diplomatic, and geopolitical activities, previously known as the “New Silk Road”, which was later changed to “One Belt and One Road”. BRI is one of the Chinese Government’s most ambitious foreign and economic policies. China uses this route to expand its influence and gain attention in destinations in commodities, energy, transportation, and others in the Middle East & North Africa (MENA) countries. This paper uses descriptive qualitative methods to explore various unique phenomena from the Health Silk Road against Vaccination in MENA countries. As a result, 17 countries have become members of the BRI and have cooperated with China, and at this time of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, most MENA countries are using vaccine diplomacy from China to overcome their crisis. This situation is used for China to carry out “Mask Diplomacy” to expand its influence in MENA countries. This proves to be effective for China in improving and creating more significant opportunities to emerge as a “hero” in providing health services to developing countries while increasing its presence in the world.\u0000Kata Kunci: COVID-19; Vaccine diplomacy; Belt Road Initiative; Mask Diplomacy; MENA","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46892914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v16i1.39742
Hafid Adim Pradana, Keberpihakan Belarusia, Terhadap Rusia, Dalam Perang Rusia-Ukraina, Tahun, Leny Suviya, Tantri dan Hafid, A. Pradana
Sejak runtuhnya Uni Soviet, Belarusia bergantung pada proyek integrasi regional pasca-Soviet yang digagas oleh Rusia. Rusia secara aktif memberikan bantuan kepada Belarusia mulai dari bantuan ekonomi, pertahanan, energi, politik hingga kesejahteraan. Namun, bantuan yang diberikan Rusia pada akhirnya membuat cengkeraman Rusia terhadap Belarusia semakin menguat dan memudahkan Rusia dalam mengintervensi kebijakan nasional Belarusia. Tak jarang situasi ini membuat keduanya terlibat ketegangan. Namun, pada Perang Rusia-Ukraina Tahun 2022 Belarusia justru mengambil sikap dengan memberikan dukungan kepada Rusia berupa perizinan bagi pasukan militer Rusia untuk menyebrang melalui perbatasan Utara Belarusia ke Ukraina dan penggunaan bandaranya sebagai tempat lepas landas pesawat aggressor. Belarusia kemudian mendapat kecaman dan sanksi dari Uni Eropa karena membantu Rusia dalam melancarkan serangan terhadap Ukraina. Bahkan Belarusia disebut sebagai co-agressor dalam perang tersebut. Menanggapi hal ini, Belarusia menyangkal tuduhan tersebut tanpa memberikan aksi nyata untuk mengecam tindakan agresif Rusia terhadap Ukraina. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa dan mengelaborasi kepentingan serta rasionalitas dukungan Belarusia terhadap Rusia menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Kata Kunci: Belarusia; Rusia; Ukraina; Perang Rusia-Ukraina; Rasional
{"title":"Keberpihakan Belarusia Terhadap Rusia Dalam Perang Rusia-Ukraina Tahun 2022","authors":"Hafid Adim Pradana, Keberpihakan Belarusia, Terhadap Rusia, Dalam Perang Rusia-Ukraina, Tahun, Leny Suviya, Tantri dan Hafid, A. Pradana","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v16i1.39742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.39742","url":null,"abstract":"Sejak runtuhnya Uni Soviet, Belarusia bergantung pada proyek integrasi regional pasca-Soviet yang digagas oleh Rusia. Rusia secara aktif memberikan bantuan kepada Belarusia mulai dari bantuan ekonomi, pertahanan, energi, politik hingga kesejahteraan. Namun, bantuan yang diberikan Rusia pada akhirnya membuat cengkeraman Rusia terhadap Belarusia semakin menguat dan memudahkan Rusia dalam mengintervensi kebijakan nasional Belarusia. Tak jarang situasi ini membuat keduanya terlibat ketegangan. Namun, pada Perang Rusia-Ukraina Tahun 2022 Belarusia justru mengambil sikap dengan memberikan dukungan kepada Rusia berupa perizinan bagi pasukan militer Rusia untuk menyebrang melalui perbatasan Utara Belarusia ke Ukraina dan penggunaan bandaranya sebagai tempat lepas landas pesawat aggressor. Belarusia kemudian mendapat kecaman dan sanksi dari Uni Eropa karena membantu Rusia dalam melancarkan serangan terhadap Ukraina. Bahkan Belarusia disebut sebagai co-agressor dalam perang tersebut. Menanggapi hal ini, Belarusia menyangkal tuduhan tersebut tanpa memberikan aksi nyata untuk mengecam tindakan agresif Rusia terhadap Ukraina. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa dan mengelaborasi kepentingan serta rasionalitas dukungan Belarusia terhadap Rusia menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif.\u0000Kata Kunci: Belarusia; Rusia; Ukraina; Perang Rusia-Ukraina; Rasional","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42438892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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