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O zapomnianym pałacu Sapiehów w Dubnie na Podlasiu 关于波德拉西杜布诺被遗忘的萨皮耶宫
Pub Date : 2022-08-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.11.04
A. Andrzejewska, H. Karwowska, A. Andrzejewski
Sapiehowie to jeden z najpotężniejszych rodów magnackich Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, wywodzący się z ziem dzisiejszej Białorusi i Rosji. Jeden z nich Iwan Sapieha był pierwszym wojewodą podlaskim. W 1512 r. został właścicielem wsi Dubno, gdzie od przełomu XVI i XVII w. funkcjonował zespół dworski, który na przełomie XIX i XX w. został zrujnowany i zapomniany. W latach 2006–2010 i 2013 przeprowadzono wykopaliskowe badania archeologiczne, m.in. dzięki dotacjom z Europejskiego Funduszu Rozwoju Regionalnego w ramach Programu Sąsiedztwa Polska-Białoruś-Ukraina INTERREG IIIA/TACIS CBC 2004-2006 oraz Ministerstwa Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego. Prace archeologiczne uzupełniono badaniami nieinwazyjnymi, geomorfologicznymi, przyrodniczymi, fotografią lotniczą oraz stosownymi kwerendami źródłowymi. Prace te przyniosły niezwykle interesujące rezultaty. Okazało się bowiem, że odkryto ukryte pod powierzchnią ziemi relikty tej rezydencji. W efekcie przeprowadzonych prac archeologiczno-architektonicznych można było zrekonstruować w znacznej mierze ten zespół rezydencjonalny składający się z pałacu, kaplicy, innych budynków pomocniczych, jak: karczma, oranżeria, lamus. Jednak najbardziej spektakularnym wynikiem było odkrycie pałacu, nazywanego Kamienicą Wielką. W trakcie badań rozpoznany został rzut kamienicy na poziomie parteru oraz zlokalizowany w piwniczce skarbczyk. Opisana Kamienica Wielka jest typowym dla XVII w. zespołem budynków dworskich. Jednak jest jednym z pierwszych na Podlasiu obiektów, które zostały odkryte w miejscu, gdzie na powierzchni ziemi śladami dawnej świetności były tylko ułamki ceramiki naczyniowej i gruz ceglany. Tak więc badania archeologiczne przywróciły do świadomości społecznej i wprowadziły do „obiegu naukowego” zapomnianą rezydencję Sapiehów, jednego z najznakomitszych rodów Rzeczpospolitej Szlacheckiej.
萨皮家族是立陶宛大公国最强大的豪门之一,起源于今天的白俄罗斯和俄罗斯。其中之一是波德拉西的第一个省伊凡·萨皮耶哈。公元前1512年,他成为杜布诺村的主人,自16世纪和17世纪之交以来,杜布诺一直经营着一座庄园,在19世纪和20世纪之交,这座庄园被毁并被遗忘。在波兰-白俄罗斯-乌克兰睦邻计划INTERREG IIIA/TACIS CBC 2004-2006和文化和国家遗产部的资助下,2006年至2010年和2013年进行了考古发掘。考古工作辅以非侵入性、地貌、自然、航空摄影和相关资料研究。这项工作产生了非常有趣的结果。事实证明,这座住宅的遗迹是隐藏在地表下发现的。由于进行了考古和建筑工作,在很大程度上重建了这个由宫殿、小教堂和其他辅助建筑组成的住宅综合体,如:酒馆、橘园、拉莫斯。然而,最壮观的结果是发现了这座名为Kamienica Wielka的宫殿。在研究过程中,识别了底层公寓的投影和位于地下室的拱顶。所描述的Kamienica Wielka是一个典型的17世纪庄园建筑群。然而,它是波德拉西最早发现的物体之一,在这个地方,地表上只有陶器和砖砌片石的碎片是昔日辉煌的痕迹。因此,考古研究恢复了公众意识,并将贵族共和国最杰出的家族之一萨皮家族被遗忘的住所引入了“科学流通”。
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引用次数: 0
Polacy-katolicy w Harbinie. W trosce o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej
Pub Date : 2022-08-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.11.08
Małgorzata Pietrasiak, Ksenia Rodionova
Podstawowym celem artykułu jest uzupełnienie wiedzy o działalności kolonii polskiej w Harbinie (Mandżuria) poprzez analizę niepublikowanych dokumentów archiwalnych dotyczących tego tematu. Dokumenty uzupełniają już istniejące publikacje, dotyczące roli Polaków w procesie planowania i budowy Kolei Wschodniochińskiej (KWŻD) oraz eksploatacji tej drogi handlowej z wykorzystaniem najważniejszego węzła kolejowego, którego architektami byli Polacy, Harbinu. Okres, którego dotyczy analiza, to koniec XIX – połowa XX w. Szczególna uwaga została zwrócona na dbałość Polonii harbińskiej o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej. Dużą rolę odgrywał przy tym Kościół katolicki oraz szkoły polskie założone w Mandżurii. Wartości, które towarzyszyły funkcjonowaniu instytucji edukacyjnych oraz religijnych oparte na zasadach tolerancji i akceptacji różnorodności oraz zaangażowanie Polaków w rozwój gospodarczy Mandżurii, mogą być ważnym elementem polskiego soft power wobec Chin i budowania wizerunku Polski.
本文的主要目的是通过分析未发表的有关哈尔滨(满洲)波兰殖民地活动的档案文件来补充对这一主题的了解。这些文件补充了关于波兰人在华东铁路(KWŻD)规划和建设过程中的作用以及利用波兰人设计的最重要的铁路枢纽哈尔滨运营这条贸易路线的现有出版物。分析所涵盖的时期是19世纪末至20世纪下半叶。天主教会和在满洲建立的波兰学校在这方面发挥了重要作用。基于宽容和接受多样性原则的教育和宗教机构的运作以及波兰人参与满洲经济发展的价值观,可以成为波兰对中国软实力和塑造波兰形象的重要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Consequences of changing the electoral system for the model of political competition – The case of the 2018 elections to municipal councils in Łódź Voivodeship 改变选举制度对政治竞争模式的影响——以2018年罗兹省市议会选举为例
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.10.05
Maciej Onasz, M. Klonowski, Agata Włodarska-Frykowska
The article is an attempt to assess the effects of the 2018 reform of local electoral law on a medium scale. The main goal is to investigate the consequences of these changes for the model of political rivalry. Through the use of a selection of quantitative methods, the authors verify hypotheses regarding the proportionality of local elections and the mechanical effect of the electoral system. The overall aim is to establish to what extent the new electoral system deforms the voting results when distributing seats among the electoral committees. Apart from the hypotheses, the authors also verify whether Łódź Voivodeship is a suitable case study and representative of national trends.
这篇文章试图在中等规模上评估2018年地方选举法改革的效果。主要目标是调查这些变化对政治竞争模式的影响。通过选择定量方法,作者验证了关于地方选举比例和选举制度机械效应的假设。总体目标是确定新选举制度在选举委员会之间分配席位时对投票结果的影响程度。除了这些假设之外,作者还验证了Łód罗兹省是否是一个合适的案例研究和国家趋势的代表。
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引用次数: 0
Russia in the process of constructing regional structures in Southeast Asia 俄罗斯在东南亚构建区域结构的过程中
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.10.02
Małgorzata Pietrasiak
The article aims to show the integration processes in Southeast Asia, with regard to the participation of Russia, and to determine the reason why Russia takes part in them. Based on the demonstration of the international process, two theses have been proven: (1) The project of establishing a Greater Eurasia with the participation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and ASEAN is a grandiose and strategic goal for Russia. The project is supposed to recall the traditional policy conducted by Russia, consisting of it playing the role of a bridge between Asia and Europe drawing China’s attention to this alternative proposal to the Chinese concept of the Belt and Road Initiative. (2) Russia is a player in the geopolitical game in Southeast Asia, even though it is perceived as the closest ally of China. Under the circumstances, where the relations with the EU have been destabilised, it is in the interest of Russia to further the integration and stabilisation of the region with its more active participation. Russia’s more active participation in regional integration is hampered by its low level of economic cooperation with countries in the region and its image: the activities of Russia are still perceived through the prism of the actions and interests of China, its strategic ally both on a regional as well as global scale.
本文旨在从俄罗斯参与的角度来展示东南亚的一体化进程,并确定俄罗斯参与其中的原因。基于国际进程的论证,本文证明了两点:(1)建立欧亚经济联盟(EAEU)、上海合作组织(SCO)和东盟参与的大欧亚计划是俄罗斯宏伟的战略目标。该项目旨在回顾俄罗斯实施的传统政策,其中包括发挥亚洲和欧洲之间桥梁的作用,吸引中国对中国“一带一路”倡议的替代方案的关注。(2)俄罗斯是东南亚地缘政治博弈的参与者,尽管它被视为中国最亲密的盟友。在与欧盟关系不稳定的情况下,俄罗斯更积极地参与,进一步促进该地区的一体化和稳定符合俄罗斯的利益。俄罗斯更积极地参与区域一体化受到其与该地区国家的低水平经济合作及其形象的阻碍:俄罗斯的活动仍然是通过其在地区和全球范围内的战略盟友中国的行动和利益的棱镜来感知的。
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引用次数: 0
Employee’s perception of corporate social responsibility – Evidence from the Czech Republic 员工对企业社会责任的认知——来自捷克共和国的证据
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.10.03
Simona Činčalová, Elen Jeřábková
The importance of social responsibility has an everymore prominent position. This is since the world is increasingly interconnected and globalization is constantly moving forward. The aim of the paper is to analyse the activities of social responsibility of a selected company: Bosch, and then propose specific recommendations for further development of the company. It is based on analysis of company reports, interviews with managers and a questionnaire survey. The Bosch Group is a leading global supplier of technology and services. We focused on the plant in Jihlava, in the Czech Republic. The findings show that most employees know the concept of CSR and perceive it as a positive matter and want their employer to behave according to this concept. According to them, the greatest attention should be paid to the social pillar. The survey shows that the employees know the values of the company in which they work. In terms of communication with employees with regards to the activities of CSR, it is at a high level. Finally, recommendations are proposed, including ones concerning problems with transport, eco-labels, communication and employee support.
社会责任的重要性日益突出。这是因为世界日益相互联系,全球化不断向前发展。本文的目的是分析选定的博世公司的社会责任活动,然后为公司的进一步发展提出具体的建议。它基于对公司报告的分析、对经理的访谈和问卷调查。博世集团是全球领先的技术和服务供应商。我们关注的是捷克共和国吉赫拉瓦的工厂。研究结果表明,大多数员工都知道企业社会责任的概念,并将其视为一件积极的事情,并希望雇主按照这一概念行事。他们认为,应该最大限度地关注社会支柱。调查显示,员工了解他们所在公司的价值观。在与员工就企业社会责任活动进行沟通方面,它处于高水平。最后,提出了一些建议,包括交通、环保标签、沟通和员工支持方面的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Patricia Hill Collins’ concepts of intersectionality and Stephen Lukes’ concepts of power in the sociological understanding of political correctness Patricia Hill Collins的交叉性概念和Stephen Lukes的权力概念在政治正确的社会学理解中的作用
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.10.06
O. Nekhaienko
The article actualizes the issue of political correctness and the need to develop tools for its further study. Political correctness is considered in the context of gender studies and power relations. The concept of attitudes towards political correctness is revealed, and an attempt is also made to reveal the mechanism of the formation of linguistic attitudes in the mass consciousness through the prism of the concepts of Stephen Lukes and Patricia Hill Collins. The historical and theoretical foundations of the formation of intersectionality are also considered. Intersectionality is focused on the study of hierarchical differences between individuals and groups, depending on the complex intersections of their position in society, determined by many parameters. Respectively, the intersectional approach to the analysis of power and language allows us to solve a number of methodological difficulties associated with the combination of macro and micro levels, which makes possible the further empirical analysis of political correctness directly as a social phenomenon, while taking it out of the linguistic sphere. Political correctness is studied as a formal embodiment of intersectionality, taking into account all the features of cross-identity in linguistic practices. The use of the intersectional method makes it possible to reveal political correctness not only as speech prescriptions, but as a multi-component phenomenon that must be considered in close connection with various kinds of discrimination. The role of power, as the main element, in the mechanisms of interiorization of attitudes towards political correctness is revealed. We highlight the role of symbolic power in ensuring voluntary consent, which is the basis for political correctness and ensures its relatively stable nature. The possibility of using discourse analysis as one of the main methods of studying political correctness is substantiated.
文章提出了政治正确的问题,并提出了进一步研究政治正确的工具的必要性。政治正确是在性别研究和权力关系的背景下考虑的。揭示了对政治正确的态度概念,并试图通过斯蒂芬·卢克和帕特丽夏·希尔·柯林斯的观念来揭示大众意识中语言态度的形成机制。本文还探讨了交织性形成的历史和理论基础。交叉性侧重于研究个体和群体之间的等级差异,这取决于他们在社会中位置的复杂交叉点,由许多参数决定。权力和语言的交叉分析方法使我们能够分别解决与宏观和微观层次结合相关的许多方法论困难,这使得将政治正确直接作为一种社会现象进行进一步的实证分析成为可能,同时将其带出语言领域。政治正确作为交叉性的形式体现来研究,考虑到语言实践中交叉认同的所有特征。交叉方法的使用使我们有可能揭示政治正确不仅是一种言语处方,而且是一种必须与各种歧视密切联系起来考虑的多成分现象。揭示了权力作为主要因素在政治正确态度内在化机制中的作用。我们强调象征权力在确保自愿同意方面的作用,自愿同意是政治正确的基础,并确保其相对稳定的性质。论证了话语分析作为研究政治正确的主要方法之一的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
2021 Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova – An attempt at post-election analysis 2021年摩尔多瓦共和国议会选举——选后分析的尝试
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.10.04
Alexandr Macuhin
This article analyses the parliamentary elections held in the Republic of Moldova in 2021, as a result of which the right-wing party, formerly in opposition, won, and was able to form its own single-party government with a parliamentary majority, which has not happened in Moldova exactly 20 years – since 2001. In this article the basic positions of the “left” and “right” political camps in the Republic of Moldova before the elections are analysed; as well as the mechanics of the electoral campaign and the voting process in different socio-geographical profiles. In 2021 The Republic of Moldova, for the first time in many years, faced the phenomenon of “overturning elections”; understanding the mechanics of which contributes to the development of a much better political and electoral process in general. At the same time, despite the special nature of the 2021 elections, the electoral political process in the Republic of Moldova continues to show several fixed tendencies, such as the geographical polarization of Moldovan voters residing in the EU or Russia, and the overall objective decrease of interest in the electoral process in general, regardless of the degree of the political and social representation of the political parties represented in the elections.
本文分析了2021年摩尔多瓦共和国举行的议会选举,结果是,以前作为反对派的右翼政党赢得了选举,并能够以议会多数组建自己的一党政府,这是自2001年以来摩尔多瓦整整20年没有发生过的事情。本文分析了选举前摩尔多瓦共和国“左”、“右”两派政治阵营的基本立场;以及选举运动的机制和不同社会地理背景下的投票过程。2021年,摩尔多瓦共和国多年来首次面临“推翻选举”的现象;了解其中的机制有助于发展一个更好的政治和选举进程。与此同时,尽管2021年的选举具有特殊性,但摩尔多瓦共和国的选举政治进程继续呈现出几个固定的趋势,例如居住在欧盟或俄罗斯的摩尔多瓦选民的地理两极分化,以及无论选举中所代表的政党的政治和社会代表性程度如何,总体上对选举过程的兴趣都在下降。
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引用次数: 0
A sociological perspective on the phenomenon of solo-living in Eastern Europe: An attempt at conceptualization 东欧独居现象的社会学视角:概念化的尝试
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.09.11
D. Yashkina
This article examines the phenomenon of solitary living as a consequence of the processes of individualization that are characteristic of the entire modern world. The urgency of this problem arises from the increase in the number of individuals who prefer to live alone. Although this trend is typical for Eastern Europe, as it is for the rest of the world, it is not widely considered in scientific circles. Whilst analyzing scientific literature in different spheres (philosophy, economics, psychology, sociology) and statistical data on solitary living, the author has come to the conclusion that to describe the phenomenon in a sociological vein, it is most appropriate to consider solitary living as a “solo-living” lifestyle. The article also examines the main studies of solitary living in Eastern Europe, and through such work, it was concluded that there is not enough research: current research mainly considers single living among the older generation, despite the fact that the number of young people who prefer this lifestyle continues to grow. In the course of the study, the author was faced with the problem of layering related concepts: solos, singles, solo-living, single-person households, and others. To avoid this problem, the author distinguishes between these concepts and makes an attempt to conceptualize the concept of “solo-living”, offers the author’s definition, and outlines further research prospects.
本文考察了作为整个现代世界特有的个体化过程的结果的孤独生活现象。这个问题的紧迫性源于越来越多的人喜欢独自生活。尽管这一趋势在东欧和世界其他地区都很典型,但科学界并没有广泛考虑。在分析不同领域(哲学、经济学、心理学、社会学)的科学文献和关于孤独生活的统计数据的同时,作者得出的结论是,要从社会学的角度描述这一现象,最恰当的做法是将孤独生活视为一种“孤独生活”的生活方式。这篇文章还考察了东欧关于单身生活的主要研究,通过这些工作,得出的结论是,研究还不够:目前的研究主要考虑老一辈的单身生活,尽管喜欢这种生活方式的年轻人数量在继续增长。在研究过程中,作者面临着将相关概念分层的问题:独奏、单身、独自生活、单身家庭和其他。为了避免这一问题,作者对这些概念进行了区分,并试图对“独自生活”的概念进行概念化,给出了作者的定义,并概述了进一步的研究前景。
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引用次数: 0
Hegel, revolution, and the rule of law 黑格尔、革命与法治
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.09.02
S. Ramet
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was one of the philosophic giants of the nineteenth century. Well versed in both ancient and more recent philosophical tracts, he rejected the individualism of Hobbes and Locke, as well as their notion that the state was an agency set up in the first place to protect life and property, and, drawing inspiration from Aristotle, outlined a vision of the state as an agency bound, in the first place, to protect the weak and the powerless. Hegel further rejected Kant’s individualistic ethics and counseled that ethical behavior had to be understood as taking place in a social context, with real duties toward other people. For Hegel, an individual had rights and duties within the context of the family, in the community, and, as a citizen, vis-à-vis the state. He emphasized the network of duties in which each individual finds himself, urging political moderation and concern for the good of the entire community. He has been condemned as a proto-totalitarian, lauded as a democrat of sorts, and described variously as liberal, anti-liberal, authoritarian, conservative-monarchist, and constitutionalist. This essay will argue that Hegel came to champion a constitutional-legal order (Rechtsstaat) under an autocratic monarch, with protection for liberal values. The absolute authority of the monarch, thus, was limited to those powers which he needed in order to advance and protect the interests of the citizens of the realm.
黑格尔是十九世纪的哲学巨人之一。他精通古代和近代的哲学著作,拒绝接受霍布斯和洛克的个人主义,以及他们认为国家是一个最初为保护生命和财产而设立的机构的观点,并从亚里士多德那里获得灵感,概述了国家首先是一个保护弱者和无权者的机构的愿景。黑格尔进一步否定了康德的个人主义伦理学,并建议伦理行为必须被理解为发生在社会背景下,对他人负有真正的责任。对黑格尔来说,个人在家庭、社区以及作为公民的国家中享有权利和义务。他强调了每个人所处的职责网络,敦促政治温和,关心整个社区的利益。他被谴责为原始极权主义者,被誉为各种各样的民主党人,并被描述为自由派、反自由派、威权主义、保守君主主义和立宪主义者。本文认为,黑格尔是在专制君主的统治下,在保护自由价值观的情况下,拥护宪法法律秩序的。因此,君主的绝对权力仅限于他为促进和保护王国公民的利益而需要的权力。
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引用次数: 0
Possibilities for cooperation between the non-governmental, non-commercial sector and the public sector in modern Russia 现代俄罗斯非政府、非商业部门和公共部门之间合作的可能性
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.18778/1427-9657.09.05
A. Jach
The model of three-sector synergy in a contemporary state rests on cooperation between the first (state) sector, the second (commercial) sector, and the third sector – the civil one, also referred to as the non-commercial sector. The quest for an optimal solution and the establishment of mutual relations is underpinned by the concept of the reorganization of Russian society with regard to its political modernization; this is accompanied by a variant of social agreement that guarantees citizens equality before the law, and the protection of their rights along with simultaneous compliance with the law. What complements the image of Russia’s contemporary reality is the goal of non-governmental, non-commercial organizations – not only to survive but also to develop a modus vivendi in the circumstances of an authoritarian state.
当代国家的三部门协同模式建立在第一(国家)部门、第二(商业)部门和第三部门(民用部门,也称为非商业部门)之间的合作之上。寻求最佳解决方案和建立相互关系的基础是俄罗斯社会在政治现代化方面的重组概念;伴随而来的是一种社会协议变体,它保证公民在法律面前平等,并在遵守法律的同时保护他们的权利。与俄罗斯当代现实形象相辅相成的是非政府、非商业组织的目标——不仅要生存,还要在威权国家的环境中发展一种生存方式。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Eastern Review
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