This article deals with the aspects of everyday life of the peasants who lived in private estates of the nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th – the first half of the 17th century. The research was mainly based on published and unpublished acts of court cases, additional information is found in the estate inventories and descriptions provided by the people who travelled through Lithuania. The analysis revealed that the homestead of the peasants were usually modest – it consisted of few wooden buildings, the most important of which being a dwelling house, a granary and a cattle-shed, but richer peasants lived in larger homesteads with more different buildings. Peasants usually lived in wooden farmhouses with a stove, whereas some part of the peasants in Samogitia still lived in the so-called numas with a fireplace. Peasants’ main clothes were sermėgos, sheepskin coats, shirts, woman’s cloaks; some peasants could afford to have more expensive clothes. The main food products included different kinds of grain, first of all, stocks of rye, as well as peas, different vegetables, flitch, dairy products. Probably only richer peasants ate meat more often. There were important various household effects and work tools in the peasant homestead. Although the life of peasants was modest, however there existed differences in the standard of everyday living during the period under discussion.
{"title":"Details of the Peasants Everyday Life in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th Century and the First Half of the 17th Century","authors":"Neringa Dambrauskaitė","doi":"10.15388/lis.2020.46.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/lis.2020.46.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the aspects of everyday life of the peasants who lived in private estates of the nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th – the first half of the 17th century. The research was mainly based on published and unpublished acts of court cases, additional information is found in the estate inventories and descriptions provided by the people who travelled through Lithuania. The analysis revealed that the homestead of the peasants were usually modest – it consisted of few wooden buildings, the most important of which being a dwelling house, a granary and a cattle-shed, but richer peasants lived in larger homesteads with more different buildings. Peasants usually lived in wooden farmhouses with a stove, whereas some part of the peasants in Samogitia still lived in the so-called numas with a fireplace. Peasants’ main clothes were sermėgos, sheepskin coats, shirts, woman’s cloaks; some peasants could afford to have more expensive clothes. The main food products included different kinds of grain, first of all, stocks of rye, as well as peas, different vegetables, flitch, dairy products. Probably only richer peasants ate meat more often. There were important various household effects and work tools in the peasant homestead. Although the life of peasants was modest, however there existed differences in the standard of everyday living during the period under discussion.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66950153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel). This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term bandit was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers – any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term – the banditry. An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves – all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one.
{"title":"“Imitating Bandits”: The Mimesis of Criminal Groups in Soviet Lithuania (1945–1957)","authors":"Darius Indrišionis","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.4","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel). This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term bandit was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers – any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term – the banditry. An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves – all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one. ","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47645861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Charles A. Beard. Ta kilni svajonė","authors":"Mingailė Jurkutė","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44417633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ars memoriae. Ankstyvųjų Naujųjų laikų žmogaus atminties realijos","authors":"Povilas Andrius Stepavičius","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.8","url":null,"abstract":"Rec.: Judith Pollmann, Memory in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1800, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43643924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article, based on the archives stored in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia and some recently published documents, investigates the coup attempted by the Soviets on December 1, 1924 in Tallinn and evaluates its consequences within the broad context of international relations. During the research, it was established that an attempt to stage a coup in Estonia had been undertaken both by the Estonian communists and the USSR leadership, which had the highest political body – the Politburo – and the Comintern, a self-crafted tool set up for spreading the communist movement around the world, at its disposal. Thus, the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet authorities, whereas the Estonian communists were mainly responsible for its implementation. The task of the coup leadership was to seize power and hold on to it for some time, long enough to request that the USSR “renders support.” Preparations were underway for such support. This is evidenced by military preparations in the northern regions of the USSR and the territory near the Estonian border as well as by the deployment of Soviet ships in the vicinity of Tallinn and the activities of the Soviet embassy located in the capital. The attempted coup turned into a putsch due to the maximum conspiracy of their organizers. The conspiracy was brought about by the then-public awareness that the revolutionary events in Germany in 1923 had been instigated by the Soviets. The attempted coup in Estonia failed due to the extraordinary defensive operations put up by the Estonian authorities and power structures as well as due to the failure to involve the workers and the other strata of society in the coup. Latvia, Estonia’s only ally, was the first country to stand by Estonia’s side after the country withstood the attempted coup. The lessons were learnt not only by these two countries but by Lithuania as well. They began taking adequate measures to stifle communist activities. Neither France nor England or any other Western state made plans to deploy their fleets to the Baltic Sea to support the Estonians or at least show, in a demonstrative way, their support in such a trying time. They also failed to hold any diplomatic démarches against the Soviets opposing the export of revolution practiced by the Soviets. Due to diplomatic pressure imposed by the USSR, Estonia could not publicly and officially name the actual organizers of the putsch. As a result, only the local communists were indiscriminately accused. Such forced tactics, if only indirectly, had at least partially been influencing the area of historical research as well. However, the sudden and unequivocal liquidation of the putsch in Tallinn could have prompted the USSR to no longer expand its revolutionary export to the West, and the “abstinence” of such kind had lasted until the Second World War. The war itself and the previous collusion with Adolf Hitler made it possible for Stalin to cherish even greater ambitions to renew the spread
{"title":"The Communist Revolt in Tallinn on the 1st of December 1924 and its Diplomatic Cover-Up","authors":"Zenonas Butkus","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article, based on the archives stored in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia and some recently published documents, investigates the coup attempted by the Soviets on December 1, 1924 in Tallinn and evaluates its consequences within the broad context of international relations. During the research, it was established that an attempt to stage a coup in Estonia had been undertaken both by the Estonian communists and the USSR leadership, which had the highest political body – the Politburo – and the Comintern, a self-crafted tool set up for spreading the communist movement around the world, at its disposal. Thus, the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet authorities, whereas the Estonian communists were mainly responsible for its implementation. The task of the coup leadership was to seize power and hold on to it for some time, long enough to request that the USSR “renders support.” Preparations were underway for such support. This is evidenced by military preparations in the northern regions of the USSR and the territory near the Estonian border as well as by the deployment of Soviet ships in the vicinity of Tallinn and the activities of the Soviet embassy located in the capital. The attempted coup turned into a putsch due to the maximum conspiracy of their organizers. The conspiracy was brought about by the then-public awareness that the revolutionary events in Germany in 1923 had been instigated by the Soviets. The attempted coup in Estonia failed due to the extraordinary defensive operations put up by the Estonian authorities and power structures as well as due to the failure to involve the workers and the other strata of society in the coup. \u0000Latvia, Estonia’s only ally, was the first country to stand by Estonia’s side after the country withstood the attempted coup. The lessons were learnt not only by these two countries but by Lithuania as well. They began taking adequate measures to stifle communist activities. Neither France nor England or any other Western state made plans to deploy their fleets to the Baltic Sea to support the Estonians or at least show, in a demonstrative way, their support in such a trying time. They also failed to hold any diplomatic démarches against the Soviets opposing the export of revolution practiced by the Soviets. Due to diplomatic pressure imposed by the USSR, Estonia could not publicly and officially name the actual organizers of the putsch. As a result, only the local communists were indiscriminately accused. Such forced tactics, if only indirectly, had at least partially been influencing the area of historical research as well. \u0000However, the sudden and unequivocal liquidation of the putsch in Tallinn could have prompted the USSR to no longer expand its revolutionary export to the West, and the “abstinence” of such kind had lasted until the Second World War. The war itself and the previous collusion with Adolf Hitler made it possible for Stalin to cherish even greater ambitions to renew the spread ","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42195877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Publikacijoje pristatoma architektų Walterio Gropiuso ir Vlado Švipo korespondencija (originalūs tekstai ir jų vertimai), saugoma Harvardo universiteto bibliotekoje (11 laiškų, 1948–1951) ir Bauhauzo archyve Berlyne (5 laiškai, 1953). Walter Gropius (1883–1969) – vienas žymiausių XX a. architektų, avangardinės dizaino mokyklos Staatliches Bauhaus (Bauhauzas), veikusios Vokietijoje Veimaro ir Desau miestuose 1919–1933 m., įkūrėjas ir ilgametis vadovas. Nacionalsocialistams 1933 m. uždarius Bauhauzo mokyklą, daugelis kairiųjų pažiūrų ar žydų kilmės mokytojų buvo priversti emigruoti. Walter Gropius su šeima pirmiausia išvyko į Jungtinę Karalystę, o 1937 m. emigravo į JAV. 1937–1952 m. dirbo Harvardo universiteto Dizaino mokykloje (1938–1952 m. Architektūros fakulteto dekanas), 1946 m. įsteigė projektavimo biurą The Architects’ Collaborative (TAC). Palaikė ryšius su viso pasaulio architektais, padėjo daugeliui emigravusių vokiečių ir buvusių Bauhauzo kolegų bei studentų, tarp jų ir Vladui Švipui, architektui iš Lietuvos1. Vladas Švipas (1900, Palėvenė–1965, Niujorkas) – architektas, vienintelis Bauhauzo mokyklos studentas iš Lietuvos, 1924–1928 m. studijavęs Veimare ir Desau. Architektoinžinieriaus diplomą įgijo 1928 m. Oldenburgo politechnikos institute. Švipas atstovauja naujosios kartos tarpukario Lietuvos architektams, kurie, išsilavinę Vakaruose, įsitraukė į Lietuvos valstybės statybos projektą demonstruodami naują architektų socialinį vaid-
{"title":"Vladas Švipas – Walter Gropius: laiškai, 1948–1953 m.","authors":"Marija Drėmaitė, Robertas Motuzas","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.7","url":null,"abstract":"Publikacijoje pristatoma architektų Walterio Gropiuso ir Vlado Švipo korespondencija (originalūs tekstai ir jų vertimai), saugoma Harvardo universiteto bibliotekoje (11 laiškų, 1948–1951) ir Bauhauzo archyve Berlyne (5 laiškai, 1953). Walter Gropius (1883–1969) – vienas žymiausių XX a. architektų, avangardinės dizaino mokyklos Staatliches Bauhaus (Bauhauzas), veikusios Vokietijoje Veimaro ir Desau miestuose 1919–1933 m., įkūrėjas ir ilgametis vadovas. Nacionalsocialistams 1933 m. uždarius Bauhauzo mokyklą, daugelis kairiųjų pažiūrų ar žydų kilmės mokytojų buvo priversti emigruoti. Walter Gropius su šeima pirmiausia išvyko į Jungtinę Karalystę, o 1937 m. emigravo į JAV. 1937–1952 m. dirbo Harvardo universiteto Dizaino mokykloje (1938–1952 m. Architektūros fakulteto dekanas), 1946 m. įsteigė projektavimo biurą The Architects’ Collaborative (TAC). Palaikė ryšius su viso pasaulio architektais, padėjo daugeliui emigravusių vokiečių ir buvusių Bauhauzo kolegų bei studentų, tarp jų ir Vladui Švipui, architektui iš Lietuvos1. Vladas Švipas (1900, Palėvenė–1965, Niujorkas) – architektas, vienintelis Bauhauzo mokyklos studentas iš Lietuvos, 1924–1928 m. studijavęs Veimare ir Desau. Architektoinžinieriaus diplomą įgijo 1928 m. Oldenburgo politechnikos institute. Švipas atstovauja naujosios kartos tarpukario Lietuvos architektams, kurie, išsilavinę Vakaruose, įsitraukė į Lietuvos valstybės statybos projektą demonstruodami naują architektų socialinį vaid-","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45562126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article addresses the fluctuations in the annual numbers of candidates accepted into the noviciate of the Fatebenefratelli, the numbers of novices who took vows, and those who withdrew from the noviciate by their own choice or were rejected; the age structure of novices, their geographical and social origins. The main sources for the study of the personal make-up of the Vilnius Fatebenefratelli (Ordo S. Joannis de Deo) are two books of novices (libri novitiorum) (1678‒1725, 1761‒1823) that supply the relevant personal information on 243 novices. The analysis revealed that 51% of the novices had successfully completed the noviciate, while others resigned by their own will or were rejected. Most candidates were aged between 18 and 37; however, the order’s internal structure and the short formation of novices allowed to accept older candidates. Most novices originated from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and mainly from the Vilnius, Navahrudak, Trakai palatinates and Samogitia. Most probably, this reflected the general trends of immigration to Vilnius as well as the lack of opportunities for religious vocations in Samogitia. The geographical origins of novices also show that candidates came from mainly rural localities, whereas only 30 originated from cities (including Vilnius) and towns. The sources do not adequately reveal the social origins of novices, and only sporadic mentions reveal some candidates to have come either from the nobility, towns- and tradespeople, or other groups. Nonetheless, considering their geographical origins and material status, it could be assumed that the majority of novices were of non-noble birth and originated from rural strata.
本文讨论了每年被接纳为Fatebenefratelli见习生的候选人人数的波动，宣誓的见习生的人数，以及那些自愿退出见习生或被拒绝的人数;新手的年龄结构及其地理和社会根源。维尔纽斯Fatebenefratelli (Ordo S. Joannis de Deo)的个人构成研究的主要来源是两本新手书(libri novitiorum)(1678-1725, 1761-1823)，其中提供了243名新手的相关个人信息。分析显示，51%的新手顺利完成了实习，而其他人则自愿辞职或被拒绝。大多数候选人年龄在18至37岁之间;然而，骑士团的内部结构和短期的新手形成允许接受年龄较大的候选人。大多数新手来自立陶宛大公国，主要来自维尔纽斯、纳瓦鲁达克、特拉凯普法尔茨和萨莫吉希亚。最有可能的是，这反映了移民到维尔纽斯的一般趋势以及萨莫吉希亚缺乏从事宗教职业的机会。新手的地理来源也表明，候选人主要来自农村地区，而只有30人来自城市(包括维尔纽斯)和城镇。这些资料并没有充分揭示新手的社会起源，只有零星的提及揭示了一些候选人来自贵族、城镇和商人或其他群体。然而，考虑到他们的地理来源和物质地位，我们可以假设大多数新手都是非贵族出身，来自农村阶层。
{"title":"The Personal Make-up of the Vilnius Fatebenefratelli in the Second Half of the 17th and the 18th Centuries","authors":"Martynas Jakulis","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the fluctuations in the annual numbers of candidates accepted into the noviciate of the Fatebenefratelli, the numbers of novices who took vows, and those who withdrew from the noviciate by their own choice or were rejected; the age structure of novices, their geographical and social origins. The main sources for the study of the personal make-up of the Vilnius Fatebenefratelli (Ordo S. Joannis de Deo) are two books of novices (libri novitiorum) (1678‒1725, 1761‒1823) that supply the relevant personal information on 243 novices. The analysis revealed that 51% of the novices had successfully completed the noviciate, while others resigned by their own will or were rejected. Most candidates were aged between 18 and 37; however, the order’s internal structure and the short formation of novices allowed to accept older candidates. Most novices originated from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and mainly from the Vilnius, Navahrudak, Trakai palatinates and Samogitia. Most probably, this reflected the general trends of immigration to Vilnius as well as the lack of opportunities for religious vocations in Samogitia. The geographical origins of novices also show that candidates came from mainly rural localities, whereas only 30 originated from cities (including Vilnius) and towns. The sources do not adequately reveal the social origins of novices, and only sporadic mentions reveal some candidates to have come either from the nobility, towns- and tradespeople, or other groups. Nonetheless, considering their geographical origins and material status, it could be assumed that the majority of novices were of non-noble birth and originated from rural strata.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45247341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this article is to provide a social portrait of the most active communists and their supporters who had participated in the illegal underground communist movement during the period of the First Lithuanian Republic (1918–1940). Also, we analyze the question of what socioeconomic conditions led these people to participate in or support the communist underground. The biographies and biographical data of two hundred forty-two individuals (the most active members of the communist party of Lithuania, their supporters, and party leadership from 1926) were researched. The main source for such a study were autobiographies and questionnaires gathered by the former Institute of Party History of Soviet Lithuania. The social portrait was divided by studying the birthplace (city, town, or village), social origins, the situation of the wealth of the family, the education of the person, their marital status, children, occupation, and imprisonment. Many causes (written in autobiographies) of why these individuals joined the communist movement were related to their socialization and social contacts (influence from parents, friends, school, etc.). But it cannot be said that only these causes were relevant. People were also influenced by their social background, education, and the welfare of their families. All these aspects were also interrelated. This problem must be analyzed using a multicausal approach.There was not much quantitative difference between those who were born in the cities or in the villages, but when they began participating in the underground communist movement, their supporters mostly migrated to cities. Most of the analyzed people had come from workers’ families (about 40%) or the peasantry (28%). In total, about 70 percent of them came from quite poor families – 47% of the analyzed individuals described in their autobiographies the poor financial conditions of their upbringing; others also described difficulties, having lost one or both of their parents. However, about 20% wrote that their families lived quite normally, although these individuals still joined the communist movement. This proves that not only the financial situation of families was the deciding factor.The education acquired by these individuals was quite poor, too – about half had only primary education and did go to secondary school but did not finish it. About 13% had finished secondary schools, and only 5% acquired a higher degree diploma. The leadership of the CPL differed, as half of them had finished communist education schools in Moscow before returning to Lithuania.Because of the illegal activities in which they were engaged, many active communists and their supporters did not have families of their own (only 27% were married), and many did not have children (only 15% had a child).Most of the people analyzed were workers; some 9% did not have any long-term occupation, having to hide and move around a lot. About 12% were “professional revolutionaries” engaged i
{"title":"The Social Portrait of the Most Active Communists and Their Supporters in the First Republic of Lithuania","authors":"Marius Ėmužis","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.3","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to provide a social portrait of the most active communists and their supporters who had participated in the illegal underground communist movement during the period of the First Lithuanian Republic (1918–1940). Also, we analyze the question of what socioeconomic conditions led these people to participate in or support the communist underground. The biographies and biographical data of two hundred forty-two individuals (the most active members of the communist party of Lithuania, their supporters, and party leadership from 1926) were researched. The main source for such a study were autobiographies and questionnaires gathered by the former Institute of Party History of Soviet Lithuania. The social portrait was divided by studying the birthplace (city, town, or village), social origins, the situation of the wealth of the family, the education of the person, their marital status, children, occupation, and imprisonment. Many causes (written in autobiographies) of why these individuals joined the communist movement were related to their socialization and social contacts (influence from parents, friends, school, etc.). But it cannot be said that only these causes were relevant. People were also influenced by their social background, education, and the welfare of their families. All these aspects were also interrelated. This problem must be analyzed using a multicausal approach.There was not much quantitative difference between those who were born in the cities or in the villages, but when they began participating in the underground communist movement, their supporters mostly migrated to cities. Most of the analyzed people had come from workers’ families (about 40%) or the peasantry (28%). In total, about 70 percent of them came from quite poor families – 47% of the analyzed individuals described in their autobiographies the poor financial conditions of their upbringing; others also described difficulties, having lost one or both of their parents. However, about 20% wrote that their families lived quite normally, although these individuals still joined the communist movement. This proves that not only the financial situation of families was the deciding factor.The education acquired by these individuals was quite poor, too – about half had only primary education and did go to secondary school but did not finish it. About 13% had finished secondary schools, and only 5% acquired a higher degree diploma. The leadership of the CPL differed, as half of them had finished communist education schools in Moscow before returning to Lithuania.Because of the illegal activities in which they were engaged, many active communists and their supporters did not have families of their own (only 27% were married), and many did not have children (only 15% had a child).Most of the people analyzed were workers; some 9% did not have any long-term occupation, having to hide and move around a lot. About 12% were “professional revolutionaries” engaged i","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41318009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The research of Western radio audiences in the Soviet Union was carried out by the department of Soviet Area Audience and Opinion Research, which was in charge of the RFE/RL; however, factual surveys were conducted by independent research institutes, which ensured that the results were neutral and no prejudices with regard to a particular broadcaster were present. The key indices to be measured were the size of the audience that listened to Western radio broadcasts as well as the listeners’ behavioral patterns. Making use of these parameters, the authorities of these radios were able to modify the character of radio programming, to design the content of the information provided, and to observe the potential influence of radio broadcasts in the context of ideological opposition. It is important to stress that based on the methodology and the amount of information available at that time, individual persons’ surveys conducted by Radio Liberty audience and the opinion research department were not adequate to what is considered, in the contemporary sense, proper public opinion research.
{"title":"Discovering the Secret Listener: Western Radio Broadcasts to Soviet Lithuania","authors":"Inga Arlauskaitė Zakšauskienė","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2019.43.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2019.43.5","url":null,"abstract":"The research of Western radio audiences in the Soviet Union was carried out by the department of Soviet Area Audience and Opinion Research, which was in charge of the RFE/RL; however, factual surveys were conducted by independent research institutes, which ensured that the results were neutral and no prejudices with regard to a particular broadcaster were present. The key indices to be measured were the size of the audience that listened to Western radio broadcasts as well as the listeners’ behavioral patterns. Making use of these parameters, the authorities of these radios were able to modify the character of radio programming, to design the content of the information provided, and to observe the potential influence of radio broadcasts in the context of ideological opposition. It is important to stress that based on the methodology and the amount of information available at that time, individual persons’ surveys conducted by Radio Liberty audience and the opinion research department were not adequate to what is considered, in the contemporary sense, proper public opinion research.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45632197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-22DOI: 10.15388/LIS.2018.42.12386
Ina Kažuro
[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Vilniaus universitetas kelis šimtmečius buvo pagrindinė Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės aukštoji mokykla, kurios įtaka reiškėsi įvairiose visuomeninio gyvenimo srityse – religijoje, politikoje, kultūroje. Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip Vilniaus Alma Mater veikė Graikų apeigų Katalikų Bažnyčios bazilijonų vienuolijos (veikė 1617–1839 m.) raidą. Tuo tikslu išskiriamos trys grupės, atspindinčios dviejų institucijų ryšius: bazilijonai – universiteto studentai, bazilijonai – universiteto dėstytojai ir bazilijonai – universiteto partneriai švietimo srityje.
{"title":"Bazilijonų vienuolijos ryšiai su Vilniaus universitetu","authors":"Ina Kažuro","doi":"10.15388/LIS.2018.42.12386","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/LIS.2018.42.12386","url":null,"abstract":"[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] \u0000Vilniaus universitetas kelis šimtmečius buvo pagrindinė Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės aukštoji mokykla, kurios įtaka reiškėsi įvairiose visuomeninio gyvenimo srityse – religijoje, politikoje, kultūroje. Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip Vilniaus Alma Mater veikė Graikų apeigų Katalikų Bažnyčios bazilijonų vienuolijos (veikė 1617–1839 m.) raidą. Tuo tikslu išskiriamos trys grupės, atspindinčios dviejų institucijų ryšius: bazilijonai – universiteto studentai, bazilijonai – universiteto dėstytojai ir bazilijonai – universiteto partneriai švietimo srityje.","PeriodicalId":33054,"journal":{"name":"Lietuvos Istorijos Studijos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45126852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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