{"title":"„Ино, сынку, мне ся так не видело“. Teodoros Sapiegienės laiškas sūnui Jonukui","authors":"Andrej Ryčkov","doi":"10.15388/lis.2021.48.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.7","url":null,"abstract":" ","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41254288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics – the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.
Juozas Gabrys和他的同事从1927年到1939年在日内瓦国际联盟的活动是本文的主题。关于这群人的问题，从新闻、商业和政治等多个角度进行了分析。Gabrys在立陶宛各种报纸上的新闻出版物概述了立陶宛在国际联盟上处理的领土和种族问题以及立陶宛外交官和政治家的决定。在这些文本中，他主要关注两次大战之间立陶宛政治中的两个主要话题——维尔纽斯与波兰的相互关系问题，以及梅梅尔及其地区问题，这一问题受到立陶宛和德国的强烈影响。与此同时，Gabrys有意发展立陶宛和瑞士之间的商业关系。他和家人在房地产和货币兑换领域工作。此外，他还在日内瓦设立了立陶宛新闻局，该局收到了立陶宛外交部的非正常捐款，但大多数出版物都是由加布里斯本人资助的。加布里斯对立陶宛外交政策的真正影响问题只能部分得到答案。就目前而言，衡量这种影响的可能性仅限于新闻和信息领域，因为加布里斯在这些领域的工作，尽管如今被遗忘和低估，但却受到了同时代人的观察和评价。由于他的出版物，立陶宛人可以对国际联盟及其决定以及欧洲政策层面的局势形成意见。
{"title":"Juozas Gabrys and Lithuania at the League of Nations: Press, Business, Politics","authors":"Monika Šipelytė","doi":"10.15388/lis.2021.48.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.2","url":null,"abstract":"The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics – the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44917043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From about 1923 onwards, two leaders of the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL), Zigmas Aleksa-Angarietis and Vincas Mickevičius-Kapsukas, began to disagree on the tactics and direction of the party. In 1925–1926, because of the workload in the Comintern apparatus and the subsequent illness of V. Kapsukas, Z. Angarietis began to dominate in CPL matters and isolated V. Kapsukas from decision-making within the CPL and information pertaining to it. When V. Kapsukas recovered from his illness, he sought to recover his positions and wrote an appeal to the Comintern Executive Committee, asking the committee to resolve the conflict. Because of this, the conflict got more personal: both individuals started to gather supporters, initiating a power struggle for leadership positions, while the conflict itself, beginning with a disagreement about tactics, evolved into a personal matter. The Comintern formed a commission to resolve the conflict, but they took a balancing position: the commission wanted to maintain the status quo, but instead managed only to delay and not resolve the conflict.
{"title":"“Kapsukism” and the “Angarietists”: The Conflict between Leaders of the Communist Party of Lithuania in 1926–1927","authors":"Marius Ėmužis","doi":"10.15388/lis.2021.48.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.3","url":null,"abstract":"From about 1923 onwards, two leaders of the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL), Zigmas Aleksa-Angarietis and Vincas Mickevičius-Kapsukas, began to disagree on the tactics and direction of the party. In 1925–1926, because of the workload in the Comintern apparatus and the subsequent illness of V. Kapsukas, Z. Angarietis began to dominate in CPL matters and isolated V. Kapsukas from decision-making within the CPL and information pertaining to it. When V. Kapsukas recovered from his illness, he sought to recover his positions and wrote an appeal to the Comintern Executive Committee, asking the committee to resolve the conflict. Because of this, the conflict got more personal: both individuals started to gather supporters, initiating a power struggle for leadership positions, while the conflict itself, beginning with a disagreement about tactics, evolved into a personal matter. The Comintern formed a commission to resolve the conflict, but they took a balancing position: the commission wanted to maintain the status quo, but instead managed only to delay and not resolve the conflict.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47263465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the hypothesis on the possible influence of a Samogitian nobleman on the author of the chronicle of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Samogitia. In the chronicle Lithuania and its ruling dynasty are traced back to Samogitia. The tradition of Gediminids’ pagan names in Samogitia suggests that the author of the chronicle was looking for an informer in this region and perhaps used the local naming tradition to create the names of the legendary Palemonids. The plot of the 1440 Samogitians Uprising, which appears in the Bychowec chronicle, as well as some indirect references, suggest that Stanislovas Orvydas may have been the informer.
{"title":"The Palemonids, Gediminids, and Samogitians: Some Remarks on Lithuanistics in the Chronicle of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Samogitia","authors":"Eugenijus Saviščevas","doi":"10.15388/lis.2021.48.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the hypothesis on the possible influence of a Samogitian nobleman on the author of the chronicle of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Samogitia. In the chronicle Lithuania and its ruling dynasty are traced back to Samogitia. The tradition of Gediminids’ pagan names in Samogitia suggests that the author of the chronicle was looking for an informer in this region and perhaps used the local naming tradition to create the names of the legendary Palemonids. The plot of the 1440 Samogitians Uprising, which appears in the Bychowec chronicle, as well as some indirect references, suggest that Stanislovas Orvydas may have been the informer.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66950164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tekstą iš vokiečių kalbos vertė ir pratarmę parašėNerijus Šepetys
德语文本由NerijusŠepetys撰写
{"title":"What Does It Mean: „Only History Could Explain It“?","authors":"H. Lübbe, Nerijus Šepetys","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.6","url":null,"abstract":"Tekstą iš vokiečių kalbos vertė ir pratarmę parašėNerijus Šepetys","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48316783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of the ethnographic principle is rarely found in the literature, and there is hardly a legal qualification for it. However, historical material (in cases of the Lithuanian, Czech, Bulgarian and Polish peoples) indicates that the ethnographic principle is a significant political and geopolitical phenomenon. This phenomen is especialy characteristic of the development of the peoples of the region of Central and Eastern Europe. First, the ethnographic principle was closely related to the national principle, although it did not coincide with it. The concept of the ethnographic principle points to the special anatomy of nation states, where the basis is ethnic / linguistic culture. Secondly, the advancement of culture to the fore indicated the recognition of its significance, which had not happened before. Consequently, it was a question of freeing this culture from the restrictions imposed on it and even compensating for the damage caused to it. Thirdly, the culture, raised to the state level, needed appropriate guarantees for the future. The article reveals the tendency of great states at the level of their policies and propaganda to act according to the ethnographic principle, thereby encouraging the formation of national states. However, when the latter became a fact, another tendency arose: the Western world began to apply the criteria of a liberal civil society to new states (according to the principle of jus civis romanus sum). This was too hard for the new states. In this context, the alternative was the Soviet ethno-federalist protectorate, which, although under the conditions of a repressive system, actually continued to implement the projections of the ethnographic principle. A fixed paradox: the ethnographic principle, which originated in the West as a variant of democratization, gained strength thanks to Russia, while the West remained, as it were, in aristocratic opposition to this course. The ethnographic principle has not yet acquired a clearer legal legitimacy. But as a historical category, it can serve as a study of the history of Modern times, and especially the Soviet period.
{"title":"The Ethnographic Principle as a Phenomenon of History","authors":"Česlovas Laurinavičius","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.1","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of the ethnographic principle is rarely found in the literature, and there is hardly a legal qualification for it. However, historical material (in cases of the Lithuanian, Czech, Bulgarian and Polish peoples) indicates that the ethnographic principle is a significant political and geopolitical phenomenon. This phenomen is especialy characteristic of the development of the peoples of the region of Central and Eastern Europe. First, the ethnographic principle was closely related to the national principle, although it did not coincide with it. The concept of the ethnographic principle points to the special anatomy of nation states, where the basis is ethnic / linguistic culture. Secondly, the advancement of culture to the fore indicated the recognition of its significance, which had not happened before. Consequently, it was a question of freeing this culture from the restrictions imposed on it and even compensating for the damage caused to it. Thirdly, the culture, raised to the state level, needed appropriate guarantees for the future. The article reveals the tendency of great states at the level of their policies and propaganda to act according to the ethnographic principle, thereby encouraging the formation of national states. However, when the latter became a fact, another tendency arose: the Western world began to apply the criteria of a liberal civil society to new states (according to the principle of jus civis romanus sum). This was too hard for the new states. In this context, the alternative was the Soviet ethno-federalist protectorate, which, although under the conditions of a repressive system, actually continued to implement the projections of the ethnographic principle. A fixed paradox: the ethnographic principle, which originated in the West as a variant of democratization, gained strength thanks to Russia, while the West remained, as it were, in aristocratic opposition to this course. The ethnographic principle has not yet acquired a clearer legal legitimacy. But as a historical category, it can serve as a study of the history of Modern times, and especially the Soviet period.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47876725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Stanisław Kościałkowski and His Notebook: The Testimony of “Other” about Lithuanians in the Forced Labor Camp in Ural","authors":"A. Kasperavičius","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.7","url":null,"abstract":" ","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44835669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article focuses on the process of monument listing, done by conservators of Vilnius in interwar Poland and which provided the monuments state protection. Between 1931 and 1939, monument conservators made 202 decisions confirming monumental value to various objects of architecture, urbanistics, archeology and nature. In the text the listing and evaluation process is described by analyzing the register of monuments and the decisions it was based on. The documents from the archive of the Art Department of Vilnius voivodeship are used in the article. The analysis of the register of monuments is based on statistical methods. Interpretation and evaluation are based on analytical and comparative methods. The research leads to findings that monument listing was dominated by architecture. Objects of nature were announced monuments based on their cultural value. Officially the status of a monument was given on the grounds of its aesthetics, age or documental value. However, the inner motive was Polishness. Thus, the most frequent monuments were baroque Catholic churches. The patriotic context is also seen in nature protection. The process of monument listing was led by only one expert – a conservator of monuments. The monument status and state protection depended on their interests, expertise and power. The conservator cooperated only with a small group of Polish authority and intelligentsia, leaving the majority of society out of this heritage process. The decision confirming monumental value was a way to control and have an impact directly on the monument’s existence, indirectly – on the discourse of memory. The monument listing reveals values and identities of a Polish art historian working for the state. Consequently, these values and identities were projected for the whole society as universal. This type of discourse on heritage, conception and practice was common in Western countries in the 20th c.
{"title":"What Was Protected by the State in Vilnius and Nowogródek Voivodeships Between 1928 and 1939? Evaluation and Listing of Cultural Monuments","authors":"Viktorija Kurienė","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on the process of monument listing, done by conservators of Vilnius in interwar Poland and which provided the monuments state protection. Between 1931 and 1939, monument conservators made 202 decisions confirming monumental value to various objects of architecture, urbanistics, archeology and nature. In the text the listing and evaluation process is described by analyzing the register of monuments and the decisions it was based on. The documents from the archive of the Art Department of Vilnius voivodeship are used in the article. The analysis of the register of monuments is based on statistical methods. Interpretation and evaluation are based on analytical and comparative methods. The research leads to findings that monument listing was dominated by architecture. Objects of nature were announced monuments based on their cultural value. Officially the status of a monument was given on the grounds of its aesthetics, age or documental value. However, the inner motive was Polishness. Thus, the most frequent monuments were baroque Catholic churches. The patriotic context is also seen in nature protection. The process of monument listing was led by only one expert – a conservator of monuments. The monument status and state protection depended on their interests, expertise and power. The conservator cooperated only with a small group of Polish authority and intelligentsia, leaving the majority of society out of this heritage process. The decision confirming monumental value was a way to control and have an impact directly on the monument’s existence, indirectly – on the discourse of memory. The monument listing reveals values and identities of a Polish art historian working for the state. Consequently, these values and identities were projected for the whole society as universal. This type of discourse on heritage, conception and practice was common in Western countries in the 20th c.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43528941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the introduction of Soviet Marxism (Marxism-Leninism) into the Lithuanian higher education system in 1944–1947. Based on archival sources and existing historiography, this paper explores the development of the higher education system in Lithuania during the first years of the Soviet occupation, including the translation, publication, and dissemination of ideological texts. It is argued that the introduction of Soviet Marxism in Lithuanian higher education institutions in 1944–1945 was carried out in a forced and chaotic manner, the organization of teaching and the preparation of ideological literature was slow, and there was a lack of staff to teach ideological courses. First came the creation of formal institutions (departments, divisions, institutes), and only then a consistent introduction of Marxist-Leninist teachings and the implementation of ideological control.
{"title":"Philosophy and the Implementation of Marxism-Leninism in Lithuania’s Higher Education Institutions from 1944 to 1947","authors":"Laurynas Peluritis","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the introduction of Soviet Marxism (Marxism-Leninism) into the Lithuanian higher education system in 1944–1947. Based on archival sources and existing historiography, this paper explores the development of the higher education system in Lithuania during the first years of the Soviet occupation, including the translation, publication, and dissemination of ideological texts. It is argued that the introduction of Soviet Marxism in Lithuanian higher education institutions in 1944–1945 was carried out in a forced and chaotic manner, the organization of teaching and the preparation of ideological literature was slow, and there was a lack of staff to teach ideological courses. First came the creation of formal institutions (departments, divisions, institutes), and only then a consistent introduction of Marxist-Leninist teachings and the implementation of ideological control.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42066858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the analysis of how the issue of vagrant and neglected (“беспризорные и безнадзорные”) minors in Soviet Lithuania was dealt with during the period of 1944–1954. After the Soviet occupation of Lithuania in 1944, stencil measures of dealing with the issue were imposed. However, the problem of vagrant and neglected minors in postwar Lithuania was specific and had changed. Therefore, the research reveals the dynamics of the problem and, by taking into account the Soviet Lithuanian context, the measures taken to solve it. Up until the beginning of the 1950s, vagrant and neglected minors were mostly street children and orphans from WWII. A considerable part of them had migrated from Russian and Belarusian territories in search for food. The government’s aims were to reduce their numbers, move them from the streets and change their official status. But in the 1950s, the problem, as it was seen, had transformed to juvenile delinquency and required respective measures. The research discovers how the system of custody, imprisonment, accommodation and care of these minors worked in early Soviet Lithuania.
{"title":"Vagrant and Neglected Minors in Soviet Lithuania 1944–1954: The Problem and the Solutions","authors":"Ieva Balčiūnė","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2021.47.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2021.47.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the analysis of how the issue of vagrant and neglected (“беспризорные и безнадзорные”) minors in Soviet Lithuania was dealt with during the period of 1944–1954. After the Soviet occupation of Lithuania in 1944, stencil measures of dealing with the issue were imposed. However, the problem of vagrant and neglected minors in postwar Lithuania was specific and had changed. Therefore, the research reveals the dynamics of the problem and, by taking into account the Soviet Lithuanian context, the measures taken to solve it. Up until the beginning of the 1950s, vagrant and neglected minors were mostly street children and orphans from WWII. A considerable part of them had migrated from Russian and Belarusian territories in search for food. The government’s aims were to reduce their numbers, move them from the streets and change their official status. But in the 1950s, the problem, as it was seen, had transformed to juvenile delinquency and required respective measures. The research discovers how the system of custody, imprisonment, accommodation and care of these minors worked in early Soviet Lithuania.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43984158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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