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Partai Islam, Tafsif Agama, dan Representasi Perempuan dalam Partai Persatuan Pembangunan 伊斯兰、宗教塔夫西夫和妇女在发展联盟党中的代表权
Pub Date : 2019-10-31 DOI: 10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.170-185
M. K. Sweinstani
Some studies about women’s participation in Islamic Political Parties are still limited in political recruitment without considering the “Islamic Values” within in. This paper aims to analyze how the Islamic Party in Indonesia supports and works for women's representation in the national legislature in 2014 amid some “mainstream-malestream” religion interpretation of a leader. By conducting in-depth interviews with the Chairman of the PPP, the most senior Islamic Party in 2014 Election, the authors found that since 2003, as stipulated in Muktamar V PPP, the party has noticed the participation and role of women in politics. It shows us that in terms of giving attention to the role of women in Politics, PPP has done it before the government launched an affirmative action policy in 2004. Unfortunately, the openness of the participation of women that have been designed by the PPP has not been followed by its efforts to change the unequal structure and gender relations. Women candidates must compete in the prevailing market mechanism which is still gender-neutral.
一些关于妇女参与伊斯兰政党的研究在政治招募方面仍然有限,没有考虑到年内的“伊斯兰价值观”。本文旨在分析2014年,在一些对领导人的“主流男性”宗教解释中,印度尼西亚伊斯兰党是如何支持和争取妇女在国家立法机构中的代表权的。通过对2014年选举中最资深的伊斯兰政党人民党主席进行深入采访,作者发现,自2003年以来,正如穆克塔马尔诉人民党所规定的那样,该党注意到了妇女在政治中的参与和作用。它向我们表明,在关注妇女在政治中的作用方面,PPP在政府2004年启动平权行动政策之前就已经这样做了。不幸的是,PPP设计的妇女参与的开放性并没有得到改变不平等结构和性别关系的努力。女性候选人必须在仍然不分性别的现行市场机制中竞争。
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引用次数: 2
Konglomerasi Media dan Partai Politik: Membaca Relasi MNC Group dengan Partai Perindo 媒体集团和政党:阅读MNC集团与美化党的关系
Pub Date : 2019-10-31 DOI: 10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.112-134
Anggalih Bayu Muh. Khamim, M. Sabri
Konglomerasi media telah membawa Hary Tanoe mampu membuat Partai Perindo untuk memfasilitasi kepentingan politiknya. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan bagaimana strategi Perindo yang membangun hubungan dengan pemilih dengan dukungan sumber daya dari MNC Group. Untuk memenuhi tujuan tersebut, artikel ini ditulis dengan pengumpulan data yang dilakukan dengan menelusuri berbagai artikel jurnal, laporan penelitian serta liputan media daring mengenai Partai Perindo. Hasil penelitian menunjukan Hary Tanoe berusaha membesarkan Perindo dengan memanfaatkan pengerahan sumber daya MNC Group untuk mendukung partai dan meningkatkan citra dirinya. Keberhasilan Hary Tanoe sebagai pebisnis menjadi arahan bagi Perindo untuk mengerahkan berbagai bantuan UMKM untuk meraih dukungan dan kesetiaan dari pemilih. Perindo juga memberikan berbagai barang untuk memastikan bahwa pemilih benar-benar mendukung Perindo saat pemilihan. HT juga mengerahkan orang-orang terdekatnya di MNC Group untuk mensolidkan mesin partai dengan duduk di kantor pusat Perindo. Perindo juga memanfaatkan MNC Group untuk menayangkan berbagai iklan politik untuk mengenalkan partai pada pemilih secara masif. 
媒体集团使哈里·塔诺(Hary Tanoe)能够创建一个民族主义政党,促进其政治利益。本文旨在说明该政策是如何在MNC集团资源支持下与选民建立关系的。为了实现这一目标,本文是通过浏览期刊文章、研究报告和网络媒体对先锋党的报道而编写的。研究结果表明,哈里·塔诺(harry Tanoe)正试图通过利用MNC集团的资源支持和提高其形象来扩大ptsd。哈里·塔诺(Hary Tanoe)作为一名商人的成功为培格多提供了从UMKM那里获得支持和忠诚的指导。赛格多还提供了商品,以确保选民在选举期间确实支持赛格多。HT还将他最亲近的人安排在MNC集团,坐在非政府组织总部,进行政党暗杀。该组织还利用MNC集团播放各种政治广告,向选民引入政党。
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引用次数: 3
Mengelola Polarisasi Politik dalam Sirkulasi Kekuasaan di Indonesia: Catatan bagi Agenda Riset 管理权力流通中的政治两极分化:研究议程记录
Pub Date : 2019-10-31 DOI: 10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.200-210
A. Karim
Tulisan ini membahas polarisasi dalam politik elektoral di Indonesia, yang dalam banyak aspek sangat ditentukan oleh framing media dan interaksi para aktor dalam media sosial. Sejak tahun 2014, Indonesia mengalami polarisasi politik dalam derajat yang cukup mengkhawatirkan setiap kali berlangsung pemilihan pimpinan eksekutif ditingkat nasional maupun di ibukota Jakarta. Polarisasi ini cenderung belum memperoleh perhatian yang memadai dalam kajian politik Indonesia. Tulisan ini menyajikan pengamatan awal tentang polarisasi politik itu, dengan tujuan untuk mengidentifikasi peluang-peluang pendalaman riset. Mengingat polarisasi politik itu kemungkinan besar akan tetap hadir dalam sejumlah peristiwa elektoral utama di Indonesia (khususnya pemilihan presiden tahun 2019), penelitian-penelitian yang cukup intensif tentang fenomena ini masih sangat ditunggu dalam studi politik.
这篇文章讨论了印度尼西亚在选举政治中的两极分化,这些政治在许多方面是由媒体框架和演员在社交媒体上的互动高度决定的。自2014年以来,印尼在全国和首都雅加达举行的高管选举中经历了令人担忧的政治两极分化。这些两极分化往往没有在印尼的政治研究中得到足够的关注。这篇文章展示了对政治两极分化的初步观察,目的是确定研究的机会。鉴于政治两极分化可能仍将继续出现在印尼的一些重大选举事件中(特别是2019年的总统选举),对这一现象进行相当深入的研究仍将在政治研究中得到极大的期待。
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引用次数: 9
Vote Buying dan Perilaku Pemilih Pemula: Kasus Pemilihan Gubernur Bali 2018 di Tabanan 投反对票与初出茅权行为:巴南2018年巴厘岛州长选举案件
Pub Date : 2019-10-31 DOI: 10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.157-169
Made Bayu Permana Adhinata
This article discusses vote-buying as a phenomenon in the 2018th Bali local head election process which affects the voting behavior of youth voters in Tabanan Regency. This research applies to qualitative methods. The research found that there is a linkage of giving money and gift as a form of aid to the society before and during the election can affect youth voter voting preferences. This article argues that the preference of youth voters influenced by their communities where they live and they herded to choose what community say so. Vote-buying in the form of ‘aid’ are liked by the community and youth voter seen it as something ordinary in the socio-political situation. With vote-buying strategy, the candidate can easily obtain a vote, especially from youth voter who has not yet decided their choice. In addition, vote-buying became a kind of magnet to attract youth voter sympathy.
本文探讨了2018年巴厘岛地方首长选举过程中贿选现象对塔巴南县青年选民投票行为的影响。本研究适用于定性方法。研究发现,在选举前和选举中,作为社会援助的一种形式,给予金钱和礼物会对青年选民的投票倾向产生影响。本文认为,青年选民的偏好受到他们所居住的社区的影响,他们倾向于选择社区所说的。“援助”形式的贿选受到社区和青年选民的欢迎,他们认为这是社会政治形势中的一种普通现象。使用贿选策略,候选人可以很容易地获得选票,特别是尚未决定选择的青年选民。此外,收买选票成为吸引青年选民同情的一种磁铁。
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引用次数: 0
MENAKAR IDEALITAS LAPANGAN PUPUTAN SEBAGAI RUANG PUBLIK MASYARAKAT KOTA DENPASAR 作为丹巴萨镇公共空间的现场可视化情况
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.78-92
W. Nugroho, Gede Kamajaya
This research discusses public space in Denpasar, Bali, focusing on Lapangan Puputan. Theoretically, public space has three functions, namely recreational, social interaction and political aspect. Using Habermas's theory on public space, this article found Lapangan Puputan fulfils three functions of public space. Yet, there is a lack of society's understanding on the function of public space, in which the space is functioned more for economic activity. They also refuse if Lapangan Puputan is used for political activity.
本研究探讨了巴厘岛登巴萨的公共空间,重点是拉邦甘普普坦。从理论上讲,公共空间具有娱乐功能、社交功能和政治功能。本文运用哈贝马斯的公共空间理论,发现Lapangan Puputan实现了公共空间的三种功能。然而,社会对公共空间的功能认识不足,公共空间的功能更多的是用于经济活动。他们也拒绝拉邦甘公地用于政治活动。
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引用次数: 0
KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI ERA DIGITAL 数字时代的政策沟通
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.93-111
Nurul Hasfi
In the last two decades Internet has influenced aspects of human life including democracy. In Indonesian context, since the arrival of Internet in the last 1990s, it was creating new phenomenon known as online political communication. It dramatically have been changing the practice of traditional political communication mediated by convensional media. This article try to provide discussion theoretically and practically relating to the issue. Theoreticaly it explores of how internet has modified classical  political communication theory; how new character of Internet has potential effect for producing better quality and quantity of political communication as well as how  it has  arised problematic issues on the process. Furthermore, this discussion briefly conclude that political communication in the future might never separate from this new medium. It may become most intriguing 'live laboratory' for researcher of the potential roles of the Internet in the political communication process. 
在过去的二十年里,互联网影响了人类生活的方方面面,包括民主。在印度尼西亚,自20世纪90年代互联网出现以来,它正在创造一种新的现象,即网络政治传播。它极大地改变了传统的以传统媒体为媒介的政治传播方式。本文试图对这一问题进行理论和实践上的探讨。从理论上探讨了网络对传统政治传播理论的改造;互联网的新特性如何对提高政治传播的质量和数量产生潜在影响,以及它如何在这一过程中出现问题。此外,本次讨论简要地得出结论,未来的政治传播可能永远不会脱离这种新的媒介。对于研究互联网在政治传播过程中潜在作用的研究者来说,它可能成为最有趣的“现场实验室”。
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引用次数: 13
ANCAMAN DISKRIMINASI MINORITAS DAN HILANGNYA MULTIKULTURALISME DI INDONESIA: STUDI KASUS PENUTUPAN GKI YASMIN BOGOR 安卡曼对印尼少数民族与多元文化的描述&基于GKI-FIRST-BOGOR决策的研究
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.28-39
B. Sirait
This article is based on research in Gereja Kristen Indonesia (GKI, Indoensian Christian Chruch) Yasmin Bogor as a case study. It has been years for the community to struggle for gaining permission to legally build the church. Court has decided to allow the community to use the building for religius activities. However, practically, the court's decision cannot be implemented because there was pressure for some parties, including from the local government, to refuse the operation of the church. The study is aimed to identify the dynamics and difficulties of being minority in a nation-state, called Indonesia. This lengthens the list of acts of intolerance and violence on minority within a democratic government, in which majority is still preferred. There is a celar need for changing the mindset of the state and society to resolve conflict based on religious belief, to enable equality in economy, politics and religious life.
本文以印尼基督教会(GKI) Yasmin Bogor的研究为个案。为了获得合法建造这座教堂的许可,该社区进行了多年的斗争。法院已决定允许社区使用该建筑进行宗教活动。然而,实际上,法院的决定无法执行,因为包括地方政府在内的一些各方都面临着拒绝教会运作的压力。这项研究的目的是确定在一个被称为印度尼西亚的民族国家中作为少数民族的动态和困难。这增加了民主政府中对少数人的不容忍和暴力行为的清单,在这个政府中,多数人仍然受到青睐。迫切需要改变国家和社会的观念,以解决基于宗教信仰的冲突,实现经济、政治和宗教生活的平等。
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引用次数: 7
STUDI IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN DESENTRALISASI ADMINISTRATIF DI MUNICIPIO DILI TIMOR-LESTE 东帝汶帝力市Kebijakan Destralisasi行政研究实施
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.40-56
I. W. Joniarta, Inácio Soares, Wayan Suderana
This research aims to empirically elaborate the implementation of administrative decentralization in Municipio Dili Timor-Leste. This research scrutinizes human resource, financial resource, facilities and implementing structure in bureaucracy to identify implementation effectiveness. This research applies qualitative methods using interviews as methods for collecting data, observation and document reviews. This research found that the implementation of administrative decentralization has not yet been effective. There is a need for capacity building to improve government officers' capability to better off the quality of public service. 
本研究旨在实证阐述东帝汶帝力市行政权力下放的实施情况。本研究考察了官僚机构的人力资源、财政资源、设施和执行结构,以确定执行的有效性。本研究采用了定性方法,将访谈作为收集数据、观察和文件审查的方法。这项研究发现,行政权力下放的实施尚未取得成效。有必要进行能力建设,以提高政府官员改善公共服务质量的能力。
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引用次数: 1
KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA (PKS) TAHUN 2016: STUDI KASUS KONFLIK FAHRI HAMZAH DENGAN PIMPINAN DEWAN PENGURUS PUSAT (DPP) PKS 2016年《正义正义》内部冲突(PKS):法赫里哈姆扎与中央理事会(DPP) PKS冲突案例研究
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.1-27
Z. Akmar
The internal PKS main conflict occurred in 2016 involving party cadres as well as members of the DPR RI in the 2014-2019 period, namely Fahri Hamzah with PKS Leaders. The conflict between Fahri Hamzah and the PKS Leader is not an individualistic conflict but also a factional one. Conflicts that occur due to dismissal carried out by PKS Leaders to Fahri Hamzah is driven by the fact that the PKS leaders do not comply with the party leadership and violate the party's AD / ART( basic rules). The results of this study are the conflicts that occurred between Fahri Hamzah and PKS Leaders not only concerning the existence of factions in PKS but also the struggle for power of political office in the party. So in this case PKS failed in managing internal conflict and also failed to mediate to reach a consensus. The legal approach to sue fahri Hamzah, but was then won by Fahri Hamzah in the South Jakarta District Court, DKI Jakarta Court, and the Supreme Court, has shown us that there is a serious problem in PKS internal consolidation.  
库尔德工人党内部的主要冲突发生在2016年,涉及党的干部以及2014-2019年期间的DPR RI成员,即Fahri Hamzah与库尔德工人团领导人。法赫里·哈姆扎和库尔德工人党领导人之间的冲突不是个人主义冲突,也是派系冲突。由于库尔德工人党领导人对法赫里·哈姆扎的解职而发生的冲突是由于库尔德工民党领导人不遵守党的领导,违反了党的AD/ART(基本规则)。本研究的结果是法赫里·哈姆扎和库尔德工人党领导人之间发生的冲突,不仅涉及库尔德工人团内部派系的存在,还涉及党内政治职位的权力争夺。因此,在这种情况下,库尔德工人党未能管理内部冲突,也未能通过调解达成共识。起诉法赫里·哈姆扎的法律途径向我们表明,库尔德工人党的内部整合存在严重问题,但随后法赫里·哈米扎在雅加达南部地区法院、雅加达民主力量法院和最高法院胜诉。
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引用次数: 1
PEMILIHAN PEJABAT NEGARA PADA LEMBAGA NEGARA PENUNJANG DALAM SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL: STUDI KASUS KPU RI PERIODE 2017-2022 总统系统中国家维持机构的官员选举:2017-2022年选举委员会案例研究
Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.10.1.2019.57-77
R. Martini
This research focuses on the involvement of President and Parliament in the selection of committees in General Election Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum/KPU). This article uses  Douglas Verney's theory on the principles of presidential government system as an analytical lens. This research found that theselection processes of KPU's committees, 2017-2022, that involved national parliamentary body has been procedurally proven to follow  Law No. 15/2011. Yet, some effort to include party's interest within is also visible. Meanwhile, President's involvement in the process is done through the formation of Selection Team appointed directly from President's close network. In both processes, there is bargaining process that requires the prospectus KPU committees to have commitment to support each party's interest (president and parties in parliamentary body). As such, it is clear there is a tendency to politicize the institution from each institution, and therefore, there is a crucial need for revising regulation on election commission. 
本研究的重点是总统和议会在大选委员会(Komisi Pemilihan Umum/KPU)委员会的选择中的参与。本文以道格拉斯·维尼的总统制原则理论为分析视角。该研究发现,2017-2022年涉及国家议会机构的KPU委员会的选举过程已被程序证明遵循第15/2011号法律。然而,一些将党的利益纳入其中的努力也是可见的。与此同时,总裁通过直接从总裁的亲密网络中任命的遴选小组来参与这一过程。在这两个过程中,都有一个讨价还价的过程,要求招股说明书KPU委员会承诺支持每一方的利益(议会机构中的总统和政党)。因此,从各机构来看,明显存在将选举管理委员会政治化的倾向,因此,迫切需要修改有关选举管理委员会的规定。
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引用次数: 0
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Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik
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