Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1838717
S. Vincent
ABSTRACT Palk Bay (PB) is an inlet in the Bay of Bengal. The 1974 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement that delimited the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) in PB, brought Kachchu Thivu under sovereignty of Sri Lanka, thus limiting the fishing ground for Indian fishers. Indian fishers allege that their traditional fishing right in PB, recognised by the 1974 agreement, was cancelled by the subsequent 1976 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement. Presently 2650 Indian trawlers are fishing in PB, often in Sri Lankan waters. They are repeatedly attacked by the Sri Lanka navy. The Government of India has been initiating programmes to prevent the trans boarder fishing and to divert the mechanized trawlers for deep-sea fishing. Indian fishers demand the retrieval of Kachchu Thivu and the restoration of traditional fishing rights as the permanent solution. The study reveals that the perspectives and the programmes of the Government cannot solve the problem and also the demands of the fishers are not legally feasible. So joint governance and management of PB by both countries is proposed as a lasting solution.
{"title":"Palk Bay fishing problem requires Indo-Sri Lankan joint-governance","authors":"S. Vincent","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1838717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1838717","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Palk Bay (PB) is an inlet in the Bay of Bengal. The 1974 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement that delimited the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) in PB, brought Kachchu Thivu under sovereignty of Sri Lanka, thus limiting the fishing ground for Indian fishers. Indian fishers allege that their traditional fishing right in PB, recognised by the 1974 agreement, was cancelled by the subsequent 1976 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement. Presently 2650 Indian trawlers are fishing in PB, often in Sri Lankan waters. They are repeatedly attacked by the Sri Lanka navy. The Government of India has been initiating programmes to prevent the trans boarder fishing and to divert the mechanized trawlers for deep-sea fishing. Indian fishers demand the retrieval of Kachchu Thivu and the restoration of traditional fishing rights as the permanent solution. The study reveals that the perspectives and the programmes of the Government cannot solve the problem and also the demands of the fishers are not legally feasible. So joint governance and management of PB by both countries is proposed as a lasting solution.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132452361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1845456
A. P. Golaya, N. Yogeswaran
ABSTRACT Very high frequency (VHF) communication has been extensively used for maritime applications including, in the recent past, space-based communication and vessel tracking. In 2015, the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) published the “Technical Characteristics for a VHF Data Exchange System in the VHF Maritime Mobile Band”. The proposed system, which is a work in progress, envisages a composite VHF Data Exchange System (VDES) that will integrate the functions of existing messaging and ship-tracking/anti-collision systems. The system shall thereby enable tracking of ships as well as transfer of messages between ships and from ship to shore. Satellite uplink and downlink components are also integral to the system. This paper briefly traces the history of maritime communication since the Battle of Trafalgar and examines how communication is evolving in the digital age. This VDES “primer” focuses on the envisaged uses of the system, rather than technical characteristics or the architecture itself.
{"title":"Maritime communication: From flags to the VHF Data Exchange System (VDES)","authors":"A. P. Golaya, N. Yogeswaran","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1845456","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1845456","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Very high frequency (VHF) communication has been extensively used for maritime applications including, in the recent past, space-based communication and vessel tracking. In 2015, the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) published the “Technical Characteristics for a VHF Data Exchange System in the VHF Maritime Mobile Band”. The proposed system, which is a work in progress, envisages a composite VHF Data Exchange System (VDES) that will integrate the functions of existing messaging and ship-tracking/anti-collision systems. The system shall thereby enable tracking of ships as well as transfer of messages between ships and from ship to shore. Satellite uplink and downlink components are also integral to the system. This paper briefly traces the history of maritime communication since the Battle of Trafalgar and examines how communication is evolving in the digital age. This VDES “primer” focuses on the envisaged uses of the system, rather than technical characteristics or the architecture itself.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113977042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1855816
Sameer Guduru, P. Bajaj, Oliver Nelson Gonsalves
ABSTRACT Water scarcity is a long-standing issue among Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The issue is further magnified by climate change and is emerging as an existential threat to SIDS. Ironically, these states are among the lowest contributors to greenhouse gas emissions which is the primary cause for climate change. Due to limited indigenous economic and technological capacity and capability, SIDS often require external assistance. In this context, this article explores the opportunity for India to offer its Low Temperature Thermal Desalination (LTTD) technology to tackle water scarcity in SIDS. The article will assess the advantages of LTTD over conventional options such as membrane-based and other distillation-based techniques. By promoting the technology through bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, India can reinforce its position as a major stakeholder in the Indo-Pacific and as a responsible actor committed to combating and mitigating effects of climate change.
{"title":"India's low temperature thermal desalination technology: Water diplomacy with Small Island Developing States in the Indo-Pacific Region","authors":"Sameer Guduru, P. Bajaj, Oliver Nelson Gonsalves","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1855816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1855816","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Water scarcity is a long-standing issue among Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The issue is further magnified by climate change and is emerging as an existential threat to SIDS. Ironically, these states are among the lowest contributors to greenhouse gas emissions which is the primary cause for climate change. Due to limited indigenous economic and technological capacity and capability, SIDS often require external assistance. In this context, this article explores the opportunity for India to offer its Low Temperature Thermal Desalination (LTTD) technology to tackle water scarcity in SIDS. The article will assess the advantages of LTTD over conventional options such as membrane-based and other distillation-based techniques. By promoting the technology through bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, India can reinforce its position as a major stakeholder in the Indo-Pacific and as a responsible actor committed to combating and mitigating effects of climate change.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122507351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1836774
Christina Barla, N. Agarwala
ABSTRACT Merchant ships at sea have been under threat for centuries from criminal activities such as maritime piracy and armed robbery. Such acts have seen a rise in recent years, with new breeding grounds mushrooming across the globe. In Africa, such criminal activities are as old as maritime trade, with three severely affected regions, each with its own dynamics. While piracy on the eastern coast (Gulf of Aden) has been brought under control by international maritime forces and that on the south-eastern coast (Mozambique Channel) by local maritime forces, piracy on the western side (Gulf of Guinea) continues unabated and has become a matter of concern for the world's maritime fraternity. In an effort to find a solution for piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, this article aims to compare and analyse incidents of piracy along the coasts of Africa and understand whether the countermeasures adopted on the eastern coasts can be replicated on the western one.
{"title":"Comparing maritime piracy along the coasts of Africa: In search of a solution for the Gulf of Guinea","authors":"Christina Barla, N. Agarwala","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1836774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1836774","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Merchant ships at sea have been under threat for centuries from criminal activities such as maritime piracy and armed robbery. Such acts have seen a rise in recent years, with new breeding grounds mushrooming across the globe. In Africa, such criminal activities are as old as maritime trade, with three severely affected regions, each with its own dynamics. While piracy on the eastern coast (Gulf of Aden) has been brought under control by international maritime forces and that on the south-eastern coast (Mozambique Channel) by local maritime forces, piracy on the western side (Gulf of Guinea) continues unabated and has become a matter of concern for the world's maritime fraternity. In an effort to find a solution for piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, this article aims to compare and analyse incidents of piracy along the coasts of Africa and understand whether the countermeasures adopted on the eastern coasts can be replicated on the western one.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124713816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1864861
P. Chauhan
{"title":"Editorial for the Winter Edition 2020 of “Maritime Affairs”","authors":"P. Chauhan","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1864861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1864861","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126197328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1833514
Mohor Chakraborty
ABSTRACT Maritime affairs have been experiencing a state of flux in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly since the beginning of the present decade, attributable to the policies of an assertive China, consequently evoking proportional responses from regional state actors. Amid this transforming scenario, regional states such as India, Japan and Australia have devised policies towards ensuring uninterrupted freedom of navigation and overflight of the Indo-Pacific waterways, given their strategic and commercial sensitivity as sea lanes of communication. The compulsion of sustaining the maritime balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region has necessitated responsible states like India and Japan to forge and bolster bilateral defence cooperation, in keeping with their respective national interests, policies and guidelines. Against this backdrop, this article analyses the impulses, dynamics and challenges of maritime cooperation between India and Japan, particularly in the defence-industrial realm. It underscores the imperative of sustaining and further strengthening the dynamics of bilateral defence-industrial cooperation and optimally exploring the opportunities unveiled by policies like “Make in India”, in sync with Japan's quest for defence modernisation and development, towards securing a free and open Indo-Pacific.
{"title":"Navigating the contours of maritime defence cooperation between India and Japan: Impulses, challenges and opportunities","authors":"Mohor Chakraborty","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1833514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1833514","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Maritime affairs have been experiencing a state of flux in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly since the beginning of the present decade, attributable to the policies of an assertive China, consequently evoking proportional responses from regional state actors. Amid this transforming scenario, regional states such as India, Japan and Australia have devised policies towards ensuring uninterrupted freedom of navigation and overflight of the Indo-Pacific waterways, given their strategic and commercial sensitivity as sea lanes of communication. The compulsion of sustaining the maritime balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region has necessitated responsible states like India and Japan to forge and bolster bilateral defence cooperation, in keeping with their respective national interests, policies and guidelines. Against this backdrop, this article analyses the impulses, dynamics and challenges of maritime cooperation between India and Japan, particularly in the defence-industrial realm. It underscores the imperative of sustaining and further strengthening the dynamics of bilateral defence-industrial cooperation and optimally exploring the opportunities unveiled by policies like “Make in India”, in sync with Japan's quest for defence modernisation and development, towards securing a free and open Indo-Pacific.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128130186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1836775
D. Prasetya, Peggy Puspa Haffsari, Heavy Nala Estriani
ABSTRACT After gaining independence in 1945, Indonesia’s foreign policy demonstrated an active role in resolving maritime disputes in South-east Asia. The settlement effort is inseparable from the role of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as the cornerstone of Indonesia’s foreign policy. In responding to the maritime boundary disputes in the South-east Asian region, for instance, Indonesia relates to the ASEAN “spirit of dialogue”, which emphasises the principles of diplomacy, negotiations and cooperation in conducting peaceful settlements. However, under Joko Widodo’s administration, Indonesia did not always prioritise its institutional aspects in responding to maritime conflicts in South-east Asia. In some cases, Indonesia acts unilaterally, especially when the case concerns its maritime identity. This article will try to examine Indonesia’s approach towards territorial disputes under Jokowi’s administration, by asking two questions: (1) Is Indonesia’s approach towards territorial disputes more institutionalist or realist? (2) If both apply, to what extent has Indonesia become institutionalist or realist? By using a constructivist approach, this article argues that Indonesia embraces two identities that function hierarchically. Indonesia identifies itself first as a maritime nation, and second as a regional leader. When it comes to settling sea territorial disputes, Indonesia’s geopolitical behaviour has always been shadowed by the maritime nation identity.
{"title":"Identity Matters: Indonesia’s approach towards territorial disputes in South-east Asia","authors":"D. Prasetya, Peggy Puspa Haffsari, Heavy Nala Estriani","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1836775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1836775","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After gaining independence in 1945, Indonesia’s foreign policy demonstrated an active role in resolving maritime disputes in South-east Asia. The settlement effort is inseparable from the role of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as the cornerstone of Indonesia’s foreign policy. In responding to the maritime boundary disputes in the South-east Asian region, for instance, Indonesia relates to the ASEAN “spirit of dialogue”, which emphasises the principles of diplomacy, negotiations and cooperation in conducting peaceful settlements. However, under Joko Widodo’s administration, Indonesia did not always prioritise its institutional aspects in responding to maritime conflicts in South-east Asia. In some cases, Indonesia acts unilaterally, especially when the case concerns its maritime identity. This article will try to examine Indonesia’s approach towards territorial disputes under Jokowi’s administration, by asking two questions: (1) Is Indonesia’s approach towards territorial disputes more institutionalist or realist? (2) If both apply, to what extent has Indonesia become institutionalist or realist? By using a constructivist approach, this article argues that Indonesia embraces two identities that function hierarchically. Indonesia identifies itself first as a maritime nation, and second as a regional leader. When it comes to settling sea territorial disputes, Indonesia’s geopolitical behaviour has always been shadowed by the maritime nation identity.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125829964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1781374
S. Mohan, J. C. Abraham
ABSTRACT In this paper, we argue that China is seeking to establish a balance of power favourable to its interests in South Asia and the adjoining waters to curtail India’s rise. Military balancing, economic engagement, and the new multi-regional connectivity project – the “Belt and Road Initiative” – are the key components of China’s policy against India. By roping in the South Asian and the Indian Ocean states, China has effectively deployed the “string of pearls” strategy with an express purpose to box-in India within the region so that it cannot challenge China’s primacy in Asia and beyond. To neutralise Beijing’s assertive activities, New Delhi has evolved its Asia policy with a clear motive to enhance its ties with the key Indo-Pacific states – the US, Japan, Australia, and the Southeast Asian countries – so that it could develop counter-leverages against China and simultaneously manage its rise as a major Indo-Pacific power. Given that both India and China are vying for similar power position in the same region, it is highly likely that their clashing interests might intensify their power competition in the near future.
{"title":"Shaping the regional and maritime battlefield? The Sino-Indian strategic competition in South Asia and adjoining waters","authors":"S. Mohan, J. C. Abraham","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1781374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1781374","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, we argue that China is seeking to establish a balance of power favourable to its interests in South Asia and the adjoining waters to curtail India’s rise. Military balancing, economic engagement, and the new multi-regional connectivity project – the “Belt and Road Initiative” – are the key components of China’s policy against India. By roping in the South Asian and the Indian Ocean states, China has effectively deployed the “string of pearls” strategy with an express purpose to box-in India within the region so that it cannot challenge China’s primacy in Asia and beyond. To neutralise Beijing’s assertive activities, New Delhi has evolved its Asia policy with a clear motive to enhance its ties with the key Indo-Pacific states – the US, Japan, Australia, and the Southeast Asian countries – so that it could develop counter-leverages against China and simultaneously manage its rise as a major Indo-Pacific power. Given that both India and China are vying for similar power position in the same region, it is highly likely that their clashing interests might intensify their power competition in the near future.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128031655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1785032
Jay Maniyar
ABSTRACT Japan has had and continues to have a diverse set of interests pertaining to South Asia and the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean Region. The article below assesses the emerging maritime interests of Japan in the Indian Ocean and aspects of maritime security, maritime cooperation, infrastructure investments, food security, etc. and attempts to devise an approach for Japan in the twenty-first century security scenarios of the world’s third largest ocean. The Indian Ocean is responsible for the passage of Japan’s imports of oil, 90 percent of which are sourced from the oil-rich region of the Arabian Gulf. While the criticality of the Indian Ocean in terms of security threats such as piracy and armed robbery remains considerably behind the Pacific Ocean’s and other critical sea bodies such as the South and East China Seas, a strategy for India, the Indian Ocean, and South Asia befits the drawing up of avant-garde strategies, doctrines, operational and tactical prowess.
{"title":"Japan in the Indian Ocean: An integral and holistic involvement in South Asia","authors":"Jay Maniyar","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1785032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1785032","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Japan has had and continues to have a diverse set of interests pertaining to South Asia and the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean Region. The article below assesses the emerging maritime interests of Japan in the Indian Ocean and aspects of maritime security, maritime cooperation, infrastructure investments, food security, etc. and attempts to devise an approach for Japan in the twenty-first century security scenarios of the world’s third largest ocean. The Indian Ocean is responsible for the passage of Japan’s imports of oil, 90 percent of which are sourced from the oil-rich region of the Arabian Gulf. While the criticality of the Indian Ocean in terms of security threats such as piracy and armed robbery remains considerably behind the Pacific Ocean’s and other critical sea bodies such as the South and East China Seas, a strategy for India, the Indian Ocean, and South Asia befits the drawing up of avant-garde strategies, doctrines, operational and tactical prowess.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127798010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09733159.2020.1785033
Ulupi Borah
ABSTRACT Japan is heavily dependent on the Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) of the South China Sea for its external trade including the critical energy imports from the Persian Gulf region. Any kind of instability or disruption over the contested waters will have an adverse effect on Japan's trade and economy. The increasingly assertive actions of Beijing, especially the military buildup have raised concerns in Tokyo as it might eventually lead to the strategic control of the SLOCs. Thus, developments in the South China Sea are a major reason why Japan has brought about several changes to its defence and security policies. This paper will explore how Chinese assertions in the South China Sea have encouraged Japan to steadily revise its security policies in a more fundamental way since the end of World War II.
{"title":"The South China Sea dispute: Will it impact Japan's security policy?","authors":"Ulupi Borah","doi":"10.1080/09733159.2020.1785033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2020.1785033","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Japan is heavily dependent on the Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) of the South China Sea for its external trade including the critical energy imports from the Persian Gulf region. Any kind of instability or disruption over the contested waters will have an adverse effect on Japan's trade and economy. The increasingly assertive actions of Beijing, especially the military buildup have raised concerns in Tokyo as it might eventually lead to the strategic control of the SLOCs. Thus, developments in the South China Sea are a major reason why Japan has brought about several changes to its defence and security policies. This paper will explore how Chinese assertions in the South China Sea have encouraged Japan to steadily revise its security policies in a more fundamental way since the end of World War II.","PeriodicalId":342704,"journal":{"name":"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130373398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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