Pub Date : 2022-10-31DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.369-393
Yuseptia Angretnowati, Meike Lusye Karolus
Artikel ini menjelaskan politik menjaga pluralisme agama yang selama ini digunakan pemerintahan Joko Widodo untuk memperoleh legitimasi atas kebijakan melarang organisasi kemasyarakatan yang dianggap berseberangan dengan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Penelitian ini berfokus pada kasus politik pelarangan yang dialamatkan pada gerakan kewarganegaraan Islam pasca-fundementalis yaitu Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) dan tidak diperpanjangnya status legal Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Kedua kasus ini merupakan fragmen dari bekerjanya sistem politik yang tidak liberal. Upaya mendapatkan dan mengukuhkan legitimasi ini dapat dibaca dengan dua cara: 1) upaya rezim dalam mengonsolidasikan kekuasaan; dan 2) memerangi gerakan konservatif. Efektivitas kedua tujuan ini dapat ditakar melalui kemampuan dalam memainkan kekuasaan simbolik. Studi mengenai legitimasi dalam merespons gerakan Islam politik di Indonesia ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan perspektif interpretif dengan menggunakan 2 pendekatan, yakni melacak sumber-sumber kekuasaan simbolik dan menakar performatif kekuasaan simbolik tersebut melalui pemikiran Bourdieu mengenai politik publik. Hasil penelitian menunjukan wacana menjaga pluralisme menyimpan ambiguitas serta alasan terbentuknya kohesivitas di atas kebijakan populis dan tidak liberal tersebut di antara elit politik dan mayoritas yang terbelah.
这篇文章解释了政治是如何保持宗教多元化的，这是佐科·维多多政府(Joko Widodo)政府长期利用其政策使禁止将潘卡西拉视为国家意识形态的公共组织具有合法性的。这项研究的重点是针对后funde结束的伊斯兰民族主义运动Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI)的压制政治案件，没有增加伊斯兰捍卫者阵线(FPI)的合法地位。这两种情况都是不自由主义政治体系运作的片段。获得和确认这一合法性的尝试可以用两种方式来解读:1)政权在巩固权力方面的努力;第二，反对保守派运动。这两个目标的效力可以通过运用符号力量的能力来衡量。对印尼政治伊斯兰运动反应合法性的研究是通过两种方法来进行的，一种方法是追踪象征权力的来源，通过布吉努对公共政治的思考来衡量这种象征性权力的执行。研究表明，多元主义保留了模棱两可的概念，并解释了为什么在民粹主义和非自由主义政策之上存在凝聚力，而在政治精英和大多数人中间存在着凝聚力。
{"title":"Negara, Gerakan Islam Pasca-Fundamentalis dan Masa Depan Demokrasi di Indonesia: Kekuasaan Simbolik dan Upaya Konsolidasi","authors":"Yuseptia Angretnowati, Meike Lusye Karolus","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.369-393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.369-393","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini menjelaskan politik menjaga pluralisme agama yang selama ini digunakan pemerintahan Joko Widodo untuk memperoleh legitimasi atas kebijakan melarang organisasi kemasyarakatan yang dianggap berseberangan dengan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Penelitian ini berfokus pada kasus politik pelarangan yang dialamatkan pada gerakan kewarganegaraan Islam pasca-fundementalis yaitu Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) dan tidak diperpanjangnya status legal Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Kedua kasus ini merupakan fragmen dari bekerjanya sistem politik yang tidak liberal. Upaya mendapatkan dan mengukuhkan legitimasi ini dapat dibaca dengan dua cara: 1) upaya rezim dalam mengonsolidasikan kekuasaan; dan 2) memerangi gerakan konservatif. Efektivitas kedua tujuan ini dapat ditakar melalui kemampuan dalam memainkan kekuasaan simbolik. Studi mengenai legitimasi dalam merespons gerakan Islam politik di Indonesia ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan perspektif interpretif dengan menggunakan 2 pendekatan, yakni melacak sumber-sumber kekuasaan simbolik dan menakar performatif kekuasaan simbolik tersebut melalui pemikiran Bourdieu mengenai politik publik. Hasil penelitian menunjukan wacana menjaga pluralisme menyimpan ambiguitas serta alasan terbentuknya kohesivitas di atas kebijakan populis dan tidak liberal tersebut di antara elit politik dan mayoritas yang terbelah.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42987479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.290-304
Ridho Al-Hamdi
This paper examines the nationalist-Islamist party’s solidity and campaign strategy, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), in coping with the legislative election under an Open List Proportional Representation (OLPR) system, mainly during the 2014 and 2019 elections. The party solidity is measured by a fourfold indicator: procedural leadership in the decision-making process, conflict resolution mechanism, systematic candidateship, and the commitment upon the values/ideology. In the meantime, the campaign strategy is assessed by four indicators of marketing-mix: product, price, place, and promotion. The finding demonstrates that PKS can maintain the party solidity despite addressing the internal turmoil, mainly related to beef bribery committed by the PKS president in the early of 2013. Furthermore, although PKS executes all campaign strategies in dealing with the 2019 legislative election, the most effective strategy for increasing the PKS’ vote is product and place. The party has a specific platform and strong candidate characteristics. Indeed, it is supported by the loyalty of legislative candidates, cadres, members, and sympathizers who have significant contributions as the vote-getters in mobilizing the electorate. Those proofs indicate that the ideological party can adjust itself in the electoral competition under the liberal system of open-list proportional representation applied by Indonesia. PKS is a good case with its pragmatic strategies.
{"title":"Nationalist-Islamist Party in a Liberal Ecosystem: The Solidity and Campaign Strategy of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) during the 2014 and 2019 Elections","authors":"Ridho Al-Hamdi","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.290-304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.290-304","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the nationalist-Islamist party’s solidity and campaign strategy, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), in coping with the legislative election under an Open List Proportional Representation (OLPR) system, mainly during the 2014 and 2019 elections. The party solidity is measured by a fourfold indicator: procedural leadership in the decision-making process, conflict resolution mechanism, systematic candidateship, and the commitment upon the values/ideology. In the meantime, the campaign strategy is assessed by four indicators of marketing-mix: product, price, place, and promotion. The finding demonstrates that PKS can maintain the party solidity despite addressing the internal turmoil, mainly related to beef bribery committed by the PKS president in the early of 2013. Furthermore, although PKS executes all campaign strategies in dealing with the 2019 legislative election, the most effective strategy for increasing the PKS’ vote is product and place. The party has a specific platform and strong candidate characteristics. Indeed, it is supported by the loyalty of legislative candidates, cadres, members, and sympathizers who have significant contributions as the vote-getters in mobilizing the electorate. Those proofs indicate that the ideological party can adjust itself in the electoral competition under the liberal system of open-list proportional representation applied by Indonesia. PKS is a good case with its pragmatic strategies.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44249254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.274-289
Denny Indra Sukmawan, Rodon Pedrason
Di masa pemerintahan Joko Widodo, kontrol sipil atas militer tergolong pragmatis. Artikel ini berangkat dari teori kontrol sipil pragmatis oleh Donald Travis dan mengulas tiga fenomena yang menandakan pragmatisme Joko Widodo dalam mengelola hubungan sipil militer: Pertama, banyaknya purnawirawan TNI/Polri yang terlibat aktif dalam politik partisan pada Pemilu 2014 dan 2019. Kedua, banyaknya perwira aktif TNI/ Polri yang merangkap jabatan sipil di Kementerian/ Lembaga dan BUMN. Tiga, berkembangnya militerisme masyarakat sipil. Selain itu, penulis menemukan beberapa hal terkait implementasi kontrol sipil pragmatis di Indonesia: Pertama, sejumlah purnawirawan yang mengisi jabatan politik terlibat konflik kepentingan. Kedua, organisasi TNI/ Polri bisa berkuasa, walaupun tidak memerintah. Terlihat dari pos-pos jabatan yang diisi purnawirawan mereka di pemerintahan dan BUMN yang bergerak sektor energi dan pangan. Ketiga, militerisme masyarakat sipil mendorong sejumlah kelompok masyarakat sipil melakukan praktik sekuritisasi. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dan bertumpu pada data sekunder dalam penulisan artikel ini.
{"title":"Kontrol Sipil Pragmatis: Implementasi Hubungan Sipil-Militer di Masa Pemerintahan Joko Widodo","authors":"Denny Indra Sukmawan, Rodon Pedrason","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.274-289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.274-289","url":null,"abstract":"Di masa pemerintahan Joko Widodo, kontrol sipil atas militer tergolong pragmatis. Artikel ini berangkat dari teori kontrol sipil pragmatis oleh Donald Travis dan mengulas tiga fenomena yang menandakan pragmatisme Joko Widodo dalam mengelola hubungan sipil militer: Pertama, banyaknya purnawirawan TNI/Polri yang terlibat aktif dalam politik partisan pada Pemilu 2014 dan 2019. Kedua, banyaknya perwira aktif TNI/ Polri yang merangkap jabatan sipil di Kementerian/ Lembaga dan BUMN. Tiga, berkembangnya militerisme masyarakat sipil. Selain itu, penulis menemukan beberapa hal terkait implementasi kontrol sipil pragmatis di Indonesia: Pertama, sejumlah purnawirawan yang mengisi jabatan politik terlibat konflik kepentingan. Kedua, organisasi TNI/ Polri bisa berkuasa, walaupun tidak memerintah. Terlihat dari pos-pos jabatan yang diisi purnawirawan mereka di pemerintahan dan BUMN yang bergerak sektor energi dan pangan. Ketiga, militerisme masyarakat sipil mendorong sejumlah kelompok masyarakat sipil melakukan praktik sekuritisasi. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dan bertumpu pada data sekunder dalam penulisan artikel ini.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48436352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.305-320
Indra Fauzan
Covid-19 has influenced the process of democracy in many countries, including Indonesia, especially in the local election. The political campaign involving mass mobilisation was restricted, so the candidates were encouraged to use online media to reduce the Covid-19 spread. Based on this problem, this study aims to analyse the campaign patterns between candidates in a regional head election in Medan during a pandemic and how the candidates increase voter turnout. This study used both the qualitative method by interviewing the campaign team of the candidates in charge of online and offline media and the quantitative method by distributing the questionnaires to measure the behaviour of the voters. This study showed that the perception of popularity and electability influenced the pattern of candidate campaigns, and the low political awareness of the community influenced low participation in political campaigns and voter turnout, besides unhealthy campaigns and negative perception of local government. Therefore, although face-to-face was restricted, the candidates believed that direct meetings with the voters were only the way to influence the voter and increase political participation.
{"title":"Voter Behaviour and The Campaign Pattern of Candidates during Pandemics in Regional Head Election in Medan City, North Sumatra","authors":"Indra Fauzan","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.305-320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.305-320","url":null,"abstract":"Covid-19 has influenced the process of democracy in many countries, including Indonesia, especially in the local election. The political campaign involving mass mobilisation was restricted, so the candidates were encouraged to use online media to reduce the Covid-19 spread. Based on this problem, this study aims to analyse the campaign patterns between candidates in a regional head election in Medan during a pandemic and how the candidates increase voter turnout. This study used both the qualitative method by interviewing the campaign team of the candidates in charge of online and offline media and the quantitative method by distributing the questionnaires to measure the behaviour of the voters. This study showed that the perception of popularity and electability influenced the pattern of candidate campaigns, and the low political awareness of the community influenced low participation in political campaigns and voter turnout, besides unhealthy campaigns and negative perception of local government. Therefore, although face-to-face was restricted, the candidates believed that direct meetings with the voters were only the way to influence the voter and increase political participation.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45383600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.349-368
H. Ardianto, R. Martini, W. Wijayanto, Yoga Putra Prameswari
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana program Jaring Pengaman Sosial (JPS) yang diinisiasi pemerintah desa mampu meningkatkan resiliensi warga dalam menghadapi situasi krisis akibat pandemi Covid 19. Selama ini, program JPS dianggap banyak pihak hanya sebagai proyek jangka pendek untuk meredam masalah sesaat, serta berpotensi tinggi tidak tepat sasaran. Namun, penelitian penulis di Desa Panggungharjo, Kabupaten Bantul menunjukkan praktik terorganisir dan sistematis pada program JPS mampu membangun resiliensi warga. Dalam mengerjakan penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode single case study, yang mengandalkan penggalian data berupa desk study dan penelitian lapangan berupa observasi dan wawancara stakeholder terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa melalui pengorganisasian yang cermat, Pemerintah Desa (Pemdes) Panggungharjo dapat menginisiasi program JPS yang terukur dan terencana, bahkan dapat menjadi role model bagaimana mengelola JPS yang tepat sasaran dan efektif dan dapat berkontribusi membangun ketahanan sosial di dalam masyarakat. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa kunci sukses program JPS dalam mewujudkan resiliensi warga adalah sinergi antar modalitas dan inovasi yang terus menerus diperbaharui dalam penyelenggaraan program.
{"title":"Membangun Resiliensi Warga: Inisiatif Pemerintah Desa Menciptakan Jaring Pengaman Sosial Menghadapi Pandemi Covid-19","authors":"H. Ardianto, R. Martini, W. Wijayanto, Yoga Putra Prameswari","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.349-368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.349-368","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana program Jaring Pengaman Sosial (JPS) yang diinisiasi pemerintah desa mampu meningkatkan resiliensi warga dalam menghadapi situasi krisis akibat pandemi Covid 19. Selama ini, program JPS dianggap banyak pihak hanya sebagai proyek jangka pendek untuk meredam masalah sesaat, serta berpotensi tinggi tidak tepat sasaran. Namun, penelitian penulis di Desa Panggungharjo, Kabupaten Bantul menunjukkan praktik terorganisir dan sistematis pada program JPS mampu membangun resiliensi warga. Dalam mengerjakan penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode single case study, yang mengandalkan penggalian data berupa desk study dan penelitian lapangan berupa observasi dan wawancara stakeholder terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa melalui pengorganisasian yang cermat, Pemerintah Desa (Pemdes) Panggungharjo dapat menginisiasi program JPS yang terukur dan terencana, bahkan dapat menjadi role model bagaimana mengelola JPS yang tepat sasaran dan efektif dan dapat berkontribusi membangun ketahanan sosial di dalam masyarakat. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa kunci sukses program JPS dalam mewujudkan resiliensi warga adalah sinergi antar modalitas dan inovasi yang terus menerus diperbaharui dalam penyelenggaraan program.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47536772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.321-336
B. Suseno, Putri Prabu Utami
This study aims to determine the use of sneakers as an artifactual communication medium that affects public perception (potential voters), to form millennial political identities to increase the popularity and electability of the incumbent presidential candidate Jokowi in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign. The theoretical basis for personal branding is to determine the politics of imaging as a millennial leader against Jokowi's hypebeast style with sneakers. This study uses a qualitative research method with a phenomenological approach. The research subject focuses on the phenomenon of Jokowi's hypebeast style with sneakers as a personal branding strategy to win votes from millennials. In contrast, the research object is the sneaker product used by Jokowi during the presidential election campaign from 23 September 2018 to 13 April 2019. The results of this study explain that Jokowi's branding strategy of wearing sneakers is redesigning for self-image in introducing a new identity as a millennial leader. Jokowi is hypebeast style considered to break the new presidential dress order by following the fashion trends that are developing in the country. Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is trying to restore public trust by wearing sneaker brands from local and foreign manufacturers, thus placing Jokowi as an old-class politician who appears contemporary (hype) by adapting the style of millenials.
{"title":"Jokowi’s Sneakers Politics: Personal Branding, Politics of Imaging and Millenial Votes The 2019 Presidential Election","authors":"B. Suseno, Putri Prabu Utami","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.321-336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.321-336","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to determine the use of sneakers as an artifactual communication medium that affects public perception (potential voters), to form millennial political identities to increase the popularity and electability of the incumbent presidential candidate Jokowi in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign. The theoretical basis for personal branding is to determine the politics of imaging as a millennial leader against Jokowi's hypebeast style with sneakers. This study uses a qualitative research method with a phenomenological approach. The research subject focuses on the phenomenon of Jokowi's hypebeast style with sneakers as a personal branding strategy to win votes from millennials. In contrast, the research object is the sneaker product used by Jokowi during the presidential election campaign from 23 September 2018 to 13 April 2019. The results of this study explain that Jokowi's branding strategy of wearing sneakers is redesigning for self-image in introducing a new identity as a millennial leader. Jokowi is hypebeast style considered to break the new presidential dress order by following the fashion trends that are developing in the country. Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is trying to restore public trust by wearing sneaker brands from local and foreign manufacturers, thus placing Jokowi as an old-class politician who appears contemporary (hype) by adapting the style of millenials.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47169013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.227-252
Wawan Sobari
Studi ini berangkat dari kegagalan petahana dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (pilkada) Tahun 2020 di Kabupaten Blitar, Jawa Timur. Penelitian bertujuan mengungkap logika peralihan suara kepada kandidat penantang dengan mengeksplorasi kepemimpinan politik, kondisionalitas konteks lokal, dan refleksinya terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi. Untuk itu, penelitian ini menerapkan metodologi kualitatif dengan metode analisis observasional dalam kajian kepemimpinan politik. Studi ini menemukan evaluasi kandidat berupa rendahnya kepuasan warga terhadap kinerja kepemimpinan kandidat petahana (2015-2020) sebagai alasan peralihan suara. Evaluasi menghasilkan pula persepsi negatif pemilih terhadap calon wakil bupati petahana karena sejumlah persoalan etis. Argumen penting lainnya karena kedekatan emosional antara pemilih dan kandidat penantang. Nalar peralihan suara tersebut merefleksikan pemenuhan nilai-nilai demokrasi, yaitu nilai intrinsik, instrumental, kompetitif, partisipatif, dan deliberatif. Riset ini memperluas logika peralihan suara karena alasan kedekatan emosional. Dalam kajian perilaku memilih, kedekatan emosional bisa diinterpretasikan sebagai wujud keterikatan atau loyalitas yang membentuk persepsi pemilih tentang kandidat, dan memperluas teori keterikatan kepada partai politik. Pun, temuan tersebut berpotensi mengembangkan nilai demokrasi yang selama ini lebih banyak didominasi penjelasan rasional, seperti evaluasi kandidat. Demokrasi sebaiknya dipandang pula sebagai ruang ekspresi kedekatan emosional antara warga dan pemimpin. Aspirasi politik tak selalu berkonsekuensi pada janji materi, melainkan mencakup juga pemenuhan sisi emosional para pemilik suara.
{"title":"Logika Peralihan Suara dalam Pilkada: Analisis Kepemimpinan Politik dan Nilai Demokrasi","authors":"Wawan Sobari","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.227-252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.227-252","url":null,"abstract":"Studi ini berangkat dari kegagalan petahana dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (pilkada) Tahun 2020 di Kabupaten Blitar, Jawa Timur. Penelitian bertujuan mengungkap logika peralihan suara kepada kandidat penantang dengan mengeksplorasi kepemimpinan politik, kondisionalitas konteks lokal, dan refleksinya terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi. Untuk itu, penelitian ini menerapkan metodologi kualitatif dengan metode analisis observasional dalam kajian kepemimpinan politik. Studi ini menemukan evaluasi kandidat berupa rendahnya kepuasan warga terhadap kinerja kepemimpinan kandidat petahana (2015-2020) sebagai alasan peralihan suara. Evaluasi menghasilkan pula persepsi negatif pemilih terhadap calon wakil bupati petahana karena sejumlah persoalan etis. Argumen penting lainnya karena kedekatan emosional antara pemilih dan kandidat penantang. Nalar peralihan suara tersebut merefleksikan pemenuhan nilai-nilai demokrasi, yaitu nilai intrinsik, instrumental, kompetitif, partisipatif, dan deliberatif. Riset ini memperluas logika peralihan suara karena alasan kedekatan emosional. Dalam kajian perilaku memilih, kedekatan emosional bisa diinterpretasikan sebagai wujud keterikatan atau loyalitas yang membentuk persepsi pemilih tentang kandidat, dan memperluas teori keterikatan kepada partai politik. Pun, temuan tersebut berpotensi mengembangkan nilai demokrasi yang selama ini lebih banyak didominasi penjelasan rasional, seperti evaluasi kandidat. Demokrasi sebaiknya dipandang pula sebagai ruang ekspresi kedekatan emosional antara warga dan pemimpin. Aspirasi politik tak selalu berkonsekuensi pada janji materi, melainkan mencakup juga pemenuhan sisi emosional para pemilik suara.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47304978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.253-273
Asrinaldi Asrinaldi
It is argued that an excessive euphoria of autonomy was the primary consequence of the first five years of decentralisation in Indonesia after the New Order. The euphoria of autonomy led to the emergence of ethnic nationalism perpetuated by traditional powers that regulated the control and exploitation of natural resources. The New Order government tried to control local democratic practices by weakening traditional leaders' legitimacy. This article explains how this reality occurs in West Sumatra Province. First, based on village and regional government laws following the New Order, local democracy led to the delegitimisation of traditional power. Second, the systematic implementation of local democracy erased the traditional leadership authority that relegated the Minangkabau ethnic and traditional values. It was concluded that the government enacted the local government and village laws to regulate the traditional authority.
{"title":"Delegitimisation of Indonesian Traditional Leaders: An Analysis in Minangkabau, West Sumatra Province","authors":"Asrinaldi Asrinaldi","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.253-273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.253-273","url":null,"abstract":"It is argued that an excessive euphoria of autonomy was the primary consequence of the first five years of decentralisation in Indonesia after the New Order. The euphoria of autonomy led to the emergence of ethnic nationalism perpetuated by traditional powers that regulated the control and exploitation of natural resources. The New Order government tried to control local democratic practices by weakening traditional leaders' legitimacy. This article explains how this reality occurs in West Sumatra Province. First, based on village and regional government laws following the New Order, local democracy led to the delegitimisation of traditional power. Second, the systematic implementation of local democracy erased the traditional leadership authority that relegated the Minangkabau ethnic and traditional values. It was concluded that the government enacted the local government and village laws to regulate the traditional authority.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45677027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-15DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226
Muhsin Efendi, H. Basri, Alzikri Fahkrurraji, Yusmika Indah
The purpose of this study was to investigate the hegemony of Uken-Toa socio-politics in the regional head elections in Central Aceh. In addition, this study also attempted to determine the factors that cause the occurrence of Uken-Toa socio-politics in every election held in Central Aceh. In this study, the researchers focused on the topics of local politics, identity politics, regional elections, and socio-politics. The type of this study was phenomenological and ethnographical research by describing the patterns of values, behavior, beliefs, language, reality, and experiences undergone by individuals. Moreover, the data were collected through interviews, observations, and literature review. Results of this study indicated that the influence of Uken-Toa socio-politics will be always present during the regional head elections in Central Aceh. This means that competition between community groups is unavoidable in the Gayo people. In addition, this practice, which proces actors who represent Belah-Uken and those who represent Belah Toa, greatly affects the victory of the candidates in every regional head election held in Central Aceh. This kind of political practice even has occurred from the past until the current era. Moreover, it has an impact on the system of governance run by the elected regional heads, in this case, the regent and deputy regent of Central Aceh. In other words, this practice indicates how massive a socio-political power is in the local political order of Central Aceh as a political instrument. This Uken-Toa socio-political power in the Gayo community has been formed with long historical, cultural, and political dynamics. This political practice presents the competition between political actors from Belah Uken and Belah Toa, which are influenced by the values of Uken and Toa’s lives. Through this study, the researchers recommend to political elites and the public to avoid Uken-Toa socio-politics to create political harmony and a stable government system. In addition, it is to provide opportunities for other political actors not affiliated with those groups.
{"title":"The Hegemony of Uken-Toa Socio-Politics in the Regional Head Elections in Aceh Tengah","authors":"Muhsin Efendi, H. Basri, Alzikri Fahkrurraji, Yusmika Indah","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study was to investigate the hegemony of Uken-Toa socio-politics in the regional head elections in Central Aceh. In addition, this study also attempted to determine the factors that cause the occurrence of Uken-Toa socio-politics in every election held in Central Aceh. In this study, the researchers focused on the topics of local politics, identity politics, regional elections, and socio-politics. The type of this study was phenomenological and ethnographical research by describing the patterns of values, behavior, beliefs, language, reality, and experiences undergone by individuals. Moreover, the data were collected through interviews, observations, and literature review. Results of this study indicated that the influence of Uken-Toa socio-politics will be always present during the regional head elections in Central Aceh. This means that competition between community groups is unavoidable in the Gayo people. In addition, this practice, which proces actors who represent Belah-Uken and those who represent Belah Toa, greatly affects the victory of the candidates in every regional head election held in Central Aceh. This kind of political practice even has occurred from the past until the current era. Moreover, it has an impact on the system of governance run by the elected regional heads, in this case, the regent and deputy regent of Central Aceh. In other words, this practice indicates how massive a socio-political power is in the local political order of Central Aceh as a political instrument. This Uken-Toa socio-political power in the Gayo community has been formed with long historical, cultural, and political dynamics. This political practice presents the competition between political actors from Belah Uken and Belah Toa, which are influenced by the values of Uken and Toa’s lives. Through this study, the researchers recommend to political elites and the public to avoid Uken-Toa socio-politics to create political harmony and a stable government system. In addition, it is to provide opportunities for other political actors not affiliated with those groups.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45480155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-15DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.337-348
George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal
Many scholars called the intermediary institutions in elections as vote brokers. As a consequence of that, then they built an argument based on a transactional framework, especially about the motivation of the institution. On the other side, they agreed that vote brokerage was built based on a social network, especially when they tried to define the vote brokerage. It means, the intermediary institution occurred in social interactions. That is weird for explaining social interactions without considering other social values. It looks like social interaction is only about material value. Other scholars tried to be fairness by calling the intermediary as middlemen, but still very few literature built the argument based on a non-transactional framework. This study will certainly provide new insights into the intermediary institution studies, particularly related to the understanding of non-transactional amid transactional arguments that have been shown in many kinds of literature, as well as expanding the study of intermediary institutions which likely to focused on providing voters, to be focused on the establishment of intermediary institutions. We conducted a series of in-depth interviews with 45 people consisting of persons in the intermediary institutions, political party leaders, leaders of campaign teams, election organizers, and more than a hundred voters during 2017 – 2019 in Indonesian elections, consists of four Villages head elections, 2018 Governor election, and 2019 legislative elections. We found the transactional logic or material value was not the only one, even mostly was not the dominant value that generated the intermediary institutions.
{"title":"Integrating Social Values: Evidence from The Intermediary Institution in Indonesian Elections","authors":"George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal","doi":"10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.337-348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.337-348","url":null,"abstract":"Many scholars called the intermediary institutions in elections as vote brokers. As a consequence of that, then they built an argument based on a transactional framework, especially about the motivation of the institution. On the other side, they agreed that vote brokerage was built based on a social network, especially when they tried to define the vote brokerage. It means, the intermediary institution occurred in social interactions. That is weird for explaining social interactions without considering other social values. It looks like social interaction is only about material value. Other scholars tried to be fairness by calling the intermediary as middlemen, but still very few literature built the argument based on a non-transactional framework. This study will certainly provide new insights into the intermediary institution studies, particularly related to the understanding of non-transactional amid transactional arguments that have been shown in many kinds of literature, as well as expanding the study of intermediary institutions which likely to focused on providing voters, to be focused on the establishment of intermediary institutions. We conducted a series of in-depth interviews with 45 people consisting of persons in the intermediary institutions, political party leaders, leaders of campaign teams, election organizers, and more than a hundred voters during 2017 – 2019 in Indonesian elections, consists of four Villages head elections, 2018 Governor election, and 2019 legislative elections. We found the transactional logic or material value was not the only one, even mostly was not the dominant value that generated the intermediary institutions.","PeriodicalId":32705,"journal":{"name":"Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46499634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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