Journal of Research in Gender Studies最新文献

"I have done bad things for love, bad things to stay loved. Kate is one case. Vietnam is another" (Tim O'Brien, "The Vietnam in Me")."It was the nature of love that John Wade went to the war. Not to hurt or be hurt, not to be a good citizen or a hero or a moral man. Only for love. Only to be loved" (O'Brien, In the Lake of the Woods)."Did I choose this life of illusion? Don't be mad. My bed was made, I just lied in it" (John Wade, In the Lake of the Woods).Many critics of Vietnam War literature have long examined the variables of male bonding in a combat zone and the subsequent sexual perversion that resulted from losing one's identity in a group superficially connected by the more macabre aspects of war. However, very little interest has been garnered regarding the residual misogynistic impulses that carried over to American women after the vets returned home. Author of multiple essays, short stories, and prizewinning novels on the Vietnam War (including, most notably, Going After Cacciato, recipient of the National Book Award), Tim O'Brien has frequently been tagged as the voice of the Vietnam soldier. Obsessed with "truth," O'Brien has painstakingly crafted a unique type of storytelling, one that admittedly embellishes to convey the "realness" of his actual war experience - with the "realness" allegedly found specifically in the fabrication. During his career O'Brien has repeatedly defended the intermingling of fact and fiction that makes his works undoubtedly his. In his article, "Tim O'Brien's 'True Lies'"? Tobey C. Herzog uses the release of In the Lake of the Woods as an opportunity to once again examine the role of O'Brien's real life in his "fictional" texts. While he concedes that "all fiction writers are literary liars" because "deceit is funda mental to their art," he notes that O'Brien stands apart from his peers due to the fact that "unlike many writers, [he] draws an inordinate amount of attention to this authorial deceit in a very self-reflexive manner, and his deception is often personal" (895). After considering various possibilities, Herzog theorizes that maybe vanity drives O'Brien's need to plant himself into his fiction: "Is it conceivable that a writer would consciously deflect attention away from his work onto himself in order to massage the ego, attract reviewers' attention, or sell books?" (912).While "ego" goes a long way to explain how "Tim" finds his way into many short stories and novel chapters, it does not fully explain the very "true" ways O'Brien (the narrator and/or character) seems to resent the girls that Tim and his buddies pine for back home. Among all the Vietnam War writers, O'Brien's works most often emphasize soldiers' destructive feelings towards American, rather than Vietnamese, women, both during and after their combat tour. In fact, O'Brien's novels are curiously devoid of sexual assault, even when in a book as graphic as In the Lake of the Woods he records everything John Wade sees during the infamo

“我为了爱做了坏事，为了被爱做了坏事。凯特就是一个例子。越南是另一个”(蒂姆·奥布莱恩，《我心中的越南》)。“约翰·韦德上战场是出于爱的本性。不去伤害别人，也不去被别人伤害，不去做一个好公民，一个英雄，一个有道德的人。只为爱。只为被爱”(奥布莱恩，《森林之湖》)是我选择了这种虚幻的生活吗?不要生气。我的床已经铺好了，我只是躺在上面”(约翰·韦德，《林中湖》)。越战文学的许多评论家长期以来一直在研究战区男性关系的变量，以及在一个表面上由战争更可怕的方面联系在一起的群体中失去身份所导致的随后的性变态。然而，很少有人对退伍军人回国后美国女性身上遗留下来的厌恶女性的冲动感兴趣。蒂姆·奥布莱恩撰写了多篇关于越南战争的散文、短篇小说和获奖小说(其中最著名的是《追随卡恰托》，他曾获得美国国家图书奖)，他经常被贴上越南士兵代言人的标签。痴迷于“真相”的奥布莱恩煞费苦心地打造了一种独特的叙事方式，一种无可否认的修饰，以传达他实际战争经历的“真实性”——据称，这种“真实性”是在虚构中特别发现的。在他的职业生涯中，奥布莱恩一再捍卫事实与虚构的混合，这使他的作品毫无疑问是他的作品。在他的文章《蒂姆·奥布莱恩的真实谎言》里?托比·c·赫尔佐格以《在森林之湖》的发行为契机，再次审视奥布莱恩的真实生活在他的“虚构”文本中的作用。虽然他承认“所有的小说作家都是文学上的骗子”，因为“欺骗是他们艺术的基本精神”，但他指出，奥布莱恩与同龄人不同，是因为“与许多作家不同，[他]以一种非常自我反射的方式，把大量的注意力吸引到这种作者的欺骗上，他的欺骗往往是针对个人的”(895)。在考虑了各种可能性之后，赫尔佐格推断，也许是虚荣心驱使奥布莱恩把自己植入小说的需要:“一个作家会有意识地把注意力从他的作品转移到他自己身上，以满足自我，吸引评论家的注意，或者卖书吗?”(912)。虽然“自我”在很大程度上解释了“蒂姆”是如何出现在许多短篇小说和小说章节中的，但它并不能完全解释奥布莱恩(叙述者和/或角色)对蒂姆和他的伙伴们渴望回家的女孩们的“真实”方式。在所有越战作家中，奥布莱恩的作品最常强调士兵在战斗期间和之后对美国女性的破坏性情绪，而不是越南女性。事实上，奇怪的是，奥布莱恩的小说中没有性侵犯，即使在像《森林之湖》这样生动的书中，他也记录了约翰·韦德在臭名昭著的美莱村大屠杀期间所看到的一切。奥布莱恩没有表现主人公鸡奸乡村女孩或越南军队士兵，而是揭示了主人公对他的美国女友长期以来的焦虑，并暗示他的不安全感不仅是有效和合理的——而不是被制造或修饰的——而且这些不安全感也把士兵推向了他的崩溃点，使引发他痛苦的女人对他的行为负有责任:即使是在他战争结束多年后的行为。的确，随着1994年《莱克》的发行和随后的追捧，奥布莱恩对女性角色的处理——再加上奥布莱恩把自己写进了他的小说——值得比以前更多的关注。在他的其他小说中，这位冷酷无情的女性曾一度被士兵们鄙视，并在远处被士兵们痴迷，通过沮丧的Rat Kiley和同样愤怒的O'Brien(《他们携带的东西》中的“角色”)双重贬低为“哑巴”，在《莱克》中，这位冷酷无情的女性突然被她受到创伤的退伍军人残忍地杀害，我们被微妙而明确地鼓励去同情她，并将其视为无可指责的人。…

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引用次数: 1

Does the Sex of Mentors and Students Affect Students’ Perceptions of Research Mentors? 导师和学生的性别是否影响学生对研究导师的看法?

Journal of Research in Gender Studies

Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22381/jrgs9220191

引用次数: 2

The Role of Attitudes towards Maternal Employment in the Relationship between Job Quality and Fertility Intentions 母亲就业态度在工作质量与生育意愿关系中的作用

Journal of Research in Gender Studies

Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22381/jrgs6120166

D. Hanappi, V. Ryser, L. Bernardi

1. IntroductionIn contrast to the Unit ed States, in some European countries, fertility has fallen below 1.5 births per woman. Family formation has been postponed to later ages, and childlessness rates have incr eased substantially (JohnsonHanks et al., 2012). Among demographers there is a consensus that low fertility has emerged dir ectly from fertility postponement and is mainly a consequence of changes in fertility timing (Kohler, Billari, & Ortega, 2002; Lutz, O'Neill, & Scherbov, 2004; Sobotka, 2004). Were postponement the only cause of fertility decline, such a decline would not persist, and a trend reversal would be expected. Indeed, most low-fertility European countries have recently experienced a reversal of fertility decline. Yet in all three German-speaking countries (Austria, Germany, and Switzerland), fertility has remained unchanged (Goldstein, Sobotka, & Jasilioniene, 2009; Sobotka & Zeman, 2011). Freijka & Sardon (2004, p. 376) estimated that women born in 1975 might reach completed fertility rates of 1.2-1.3 births by the end of their childbearing years in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. Ther efor e, German-speaking countries are the only exception to the current reversal of fertility trends in Europe.These developments make it crucial to understand intervening mechanisms other than demographic ones that can sustain such low total fertility rates. An emerging area of research focuses on the impact of housing conditions as mec ha nis ms for det er mining f er tility i nt ent ions. For example, Vignoli, Rinesi, & Mussino (2012) showed in a study using the Italian variant of the Gener a tions a nd G ender Survey, a clea r gra dient between t he fertility intentions of couples and the degree to which they feel secure about their housing situation. Home ownership represents one of the main sources of investment for family savings; it provides an indirect source of income (i.e. the imputed rent), it enables future and sustainable consumption (Dewilde & Raeymaeckers, 2008), and protects against risks of eviction (Mulder & Hooimeijer, 1999), thereby promoting the formation of childbearing intentions. Another important factor in the literature on fertility intentions are social network mechanisms. Social influence can help explain representations of parenthood and ideal family size (Bernardi, 2003), social learning mechanisms have been considered crucial to distinguish who forms childbearing intentions a nd puts t hem int o practice, while finally social interaction is important to fertility because relationships and informal support networks can complement the institutional provision of childcare (Bernardi & Rossier, 2009; Bernardi & Klarner, 2014). Researchers also derive fertilit y differentials from the design of family and employment policies to facilitate the reconciliation of work and family (Hoem, 2005; Kaufman & Bernhardt; Olah & Bernhardt, 2008; Billingsley & Ferrarini, 2014).Other scholars have emphasized the role of employm

1. 与美国相反，在一些欧洲国家，生育率已经下降到每名妇女生育1.5个孩子以下。家庭组建推迟到更晚的年龄，无子女率大幅上升(JohnsonHanks et al.， 2012)。人口统计学家一致认为，低生育率直接源于生育推迟，主要是生育时间变化的结果(Kohler, Billari， & Ortega, 2002;卢茨，奥尼尔和舍博夫，2004;索博特卡,2004)。如果推迟生育是生育率下降的唯一原因，这种下降就不会持续下去，而趋势将会逆转。事实上，大多数低生育率的欧洲国家最近都经历了生育率下降的逆转。然而，在所有三个德语国家(奥地利、德国和瑞士)，生育率保持不变(Goldstein, Sobotka， & Jasilioniene, 2009;Sobotka & Zeman, 2011)。Freijka & Sardon(2004年，第376页)估计，在奥地利、德国和瑞士，1975年出生的妇女在育龄期结束时可能达到1.2-1.3个孩子的完整生育率。因此，德语国家是目前欧洲生育率趋势逆转的唯一例外。。这些发展使得了解能够维持如此低的总生育率的人口因素以外的干预机制至关重要。一个新出现的研究领域集中在住房条件的影响上，因为住房条件是决定是否开采土地的关键因素。例如，Vignoli, Rinesi， & Mussino(2012)在一项研究中使用了意大利版的“世代与性别调查”，发现夫妇的生育意愿与他们对住房状况的安全感之间存在明显的差异。住房所有权是家庭储蓄投资的主要来源之一;它提供了一种间接的收入来源(即估算租金)，它使未来和可持续消费成为可能(Dewilde & Raeymaeckers, 2008)，并防止被驱逐的风险(Mulder & Hooimeijer, 1999)，从而促进生育意愿的形成。关于生育意向的文献中另一个重要因素是社会网络机制。社会影响可以帮助解释父母身份和理想家庭规模的表征(Bernardi, 2003)，社会学习机制被认为是区分谁形成生育意图并将其付诸实践的关键，而最后社会互动对生育很重要，因为关系和非正式支持网络可以补充机构提供的儿童保育(Bernardi & Rossier, 2009;Bernardi & Klarner, 2014)。研究人员还从家庭和就业政策的设计中得出生育差异，以促进工作和家庭的协调(Hoem, 2005;Kaufman & Bernhardt;奥拉和伯恩哈特，2008;Billingsley & Ferrarini, 2014)。其他学者强调了就业条件对生育率的作用(Blossfeld & Hofmeister, 2007;Blossfeld, Klijzing, Mills， & Kurz, 2005;Kreyenfeld, Andersson， & Pailhe, 2012;Sobotka, Skirbekk， & Philipov, 2011)。失业率一再与低生育率有关，尤其是在男性中(Adser a, 2005;Pailhe & Solaz, 2012;Schmitt, 2012)，一项不稳定的工作被认为有助于推迟生育(Bernardi, Klaerner， & von der Lippe, 2008;Hanappi, Ryser, Bernardi， & Le Goff, 2012;谢勒,2009;Steiber & Haas, 2009)。总体而言，研究结果表明，工作的质量决定了父母能否轻松地承受孩子的经济负担，并将工作和家庭结合起来，因此有助于解释生育意愿(Begall & Mills, 2011;Del Bono et al.， 2014;Cazzola et al. 2016)。人们对性别态度的影响知之甚少。性别态度已被证明会影响工作和家庭选择，也会影响计划生育(Rindfuss & Brewester, 1996;McQuillan等. ...

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