Book Title: Securing Peace: State-Building and Economic Development in Post-Conflict Countries Book Authors: Richard Krozul-Wright and Piergiuseppe Fortunato (Eds.) Bloomsbury Academic, Published in Association with the United Nations, 2011, x+226 pp.
{"title":"Book Review: Securing Peace: State-Building and Economic Development in Post-Conflict Countries","authors":"A. Bayo","doi":"10.4314/LHR.V15I1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/LHR.V15I1.11","url":null,"abstract":"Book Title: Securing Peace: State-Building and Economic Development in Post-Conflict Countries Book Authors: Richard Krozul-Wright and Piergiuseppe Fortunato (Eds.) Bloomsbury Academic, Published in Association with the United Nations, 2011, x+226 pp.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117190326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1943 African-American Roi Ottley noted in his 1943 book, New World AComing, that it was ‘the African Students Association [who] are keeping the issue [of the importance of Africa to the world economy] alive among Amer can Negroes’. (p.326) Some twenty years later, historian James Coleman in his magisterial book, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (1986) argued that ‘…developments outside Nigeria had important repercussions upon the growth of postwar nationalism. These centred mainly around the activities of Nigerian students abroad.’ (p.239). He then noted that the ‘twenty-eight African wartime students in America, with one or two exceptions, became leaders in the nationalist movement of their respective countries’. (p.244) Though the work of the West African Students Union (WASU) in London has been chronicled, there is still no full write-up of the African Students Association of America and Canada (ASA) formed in 1942 by these students. In fact, Coleman minimizes the numbers of Africans then studying in the USA during the 1930s and 1940. Who were these students? What were they studying in in the USA, and when? Did they influence the USA or was the influence reciprocal? Is there any linkage between those early years and the increasing interest of the USA in Africa? Did their experiences in the USA influence the students’ subsequent political activism for self-government, and perhaps even for Ibo independence? Did the students influence the newly established United Nations? This article is merely an introduction to the activities of the African Students Association. I hope opens the door for many researchers. The article is chronological, with many references hopefully to aid full analyses of these Africans’ work while studying in the USA
1943年，非裔美国人罗伊·奥特利(Roi Ottley)在他1943年出版的《新世界来临》(New World AComing)一书中指出，正是“非洲学生协会(African Students Association)让美国黑人意识到非洲对世界经济的重要性”。大约20年后，历史学家詹姆斯·科尔曼在他的权威著作《尼日利亚:民族主义的背景》(1986年)中指出，“……尼日利亚以外的事态发展对战后民族主义的增长产生了重要影响。”这些活动主要围绕尼日利亚学生在国外的活动展开。”(p.239)。他接着指出，“在美国的28名非洲战时学生，除了一两个例外，都成为了各自国家民族主义运动的领袖”。(第244页)虽然伦敦的西非学生联盟(WASU)的工作已被记录下来，但仍然没有对这些学生于1942年成立的美国和加拿大非洲学生协会(ASA)进行全面的报道。事实上，科尔曼最小化了20世纪30年代和40年代在美国学习的非洲人的数量。这些学生是谁?他们在美国学习什么，什么时候?他们对美国有影响吗?还是相互影响?这些早年经历和美国在非洲日益增长的兴趣之间有什么联系吗?他们在美国的经历是否影响了学生们后来争取自治，甚至争取伊博独立的政治活动?学生们对新成立的联合国有影响吗?这篇文章仅仅是对非洲学生协会活动的介绍。我希望能为许多研究者打开大门。这篇文章是按时间顺序排列的，有很多参考文献，希望能帮助全面分析这些非洲人在美国学习期间的工作
{"title":"The African Students Association of America and Canada, 1941 – 1945","authors":"M. Sherwood","doi":"10.4314/LHR.V14I1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/LHR.V14I1.2","url":null,"abstract":"In 1943 African-American Roi Ottley noted in his 1943 book, New World AComing, that it was ‘the African Students Association [who] are keeping the issue [of the importance of Africa to the world economy] alive among Amer can Negroes’. (p.326) Some twenty years later, historian James Coleman in his magisterial book, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (1986) argued that ‘…developments outside Nigeria had important repercussions upon the growth of postwar nationalism. These centred mainly around the activities of Nigerian students abroad.’ (p.239). He then noted that the ‘twenty-eight African wartime students in America, with one or two exceptions, became leaders in the nationalist movement of their respective countries’. (p.244) Though the work of the West African Students Union (WASU) in London has been chronicled, there is still no full write-up of the African Students Association of America and Canada (ASA) formed in 1942 by these students. In fact, Coleman minimizes the numbers of Africans then studying in the USA during the 1930s and 1940. Who were these students? What were they studying in in the USA, and when? Did they influence the USA or was the influence reciprocal? Is there any linkage between those early years and the increasing interest of the USA in Africa? Did their experiences in the USA influence the students’ subsequent political activism for self-government, and perhaps even for Ibo independence? Did the students influence the newly established United Nations? This article is merely an introduction to the activities of the African Students Association. I hope opens the door for many researchers. The article is chronological, with many references hopefully to aid full analyses of these Africans’ work while studying in the USA","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"148 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134073071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The post-independence politics of African countries has been dominated by the phenomenon of sit-tight African heads of state and government who had acceeded to office by election or coup d’etat. This paper examines this recurring problem in post-independence African politics by examining its general and specific causation, features and consequences. Building upon extant relevant literature, it presents “fresh empirical reflections rather than major new theoretical constructs” on the sit-tight syndrome and tenure elongation as two strands of the subversion of the constitution and the political process. The paper concludes with suggestions for transcending this major challenge to the political and economic development of Africa.
{"title":"Sit-Tight Syndrome and Tenure Elongation in African Politics","authors":"A. Olukoju","doi":"10.4314/lhr.v14i1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v14i1.6","url":null,"abstract":"The post-independence politics of African countries has been dominated by the phenomenon of sit-tight African heads of state and government who had acceeded to office by election or coup d’etat. This paper examines this recurring problem in post-independence African politics by examining its general and specific causation, features and consequences. Building upon extant relevant literature, it presents “fresh empirical reflections rather than major new theoretical constructs” on the sit-tight syndrome and tenure elongation as two strands of the subversion of the constitution and the political process. The paper concludes with suggestions for transcending this major challenge to the political and economic development of Africa.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114440379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital has undergone exponential growth over the past few decades. Its population has more than quintupled in fifty years. The population growth has had a dramatic impact on not just the Lagos environment but also on urban/municipal infrastructure bringing about a huge increase in unregulated development, traffic congestion, increase in traffic noise, air pollution, flooding, and decadent infrastructure among others. Urban/municipal infrastructure which involves specifying, designing, constructing, and maintaining several services has never had it so good in Lagos. The coordination of these infrastructure networks and services, since they are supposed to be provided simultaneously and managed by the same municipal authority, is key to municipal engineering. However, the coordination and management of same have been difficult to achieve by the various governments of Lagos in the period under study up till the present. The paper argues that in order to arrest the disruption of the past brought about by the un-coordinated policies of Lagos governments in the period under study, twenty-first century governments of Lagos must embark on the environmental and social renewal of Lagos. The Lagos government should adopt an urban renewal strategy that is people first, district based, and public participatory. The government has to balance the interests and needs of all sectors of the communities without sacrificing the lawful rights of any particular group.
{"title":"Urban Renewal and Associated Problems in Lagos, 1924 – 1990","authors":"Lanre Davies","doi":"10.4314/LHR.V14I1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/LHR.V14I1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital has undergone exponential growth over the past few decades. Its population has more than quintupled in fifty years. The population growth has had a dramatic impact on not just the Lagos environment but also on urban/municipal infrastructure bringing about a huge increase in unregulated development, traffic congestion, increase in traffic noise, air pollution, flooding, and decadent infrastructure among others. Urban/municipal infrastructure which involves specifying, designing, constructing, and maintaining several services has never had it so good in Lagos. The coordination of these infrastructure networks and services, since they are supposed to be provided simultaneously and managed by the same municipal authority, is key to municipal engineering. However, the coordination and management of same have been difficult to achieve by the various governments of Lagos in the period under study up till the present. The paper argues that in order to arrest the disruption of the past brought about by the un-coordinated policies of Lagos governments in the period under study, twenty-first century governments of Lagos must embark on the environmental and social renewal of Lagos. The Lagos government should adopt an urban renewal strategy that is people first, district based, and public participatory. The government has to balance the interests and needs of all sectors of the communities without sacrificing the lawful rights of any particular group.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"95 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120870995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pirate attacks against ocean liners, coastal shipping and travellers along Nigeria’s inland waterways have increased since the end of the civil war in 1970. Advancements in boating technology and navigation, small arms availability and telecommunications have aided the sophistication of Nigerian pirates just as the calibre of culprits has grown from canoe operators and fishermen to include well connected drug runners, oil thieves and oil-pipeline vandals. Threats to Nigeria’s national security are not only economic or socio-political but, even possibly, existential, since oil exports, which yield 20% of GDP, 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and 65% of budgetary revenues were strongly resisted by the militants in 2006, for example. The nexus between insecurity and oil production is not peculiar to Nigeria but can be explained by the “natural resource curse” thesis or the “paradox of plenty” whereby developing countries with abundant mineral resources exhibit systemic corruption, weak government structures, armed conflict and political instability and lag behind in economic growth and living standards than countries with fewer resources. Thus, increased pirate attacks were deployed to back up agitations for resource control and political autonomy by Niger Delta activists. Despite the Government’s antipiracy efforts and orchestrated collaborations between the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) and the Nigerian Navy, Nigeria witnessed the “resource war” and “petro-aggression” common in other similarly afflicted countries like Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Chad, Sudan and Angola. Using key informant interviews, information from government agencies, newspapers and magazine articles, in addition to internet research, we found that public scepticism trailed heightened antipiracy policymaking. The recommendations to build stronger law enforcement institutions and address longstanding issues of remediation to the environment and compensation for victims of oil spillage were found to be more populist, more just and futuristic than appeasement of ex-militants. In conclusion, national security and the trend of piracy in the new millennium are likely to be moderated by improvements in law enforcement presence, firepower and the impact of corporate social responsibility by IOCs and associated stakeholders in the oil-rich delta region and the Lagos axis.
{"title":"Piracy and Nigeria’s National Security in the Early 21st Century","authors":"Edmund Chilaka","doi":"10.4314/lhr.v14i1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v14i1.3","url":null,"abstract":"Pirate attacks against ocean liners, coastal shipping and travellers along Nigeria’s inland waterways have increased since the end of the civil war in 1970. Advancements in boating technology and navigation, small arms availability and telecommunications have aided the sophistication of Nigerian pirates just as the calibre of culprits has grown from canoe operators and fishermen to include well connected drug runners, oil thieves and oil-pipeline vandals. Threats to Nigeria’s national security are not only economic or socio-political but, even possibly, existential, since oil exports, which yield 20% of GDP, 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and 65% of budgetary revenues were strongly resisted by the militants in 2006, for example. The nexus between insecurity and oil production is not peculiar to Nigeria but can be explained by the “natural resource curse” thesis or the “paradox of plenty” whereby developing countries with abundant mineral resources exhibit systemic corruption, weak government structures, armed conflict and political instability and lag behind in economic growth and living standards than countries with fewer resources. Thus, increased pirate attacks were deployed to back up agitations for resource control and political autonomy by Niger Delta activists. Despite the Government’s antipiracy efforts and orchestrated collaborations between the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) and the Nigerian Navy, Nigeria witnessed the “resource war” and “petro-aggression” common in other similarly afflicted countries like Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Chad, Sudan and Angola. Using key informant interviews, information from government agencies, newspapers and magazine articles, in addition to internet research, we found that public scepticism trailed heightened antipiracy policymaking. The recommendations to build stronger law enforcement institutions and address longstanding issues of remediation to the environment and compensation for victims of oil spillage were found to be more populist, more just and futuristic than appeasement of ex-militants. In conclusion, national security and the trend of piracy in the new millennium are likely to be moderated by improvements in law enforcement presence, firepower and the impact of corporate social responsibility by IOCs and associated stakeholders in the oil-rich delta region and the Lagos axis.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"508 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134114261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The experiment with liberal democracy in Zimbabwe in the first two decades of independence revolved around five major problems: first, the controversy over the prospect of a one-party state; second, the marginalization of, and problem of weak opposition parties until the year 2000; third, the combinations and compromises between competitors for power which led to the dominance of one-party politics; fourth, the strength of the state vis-a-vis that of society, as manifested in the desire of the state for predominance, in which the society remained at the mercy of the ruling party and the state; and finally, the authoritarian political authority of Robert Mugabe as reflected in his great personal power within his party and the state This paper is an attempt to explain the origins of the problem and the nature of the struggle for power in Zimbabwe, providing an analytical account of the interplay of political conflict in the competition between the ruling elite and the opposition from 1980 to 2000. The outbreak of civil war in Matabeleland in the first decade of independence did much to intensify the bitterness of political intolerance. From 1990-1995, the opposition agenda was interpreted as problem of elite completion but as political crisis lingered from 1996-2000, the wind of change led to the emergence of the Movement for Democratic Change MDC) that provided the stimulus for a new social basis of opposition politics in 2000.
{"title":"The Opposition, Elite Competition and the Interplay of Political Conflict in Zimbabwe, 1980 2000","authors":"O. B. Osadolor","doi":"10.4314/LHR.V14I1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/LHR.V14I1.1","url":null,"abstract":"The experiment with liberal democracy in Zimbabwe in the first two decades of independence revolved around five major problems: first, the controversy over the prospect of a one-party state; second, the marginalization of, and problem of weak opposition parties until the year 2000; third, the combinations and compromises between competitors for power which led to the dominance of one-party politics; fourth, the strength of the state vis-a-vis that of society, as manifested in the desire of the state for predominance, in which the society remained at the mercy of the ruling party and the state; and finally, the authoritarian political authority of Robert Mugabe as reflected in his great personal power within his party and the state This paper is an attempt to explain the origins of the problem and the nature of the struggle for power in Zimbabwe, providing an analytical account of the interplay of political conflict in the competition between the ruling elite and the opposition from 1980 to 2000. The outbreak of civil war in Matabeleland in the first decade of independence did much to intensify the bitterness of political intolerance. From 1990-1995, the opposition agenda was interpreted as problem of elite completion but as political crisis lingered from 1996-2000, the wind of change led to the emergence of the Movement for Democratic Change MDC) that provided the stimulus for a new social basis of opposition politics in 2000.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122402791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the developmental stages of both orthodox and unorthodox mental health care services in Lagos since 1960, acknowledging that conventional services, as against the hitherto custodial care actively began in the same year. Using aspects of the Social Development Theory, it argues that in spite of the apparent transformations witnessed in mental health since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the provision of actual services in this regard remained inadequate. It examines the chronological developments and how government’s intervention, through the enactments of policies or legislations, establishment of institutions, committees, regulatory bodies and other non-governmental institutions and individuals influenced the provision of services. It concludes by demonstrating the inadequacies of government and other stakeholders in this regard and why the adoption of the Mental Health Policy in 1991 in Lagos, the then administrative capital of Nigeria, became inevitable.
{"title":"Historicizing mental health care services in Lagos, Nigeria, 1960-1991","authors":"O. Idaewor","doi":"10.4314/lhr.v14i1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v14i1.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the developmental stages of both orthodox and unorthodox mental health care services in Lagos since 1960, acknowledging that conventional services, as against the hitherto custodial care actively began in the same year. Using aspects of the Social Development Theory, it argues that in spite of the apparent transformations witnessed in mental health since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the provision of actual services in this regard remained inadequate. It examines the chronological developments and how government’s intervention, through the enactments of policies or legislations, establishment of institutions, committees, regulatory bodies and other non-governmental institutions and individuals influenced the provision of services. It concludes by demonstrating the inadequacies of government and other stakeholders in this regard and why the adoption of the Mental Health Policy in 1991 in Lagos, the then administrative capital of Nigeria, became inevitable.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123034003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The fact that colonialism had an extensive impact on the socio-political and economic systems of African communities remains incontrovertible. Though different African states had established diverse modes of traditional political system prior to colonial rule, colonialism introduced the European model of public administration. For example, the British Indirect Rule system, which was premised on administration through the African leaders and educ ted elites, modified the pre-colonial political structures of some African states. Also, colonialism restructured the pre-existing geographical composition of various African kingdoms. In the light of the foregoing historical interpretations, this study examines the administrative structure of Ikorodu during the colonial era. The paper presents a historical analysis of the administrative machinery, organisational structure, and territorial delimitations of Ikorodu during colonialism. It concludes that colonial rule was a precursor to the administrative structure and geographical demarcation of today’s Ikorodu Local Government Area of Lagos State.
{"title":"An Administrative History of Ikorodu, 1894 - 1960","authors":"Faruq Idowu Boge","doi":"10.4314/lhr.v14i1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v14i1.7","url":null,"abstract":"The fact that colonialism had an extensive impact on the socio-political and economic systems of African communities remains incontrovertible. Though different African states had established diverse modes of traditional political system prior to colonial rule, colonialism introduced the European model of public administration. For example, the British Indirect Rule system, which was premised on administration through the African leaders and educ ted elites, modified the pre-colonial political structures of some African states. Also, colonialism restructured the pre-existing geographical composition of various African kingdoms. In the light of the foregoing historical interpretations, this study examines the administrative structure of Ikorodu during the colonial era. The paper presents a historical analysis of the administrative machinery, organisational structure, and territorial delimitations of Ikorodu during colonialism. It concludes that colonial rule was a precursor to the administrative structure and geographical demarcation of today’s Ikorodu Local Government Area of Lagos State.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126250575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The essay is derived from a field study executed in 2009. Its focus is on Benin City inhabited mostly by the Bini group although other groups like the Ishan, Etsako, Akoko-Edo, and Owan are also well represented. It is generally believed that Bini girls/women dominate the sex export to Europe through human trafficking. But there is no reliable statistics to validate this assertion as most commentators engage in a blame game. However, the factors that account for human trafficking include the impact of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) and especially the six weekoccupation of the Bendel State by “Biafran” soldiers who raped girls and women recklessly; the corrupt military regimes (1966-1979, 1984-1998); the socio-economic impact of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)-1986-1993; early physical and sexual abuse of teenage girls; collapse of family values and family honour, owing to prevalent polygamy, polyandry, adultery and prostitution to satisfy the inordinate ambition for affluence in the society. Others are the absence of parental role models; parental pressure, peer pressure and societal pressure to “go get money regardless of how it is earned” and remit some to build houses, supermarkets and buy custom-made cars. The paper gives the details and recommends some measures for the gradual eradication of the evils of human trafficking. It emphasizes that many Christians, Muslims and shrine priests are involved in the business just as the Yoruba, Edo, Igbo, Hausa, etc. serve as agents and traffickers.
{"title":"Human Trafficking in Edo State (Nigeria): A Socio- Economic Study","authors":"A. Lawal","doi":"10.4314/lhr.v13i1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v13i1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The essay is derived from a field study executed in 2009. Its focus is on Benin City inhabited mostly by the Bini group although other groups like the Ishan, Etsako, Akoko-Edo, and Owan are also well represented. It is generally believed that Bini girls/women dominate the sex export to Europe through human trafficking. But there is no reliable statistics to validate this assertion as most commentators engage in a blame game. However, the factors that account for human trafficking include the impact of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) and especially the six weekoccupation of the Bendel State by “Biafran” soldiers who raped girls and women recklessly; the corrupt military regimes (1966-1979, 1984-1998); the socio-economic impact of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)-1986-1993; early physical and sexual abuse of teenage girls; collapse of family values and family honour, owing to prevalent polygamy, polyandry, adultery and prostitution to satisfy the inordinate ambition for affluence in the society. Others are the absence of parental role models; parental pressure, peer pressure and societal pressure to “go get money regardless of how it is earned” and remit some to build houses, supermarkets and buy custom-made cars. The paper gives the details and recommends some measures for the gradual eradication of the evils of human trafficking. It emphasizes that many Christians, Muslims and shrine priests are involved in the business just as the Yoruba, Edo, Igbo, Hausa, etc. serve as agents and traffickers.","PeriodicalId":339050,"journal":{"name":"Lagos Historical Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123229323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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