IntroductionGender inequality in education is a persistent problem in Indian society, especially for girls from rural areas and lower socioeconomic backgrounds. During the past several decades, India has achieved success in moving toward universal school enrollment and in enacting policies to address educational inequalities such as those based on gender. However, education gaps still exist. This paper seeks to identify the factors through which educational gender inequality continues to operate and the social contexts that are associated with girls, who may be left behind academically.Using data from the 2005 India Human Development Survey (IHDS), this study analyzes how social background factors, access to learning resources, time devoted to formal learning activities, and cultural attitudes regarding the education of girls contribute to ongoing gender gaps in learning. This study is an attempt to go beyond more commonly found descriptive studies of country-wide achievement and attainment patterns by measuring a more diverse set of indicators available through the IHDS dataset, including the identification of statistical interactions among key variables. We hope the results will provide increased insight into the status of educational gender inequality in India, offer useful information to policymakers as they develop targeted policies to address areas of gender inequality where it persists, and identify areas for further study using more fine-grained analyses among a narrower range of variables.Prior research reveals educational disparities by various demographic and school-related factors such as gender, social background, and access to educational resources. To build on this foundation, additional research is needed to further examine factors that are associated with gender gaps, and to assess how the effects of India's increasing educational attainment, public policies targeted to girls, and changing educational landscape are having an impact.Several important questions emerge from the literature regarding gender inequality in education. For example, although socioeconomic and other family background factors have been shown to influence educational attainment, it is less clear how these factors differentially affect boys and girls. Time devoted to learning and other educational resources are also important to investigate, and it may be the case that parents are prioritizing sons' education over daughters' education through the allocation of these factors. Finally, the role of attitudes toward the education of girls is underexplored. Female students with parents who look favorably upon the education of girls might be expected to exhibit higher educational achievement relative to those without such parents. In order to answer these questions, this paper will explore the relative contributions that social background factors, learning resources, time devoted to learning, and cultural attitudes make to academic outcomes.Educational Expansion in
教育中的性别不平等是印度社会的一个长期存在的问题，特别是对于来自农村地区和社会经济背景较低的女孩来说。在过去的几十年里，印度在普及教育和制定政策解决教育不平等(如性别不平等)方面取得了成功。然而，教育差距仍然存在。本文试图确定教育性别不平等继续运作的因素，以及与可能在学业上落后的女孩相关的社会背景。本研究使用2005年印度人类发展调查(IHDS)的数据，分析了社会背景因素、学习资源的获取、用于正式学习活动的时间以及对女孩教育的文化态度如何导致学习方面的性别差距。这项研究试图超越对全国范围内的成就和成就模式的更常见的描述性研究，方法是衡量通过国际卫生系统数据集提供的一套更多样化的指标，包括确定关键变量之间的统计相互作用。我们希望研究结果能够加深对印度教育性别不平等状况的了解，为政策制定者制定有针对性的政策以解决性别不平等问题提供有用的信息，并在更窄的变量范围内使用更细粒度的分析来确定需要进一步研究的领域。先前的研究揭示了各种人口和学校相关因素(如性别、社会背景和教育资源的获取)的教育差异。在此基础上，需要进一步研究与性别差距相关的因素，并评估印度不断提高的受教育程度、针对女孩的公共政策和不断变化的教育格局的影响。关于教育中的性别不平等，文献中出现了几个重要的问题。例如，虽然社会经济和其他家庭背景因素已被证明会影响受教育程度，但这些因素对男孩和女孩的影响有何不同尚不清楚。投入到学习和其他教育资源上的时间也很重要，需要调查，可能是父母通过这些因素的分配，优先考虑儿子的教育而不是女儿的教育。最后，对女孩教育态度的作用尚未得到充分探讨。与那些没有这样父母的女学生相比，那些父母看好女孩教育的女学生可能会表现出更高的教育成就。为了回答这些问题，本文将探讨社会背景因素、学习资源、学习时间和文化态度对学业成绩的相对贡献。印度的教育扩张在印度教育全面扩张的背景下，提高女孩教育成就的努力正在进行。在20世纪后半叶，印度在改善其教育基础设施方面取得了巨大的进步——这一成就代表了新独立国家在全球范围内的教育扩张，以及教育在新兴民族国家模式中的重要性(Meyer, Ramirez, and Soysal, 1992)。这包括在2005年收集IHDS数据之前的十年里，小学数量迅速增加(De等人，2011年)。印度的教育扩张也反映了联合国经济、社会及文化组织(UNESCO)的全民教育计划，以及根据千年发展目标计划到2015年实现普及初等教育的努力(Govinda, 2002;联合国，2010;2015)。此外，扩大教育的努力以印度宪法为指导，宪法规定对14岁以下儿童普及教育，法院的判决和政策也保障了受教育权，增加了对女童和其他弱势群体的教育投资。…
{"title":"Gender Inequality amid Educational Expansion in India: An Analysis of Gender Differences in the Attainment of Reading and Mathematics Skills","authors":"Gregory White, M. Ruther, J. Kahn, Dian Dong","doi":"10.22381/jrgs62201610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs62201610","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionGender inequality in education is a persistent problem in Indian society, especially for girls from rural areas and lower socioeconomic backgrounds. During the past several decades, India has achieved success in moving toward universal school enrollment and in enacting policies to address educational inequalities such as those based on gender. However, education gaps still exist. This paper seeks to identify the factors through which educational gender inequality continues to operate and the social contexts that are associated with girls, who may be left behind academically.Using data from the 2005 India Human Development Survey (IHDS), this study analyzes how social background factors, access to learning resources, time devoted to formal learning activities, and cultural attitudes regarding the education of girls contribute to ongoing gender gaps in learning. This study is an attempt to go beyond more commonly found descriptive studies of country-wide achievement and attainment patterns by measuring a more diverse set of indicators available through the IHDS dataset, including the identification of statistical interactions among key variables. We hope the results will provide increased insight into the status of educational gender inequality in India, offer useful information to policymakers as they develop targeted policies to address areas of gender inequality where it persists, and identify areas for further study using more fine-grained analyses among a narrower range of variables.Prior research reveals educational disparities by various demographic and school-related factors such as gender, social background, and access to educational resources. To build on this foundation, additional research is needed to further examine factors that are associated with gender gaps, and to assess how the effects of India's increasing educational attainment, public policies targeted to girls, and changing educational landscape are having an impact.Several important questions emerge from the literature regarding gender inequality in education. For example, although socioeconomic and other family background factors have been shown to influence educational attainment, it is less clear how these factors differentially affect boys and girls. Time devoted to learning and other educational resources are also important to investigate, and it may be the case that parents are prioritizing sons' education over daughters' education through the allocation of these factors. Finally, the role of attitudes toward the education of girls is underexplored. Female students with parents who look favorably upon the education of girls might be expected to exhibit higher educational achievement relative to those without such parents. In order to answer these questions, this paper will explore the relative contributions that social background factors, learning resources, time devoted to learning, and cultural attitudes make to academic outcomes.Educational Expansion in ","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132415144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1.Ireland on the MoveFor centuries, geographical movement in Ireland has been characterized by rural-urban transfer to be subsequently followed by overseas migration. Only recently has the magnitude and persistence of this phenomenon been acknowledged in some official documents (Report of the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants, 2002; Global Irish: Ireland's Diaspora Policy, 2015). In the meantime, abundant literature has examined the Irish migration phenomenon from many different perspectives, though little interest has been shown in the relation between female migration and place. Undoubtedly, this is a complex issue that has deserved much academic attention (Gray, 2000; Martin, 1997; Ryan, 2001; Walter, 2004). More recently, it is the lives of Irish women abroad and their implicit/explicit relations with their homeland that have been the object of scholarly interest (Donkersloot, 2012; Harte, 2009; Miller, 2008; McDowell, 2014; O'Keeffe, 2013).Border crossing is a significant decision with vital implications that do not affect men and women equally, as the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants (Government of Ireland, 2002) indicates. According to Walter (2004), the USA was the preferred choice of Irish women from the early 19th century, whereas in the early 20th century Britain became the most popular destination. Later, the flows to the neighbor country became massive between the 1950s and the 1980s, a trend that changed by the end of the last century when other European destinations became more attractive. These movements necessarily affect the concepts of land and nation as the sense of identity begins to multiply and diversify. Ideologically, the feminine icons of Mother Church and Mother Ireland (or Erin) had been gaining ground since the 19th century for nationalistic purposes, and from the first decades of the 20th century, women were "actively interpellated as national subjects through identification with territory, soil, land and landscape" (Gray, 1999: 205). At the time, paintings, songs and discourses praised the rural Irish woman who embodied "the values of motherhood, tradition and stability" (Nash, 1993: 47). According to Ingman, "nations construct their identity around fixed concepts of gender" (2007: 3), and Ireland was no exception as, for too many decades, the social status of women was framed by institutions that served to oppress them one way or another. These institutions, identified as family and household structures, and employment and welfare policies, were also legally supported in the 1937 Constitution. That Irish gendered project targeted women to limit their access to work and public spaces in order to produce "decent women inhabiting virtuous spaces" (Crowley and Kitchin, 2008: 355). Symbolically, as the new values of the nation clung to the homely rural landscape, virtuous Ireland became the place to be whereas other places such as urban spaces, or destinations such as Britain and the USA were identified a
{"title":"On Both Sides of the Atlantic: Migration, Gender, and Society in Contemporary Irish Literature","authors":"Barros-del Río, M. Amor","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220165","url":null,"abstract":"1.Ireland on the MoveFor centuries, geographical movement in Ireland has been characterized by rural-urban transfer to be subsequently followed by overseas migration. Only recently has the magnitude and persistence of this phenomenon been acknowledged in some official documents (Report of the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants, 2002; Global Irish: Ireland's Diaspora Policy, 2015). In the meantime, abundant literature has examined the Irish migration phenomenon from many different perspectives, though little interest has been shown in the relation between female migration and place. Undoubtedly, this is a complex issue that has deserved much academic attention (Gray, 2000; Martin, 1997; Ryan, 2001; Walter, 2004). More recently, it is the lives of Irish women abroad and their implicit/explicit relations with their homeland that have been the object of scholarly interest (Donkersloot, 2012; Harte, 2009; Miller, 2008; McDowell, 2014; O'Keeffe, 2013).Border crossing is a significant decision with vital implications that do not affect men and women equally, as the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants (Government of Ireland, 2002) indicates. According to Walter (2004), the USA was the preferred choice of Irish women from the early 19th century, whereas in the early 20th century Britain became the most popular destination. Later, the flows to the neighbor country became massive between the 1950s and the 1980s, a trend that changed by the end of the last century when other European destinations became more attractive. These movements necessarily affect the concepts of land and nation as the sense of identity begins to multiply and diversify. Ideologically, the feminine icons of Mother Church and Mother Ireland (or Erin) had been gaining ground since the 19th century for nationalistic purposes, and from the first decades of the 20th century, women were \"actively interpellated as national subjects through identification with territory, soil, land and landscape\" (Gray, 1999: 205). At the time, paintings, songs and discourses praised the rural Irish woman who embodied \"the values of motherhood, tradition and stability\" (Nash, 1993: 47). According to Ingman, \"nations construct their identity around fixed concepts of gender\" (2007: 3), and Ireland was no exception as, for too many decades, the social status of women was framed by institutions that served to oppress them one way or another. These institutions, identified as family and household structures, and employment and welfare policies, were also legally supported in the 1937 Constitution. That Irish gendered project targeted women to limit their access to work and public spaces in order to produce \"decent women inhabiting virtuous spaces\" (Crowley and Kitchin, 2008: 355). Symbolically, as the new values of the nation clung to the homely rural landscape, virtuous Ireland became the place to be whereas other places such as urban spaces, or destinations such as Britain and the USA were identified a","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121066614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1.IntroductionFamily attitudes and gender roles are key drivers of changing family patterns (Dommermuth et al. 2015; Frejka 2008; Goldscheider et al. 2015). The attitudes towards maternal employment do not only refer to the family but are also related to gender roles and the distribution of household labor. Research on attitudes towards parental employment and especially the country comparative perspective is very important for better understanding fertility behavior and gender culture. Evidence from panel data indicates that gender role attitudes and family formation are related in a dynamic process, in that gender role attitudes influence family formation and vice versa (Hanappi et al. 2016; Moors 2003). Differences in attitudes towards demographic behavior and values are large across countries (Aassve et al. 2013). The gendered division of paid work and care and individual attitudes towards it are crucial for understanding the gendered nature of welfare states (Haas 2005; Lewis 2002).The political, social and economic contexts as well as the cultures of care shape individual family attitudes. In modern societies there are dominant social norms and attitudes towards family and gender, which are part of an overall cultural system and embedded in the institutional system of a country.Parental employment - especially maternal employment - involves the need of external childcare. From various perspectives the relationship between parental employment and external childcare on the one hand and children's wellbeing on the other hand has been studied (Hsin and Felfe 2014; Ruhm 2004). Results indicate a positive effect of early institutional childcare (kindergarten, qualified day-care mother) on children's cognitive and linguistic development (Loeb et al. 2007; National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network 2000; Sylva et al. 2011) their social competencies (Barnes et al. 2009) and no significant association between first-year maternal employment and elevated levels of child behavior problems (Brooks-Gunn et al. 2010). In line, Lombardy and Cooley (2014) conclude that early employment poses no risks on the development of chil- dren's cognitive skills. Children from families with low and middle income as well as children from families with a migration background benefit the most from the early external childcare and therefore from the early parental employment (Loeb et al. 2007). From an economic perspective, Havnes and Mogstad (2011) report a positive effect of involvement in external childcare on education and labor participation in later life course as well as a lower risk of dependence on social assistance. In addition, the role of familial habitus is shaping children's views of their future employment, as indicated by an intergenerational transmission of non-traditional attitudes from mothers to their children (Johnston et al. 2014). It turned out that daughters are significantly more likely to reach highe
1.家庭态度和性别角色是改变家庭模式的关键驱动因素(Dommermuth et al. 2015;Frejka 2008;Goldscheider et al. 2015)。对母亲就业的态度不仅指家庭，而且还与性别角色和家务劳动的分配有关。对父母就业态度的研究，特别是国家比较视角的研究，对于更好地理解生育行为和性别文化是非常重要的。来自面板数据的证据表明，性别角色态度和家庭形成是动态相关的，因为性别角色态度影响家庭形成，反之亦然(Hanappi et al. 2016;2003年摩尔人)。各国对人口行为和价值观的态度差异很大(Aassve et al. 2013)。有偿工作和护理的性别分工以及个人对此的态度对于理解福利国家的性别本质至关重要(Haas 2005;刘易斯2002年)。政治、社会和经济背景以及照料文化塑造了个人家庭的态度。在现代社会中，对家庭和性别存在着占主导地位的社会规范和态度，这些规范和态度是整个文化系统的一部分，并根植于一个国家的体制系统中。父母的就业- -特别是母亲的就业- -涉及对外部儿童保育的需要。从不同的角度研究了父母就业和外部育儿与儿童幸福感之间的关系(Hsin and Felfe 2014;鲁姆2004)。结果表明，早期机构托儿(幼儿园，合格的日托母亲)对儿童的认知和语言发展有积极影响(Loeb et al. 2007;2000年国家儿童健康和人类发展研究所幼儿保育研究网络;Sylva et al. 2011)她们的社会能力(Barnes et al. 2009)，而且第一年的母亲就业与儿童行为问题水平升高之间没有显著关联(Brooks-Gunn et al. 2010)。与此一致，Lombardy和Cooley(2014)得出结论，早期就业对儿童认知技能的发展没有风险。来自低收入和中等收入家庭的儿童以及来自移民背景家庭的儿童从早期的外部托儿服务中获益最多，因此从早期父母就业中获益最多(Loeb et al. 2007)。从经济角度来看，Havnes和Mogstad(2011)报告了参与外部托儿对晚年教育和劳动参与的积极影响，以及对社会救助依赖的风险降低。此外，家庭习惯的作用正在塑造孩子对未来就业的看法，从母亲到孩子的非传统态度的代际传递表明了这一点(Johnston et al. 2014)。结果表明，如果母亲持有非传统信仰，女儿更有可能获得更高的学校学位，参加劳动力市场，工作时间更长。母亲的态度也与儿子的伴侣(儿媳)的劳动力供给显著相关。这可以解释经济机会中性别不平等的一个重要部分。我们研究了人们对“学龄前儿童如果他/她的母亲工作就会受苦”和“孩子经常受苦是因为他们的父亲过于专注于工作”这两种说法的态度。我们采用文化主义的研究视角，专注于广泛的后现代国家的社会价值和规范(Haas 2005;Pfau-Effinger 1998)。本文的目的是有助于理解性别角色和家庭模式的跨国差异。我们不仅研究了学龄前儿童对兼顾母亲和工作的态度，还研究了较少研究的父亲在养育孩子中的角色问题，从而为欧洲、澳大利亚和日本的父母观念带来了新的见解。…
{"title":"ATTITUDES TOWARDS PARENTAL EMPLOYMENT: A RANKING ACROSS EUROPE, AUSTRALIA, AND JAPAN","authors":"Ralina Panova, Isabella Buber‐Ennser","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220161","url":null,"abstract":"1.IntroductionFamily attitudes and gender roles are key drivers of changing family patterns (Dommermuth et al. 2015; Frejka 2008; Goldscheider et al. 2015). The attitudes towards maternal employment do not only refer to the family but are also related to gender roles and the distribution of household labor. Research on attitudes towards parental employment and especially the country comparative perspective is very important for better understanding fertility behavior and gender culture. Evidence from panel data indicates that gender role attitudes and family formation are related in a dynamic process, in that gender role attitudes influence family formation and vice versa (Hanappi et al. 2016; Moors 2003). Differences in attitudes towards demographic behavior and values are large across countries (Aassve et al. 2013). The gendered division of paid work and care and individual attitudes towards it are crucial for understanding the gendered nature of welfare states (Haas 2005; Lewis 2002).The political, social and economic contexts as well as the cultures of care shape individual family attitudes. In modern societies there are dominant social norms and attitudes towards family and gender, which are part of an overall cultural system and embedded in the institutional system of a country.Parental employment - especially maternal employment - involves the need of external childcare. From various perspectives the relationship between parental employment and external childcare on the one hand and children's wellbeing on the other hand has been studied (Hsin and Felfe 2014; Ruhm 2004). Results indicate a positive effect of early institutional childcare (kindergarten, qualified day-care mother) on children's cognitive and linguistic development (Loeb et al. 2007; National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network 2000; Sylva et al. 2011) their social competencies (Barnes et al. 2009) and no significant association between first-year maternal employment and elevated levels of child behavior problems (Brooks-Gunn et al. 2010). In line, Lombardy and Cooley (2014) conclude that early employment poses no risks on the development of chil- dren's cognitive skills. Children from families with low and middle income as well as children from families with a migration background benefit the most from the early external childcare and therefore from the early parental employment (Loeb et al. 2007). From an economic perspective, Havnes and Mogstad (2011) report a positive effect of involvement in external childcare on education and labor participation in later life course as well as a lower risk of dependence on social assistance. In addition, the role of familial habitus is shaping children's views of their future employment, as indicated by an intergenerational transmission of non-traditional attitudes from mothers to their children (Johnston et al. 2014). It turned out that daughters are significantly more likely to reach highe","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"521 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124504971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper draws on the theoretical arguments outlined in Hayes (2014) to frame critical analyses of two real life domestic violence narratives. The authors are both academic criminologists and victims/survivors of domestic violence, but within differing contexts – one a conventional heterosexual relationship, the other a female same-sex relationship. Their experiences are intertwined in an extensive collaborative auto-ethnographic analysis that spans seven years of working and socializing together, in which each provided a sounding board and support for the other. The analysis therefore documents two personal journeys. Auto-ethnography is a methodology that “seeks to describe and systematically analyze (graphy) personal experience (auto) in order to understand cultural experience (ethno)” (Ellis, Adams, and Bochner, 2011). The methodological approach taken by the authors is analytic rather than evocative, in the sense that we focus on collaboratively analyzing our dual experiences, rather than simply narrating them. We occupy the dual role of researcher and researched, and turn our gaze both inward and outward (Olson, 2004: 6). The academic and theoretical are intertwined with the personal and subjective to elicit an evocative and yet empirically validated study. The theoretical underpinnings of romantic love distortion, misogyny and sexism are used to frame these experiences of domestic violence and the differing sexualities of the authors provide a rich context for exploring the ways in which domestic violence victimization experiences are impacted by gender, sexuality, and heteronormative discourses of love, sex and relationships.
本文借鉴了Hayes(2014)中概述的理论论点，对两种现实生活中的家庭暴力叙事进行了批判性分析。作者都是学术犯罪学家和家庭暴力的受害者/幸存者，但是在不同的背景下——一个是传统的异性恋关系，另一个是女性同性关系。他们的经历交织在一项广泛的协作式自动人种学分析中，该分析跨越了七年的共同工作和社交，其中每个人都为对方提供了意见和支持。因此，分析记录了两段个人旅程。自动人种学是一种方法论，“旨在描述和系统地分析个人经验(汽车)，以理解文化经验(民族)”(Ellis, Adams, and Bochner, 2011)。作者采用的方法是分析性的，而不是唤起性的，从某种意义上说，我们专注于合作分析我们的双重经历，而不是简单地叙述它们。我们扮演着研究者和被研究者的双重角色，并将我们的目光向内和向外转移(Olson, 2004: 6)。学术和理论与个人和主观交织在一起，引发了一种令人回味的、但又经过经验验证的研究。浪漫爱情扭曲、厌女症和性别歧视的理论基础被用来构建这些家庭暴力经历，作者的不同性别为探索家庭暴力受害经历受到性别、性和异性恋、性和关系话语影响的方式提供了丰富的背景。
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1.IntroductionWomen have made important advances in labor markets lately, bringing about well-defined merging in human capital investment (Androniceanu, 2015a, b) and hiring expectations and end results compared with men. Technological advancement in the workplace and swifter capital accumulation (Peters, 2015a, b) have increased the value of non-manual or non-routine abilities compared with manual/routine abilities, increasing female relative wages and involvement. Marketization of home services is a decisive strength (Popescu, Comanescu, and Sabie, 2016) causing both significant female involvement and the increase in market services. Women might have a reasonable superiority in producing services, and consequently structural transformation intensifies pressure for female labor inputs (Nica and Potcovaru, 2015), or they might have a powerful inclination for service positions than men, and therefore the increase in female involvement may invigorate the development of the industry that advantageously assists working women. (Olivetti and Petrongolo, 2016)2.Gender Dissimilarities in Labor Market Behavior and OutcomesThere is an inverse-U link between the degree of advancement of an economy and its income losses generated by gender breaches, while there is an adverse link between the advancement degree (Bratu, 2016a, b; 2015) and the income losses generated only by gender breaches in entrepreneurship. There is a beneficial impact of rises in income per person on gender impartiality (Buber-Ennser, 2015) and a detrimental impact of gender disparity on economic growth. Less trained women, or unfairness in women's education, may bring about diminished female labor force involvement and women being played down in entrepreneurship. Gender breaches in entrepreneurship have important consequences on the distribution of resources (Devine, 2015) and therefore on aggregate output (Lazaroiu, 2015a, b, c; 2014), whereas the breach from labor force involvement has a considerable impact on income per person. The expenditures related to gender breaches in the labor markets are significant. (Cuberes and Teignier, 2016) (Figures 1 and 2)3.Gender Disparities in Executive CompensationFemale executives are moved up in the same proportion as males with comparable qualification features and work-related experience. Women are moved up more swiftly internally, excepting that this is balanced by an inferior external promotion level, and tend to agree to inferior-ranked jobs (Nica, Manole, and Briscariu, 2016) with other companies. Compensation in executive administration is unquestionably associated with rank, women are remunerated to some extent better than males for any certain rank (Cesaroni, Sentuti, and Buratti, 2015) and qualification, and the entire degree of promotion is not determined by gender. Depending on age, instruction, working practice with the company (Ionescu, 2016), hiring and firing rate, decision-making experience, position, company size and industry, wom
1.最近，女性在劳动力市场上取得了重要进展，与男性相比，在人力资本投资(Androniceanu, 2015年5a, b)和招聘预期和最终结果方面实现了明确的合并。工作场所的技术进步和更快的资本积累(Peters, 2015a, b)增加了非体力或非常规能力相对于体力/常规能力的价值，提高了女性的相对工资和参与度。家庭服务的市场化是一个决定性的力量(Popescu, Comanescu, and Sabie, 2016)，导致女性的显著参与和市场服务的增加。女性可能在生产服务方面具有合理的优势，因此结构转型加剧了女性劳动力投入的压力(Nica和Potcovaru, 2015)，或者女性可能比男性更倾向于服务岗位，因此女性参与的增加可能会激发有利于职业女性的行业发展。(Olivetti and Petrongolo, 2016)劳动力市场行为与结果的性别差异经济发展程度与性别违规造成的收入损失呈倒u型关系，而经济发展程度与性别违规造成的收入损失呈负相关关系(Bratu, 2016a, b;2015年)，以及仅由创业中的性别差异造成的收入损失。人均收入的增加对性别公正有有益的影响(buber - enser, 2015)，性别差异对经济增长有不利的影响。受过较少培训的妇女，或妇女教育不公平，可能导致妇女劳动参与率下降，妇女在创业中被低估。创业中的性别差异对资源分配有重要影响(Devine, 2015)，因此对总产出也有重要影响(Lazaroiu, 2015 5a, b, c;2014)，而劳动力参与的违约对人均收入有相当大的影响。与劳动力市场的性别差异有关的支出是巨大的。(Cuberes和Teignier, 2016)(图1和2)高管薪酬中的性别差异女性高管的晋升比例与具有同等资历和工作经验的男性高管相同。女性在内部的晋升速度更快，但这与较低的外部晋升水平相平衡，并且倾向于同意在其他公司担任排名较低的工作(Nica, Manole, and Briscariu, 2016)。行政部门的薪酬无疑与职位有关，在某种程度上，女性在任何特定职位(Cesaroni, Sentuti, and Buratti, 2015)和资格方面的薪酬都高于男性，而且整个晋升程度不是由性别决定的。根据年龄、指导、在公司的工作实践(Ionescu, 2016)、招聘和解雇率、决策经验、职位、公司规模和行业，女性的薪酬高于男性，并利用异常回报带来的较低的工资波动性。尽管薪酬丰厚，升职也公平，但与男性高管相比，女性高管更容易因压力而辞职。后者的比例上升到前者的比例随着职位的增加而进一步提升(Popescu和Predescu, 2016):该行业的男性通常比女性薪酬更高。(盖尔、戈兰和米勒，2012)人类生物学和性别在劳动力市场的过程可能影响劳动力市场的结果通过他们的功能，影响风险，时间，或社会选择和立场有关的竞争。生殖激素除了与男性有关外，还与女性的冒险行为和竞争行为有关(Pera, 2015)。遗传标记已经被分类为各种选择、资格和结果(Kets de Vries, 2015)，这可能有效地把握劳动力市场结果的异质性。…
{"title":"Is the Decrease in the Gender Wage Gap the Principal Driver of the Sustained Rise in Female Labor Market Participation","authors":"R. Mihaila","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220169","url":null,"abstract":"1.IntroductionWomen have made important advances in labor markets lately, bringing about well-defined merging in human capital investment (Androniceanu, 2015a, b) and hiring expectations and end results compared with men. Technological advancement in the workplace and swifter capital accumulation (Peters, 2015a, b) have increased the value of non-manual or non-routine abilities compared with manual/routine abilities, increasing female relative wages and involvement. Marketization of home services is a decisive strength (Popescu, Comanescu, and Sabie, 2016) causing both significant female involvement and the increase in market services. Women might have a reasonable superiority in producing services, and consequently structural transformation intensifies pressure for female labor inputs (Nica and Potcovaru, 2015), or they might have a powerful inclination for service positions than men, and therefore the increase in female involvement may invigorate the development of the industry that advantageously assists working women. (Olivetti and Petrongolo, 2016)2.Gender Dissimilarities in Labor Market Behavior and OutcomesThere is an inverse-U link between the degree of advancement of an economy and its income losses generated by gender breaches, while there is an adverse link between the advancement degree (Bratu, 2016a, b; 2015) and the income losses generated only by gender breaches in entrepreneurship. There is a beneficial impact of rises in income per person on gender impartiality (Buber-Ennser, 2015) and a detrimental impact of gender disparity on economic growth. Less trained women, or unfairness in women's education, may bring about diminished female labor force involvement and women being played down in entrepreneurship. Gender breaches in entrepreneurship have important consequences on the distribution of resources (Devine, 2015) and therefore on aggregate output (Lazaroiu, 2015a, b, c; 2014), whereas the breach from labor force involvement has a considerable impact on income per person. The expenditures related to gender breaches in the labor markets are significant. (Cuberes and Teignier, 2016) (Figures 1 and 2)3.Gender Disparities in Executive CompensationFemale executives are moved up in the same proportion as males with comparable qualification features and work-related experience. Women are moved up more swiftly internally, excepting that this is balanced by an inferior external promotion level, and tend to agree to inferior-ranked jobs (Nica, Manole, and Briscariu, 2016) with other companies. Compensation in executive administration is unquestionably associated with rank, women are remunerated to some extent better than males for any certain rank (Cesaroni, Sentuti, and Buratti, 2015) and qualification, and the entire degree of promotion is not determined by gender. Depending on age, instruction, working practice with the company (Ionescu, 2016), hiring and firing rate, decision-making experience, position, company size and industry, wom","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117286893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is an interesting time in world politics. Neoliberal globalization seems on the back foot especially after an unexpected Brexit. Europe faces the prospect of realigning itself after the UK vote to leave the EU. The UK suffering from an immediate economic effect of Brexit has to renegotiate its international relations and trading agreements. The EU faces what seem insuperable problems: its Mediterranean economies are in bad shape and the EU is still recovering from the Great Recession of 2007-8. Meanwhile the Middle East is a boiling cauldron of regional, religious and ethnic conflicts involving a new round of US-Russia politics and strategic action over Assad's regime and larger regional bloc conflicts. The Syrian civil war is in its seventh year and refugees from Syrian have made up one of the largest migration crises mainly from displaced refugees in the Middle East since WWII with strong eco- nomic, social and security consequences for the EU. ISIL continues to grow and extend its influence in the Levant. Militant Islam with all its splinter groups continues to conduct its suicide and car bombing attacks on European civil society. There are also new crises brewing in the South China Seas with China's imperial ambitions as well as international difficulties with so-called "rogue states" like Korea. The likelihood of nuclear proliferation is probably greater at this point historically than any time since the end of WWII.At the same time the specter of Donald Trump grows larger as the US November elections approach and the rhetoric that spills forth from him on issues of NATO, Russia, and China scare most mainstream foreign policy specialists. His threatened withdrawal of major partnerships and international treaties including the recent Paris environmental agreement poses a real cause for alarm.The world leadership problems and issues confronting heads of state are probably more complex and intrinsically more difficult than at any time in the past. At the same time it appears that the emergence of women leaders currently in power is the highest it has ever been with the election or appointment of some twenty-two female heads of state and leaders in 2015.1 Caroline Howard and Michael K. Ozanian (2012) named "The 100 Most Powerful Women" beginning with Angela Merkel, Hillary Clinton, Dilma Rousseff, Melinda Gates, Jill Abramson, Sonia Ghandi, Michelle Obama, Christine Lagarde, Janet Napolitano, and Sheryl Sandberg under the following description:There's official power, which comes in the form of a head of state or CEO, and then there's the transformational force of impact, stemming from magnitude of reach and influence. Here are entrepreneurs and early adapters, celebrity role models, activist billionaires and the philanthropists who are healing the world - all ranked by dollars, media presence and impact.Yet as Swanee Hunt (2007), in an article "Let Women Rule" in Foreign Affairs, reminds us, the progress toward leadership and equal power for
{"title":"Feminizing world power: A new constellation of women in politics?","authors":"M. Peters","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220163","url":null,"abstract":"It is an interesting time in world politics. Neoliberal globalization seems on the back foot especially after an unexpected Brexit. Europe faces the prospect of realigning itself after the UK vote to leave the EU. The UK suffering from an immediate economic effect of Brexit has to renegotiate its international relations and trading agreements. The EU faces what seem insuperable problems: its Mediterranean economies are in bad shape and the EU is still recovering from the Great Recession of 2007-8. Meanwhile the Middle East is a boiling cauldron of regional, religious and ethnic conflicts involving a new round of US-Russia politics and strategic action over Assad's regime and larger regional bloc conflicts. The Syrian civil war is in its seventh year and refugees from Syrian have made up one of the largest migration crises mainly from displaced refugees in the Middle East since WWII with strong eco- nomic, social and security consequences for the EU. ISIL continues to grow and extend its influence in the Levant. Militant Islam with all its splinter groups continues to conduct its suicide and car bombing attacks on European civil society. There are also new crises brewing in the South China Seas with China's imperial ambitions as well as international difficulties with so-called \"rogue states\" like Korea. The likelihood of nuclear proliferation is probably greater at this point historically than any time since the end of WWII.At the same time the specter of Donald Trump grows larger as the US November elections approach and the rhetoric that spills forth from him on issues of NATO, Russia, and China scare most mainstream foreign policy specialists. His threatened withdrawal of major partnerships and international treaties including the recent Paris environmental agreement poses a real cause for alarm.The world leadership problems and issues confronting heads of state are probably more complex and intrinsically more difficult than at any time in the past. At the same time it appears that the emergence of women leaders currently in power is the highest it has ever been with the election or appointment of some twenty-two female heads of state and leaders in 2015.1 Caroline Howard and Michael K. Ozanian (2012) named \"The 100 Most Powerful Women\" beginning with Angela Merkel, Hillary Clinton, Dilma Rousseff, Melinda Gates, Jill Abramson, Sonia Ghandi, Michelle Obama, Christine Lagarde, Janet Napolitano, and Sheryl Sandberg under the following description:There's official power, which comes in the form of a head of state or CEO, and then there's the transformational force of impact, stemming from magnitude of reach and influence. Here are entrepreneurs and early adapters, celebrity role models, activist billionaires and the philanthropists who are healing the world - all ranked by dollars, media presence and impact.Yet as Swanee Hunt (2007), in an article \"Let Women Rule\" in Foreign Affairs, reminds us, the progress toward leadership and equal power for ","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123397163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1.U.S. Exceptionalism and States of CaptivityThe United States government, business, media, etc., and my students have touted the virtues of its democratic values - it is the freest of all countries, and given that immigration continues unabated, it seems to be true! What would folks from the Global South give to win a coveted Green Card!However, this exceptionalist rhetoric has an ominous underside. No other country has engaged in wars of aggression at the level and intensity of the United States military machine since 1945. In fact, only seven years in its 200-year history have been relatively free from waging war. Hence no U.S. president can be considered a peace president!There's something very troubling about using bombs to "free Afghan girls" from the Taliban or free the Iraqi people from a dictator who the U.S. military and CIA propped up in the first place - women have had access to a variety of professional jobs in Iraq - so that invasion for "freedom" campaign couldn't have been executed under the humanitarian mantle of "women's rights." As philosopher Angela Y. Davis has suggested in public talks, whenever George W. Bush exalted in "freedom (and democracy)" speechifying, one would do better by replacing "freedom" with "capitalism" - then his rhetoric actually made sense.Exceptionalism at any price. The Monroe Doctrine of the imperial 19th Century went eastwards to engulf the entire globe, especially in the wake of the Cold War and its hot expressions across Asia and Africa. So far a brief glimpse into the global, imperial expressions of an empire that considers itself democratic and decidedly export-friendly or zealous to enforce such democracy overseas.What does democracy mean within this nation-state, especially to all women and to men of color? In fact, as freed man Frederick Douglass exclaimed: What is the meaning of the 4th of July to the American slave? For our purposes, let us remember two important legal ramifications haunting the American republic: one - as presence, the other - as an absence.It is no secret that the United States confederacy was built on two pillars of violence: genocide of Indigenous peoples and enslavement of peoples captured from another continent. Yet, it basks in spreading "freedom and democracy" far and wide.Note the presence of one underexamined legal fact: the 13th amendment to the U.S. constitution captures the paradoxical nature of American Democracy: enslaved, indentured people are set free, but only if they don't commit a crime (U.S. Const. Amend. XIII)! Thus, the end of the U.S. Civil War in 1865 did not free enslaved Black people but instead ushered in statesanctioned enslavement. The state captures people and incarcerates them with such enthusiasm that to date the U.S. is the prison nation of the entire world. Having 5% of the world's share of population, it incarcerates 25% of the world's prisoners. And unsurprisingly, of the 2.3 million daily count of US prisoners, a majority of them are Blac
1.美国。美国政府、企业、媒体等，以及我的学生都在吹捧它的民主价值观的优点——它是所有国家中最自由的，考虑到移民人数有增无减，这似乎是真的!为了获得梦寐以求的绿卡，南半球的人们会付出什么呢?然而，这种例外论的修辞有不祥的阴暗面。自1945年以来，没有其他国家以美国军事机器的水平和强度进行侵略战争。事实上，在其200年的历史中，只有7年没有发生过战争。因此，没有哪位美国总统可以被认为是和平总统!使用炸弹从塔利班手中“解放阿富汗女孩”，或者从美国军方和中央情报局首先支持的独裁者手中解放伊拉克人民，这是非常令人不安的——在伊拉克，妇女有机会获得各种专业工作——因此，为“自由”而入侵的运动不可能在“妇女权利”的人道主义斗篷下执行。正如哲学家安吉拉·戴维斯(Angela Y. Davis)在公开演讲中所建议的那样，每当乔治·w·布什在演讲中鼓吹“自由(和民主)”时，用“资本主义”代替“自由”会做得更好——那时他的修辞就真的有意义了。不惜任何代价的例外主义。19世纪帝国时期的门罗主义向东蔓延，席卷了整个世界，尤其是在冷战结束后，它在亚洲和非洲的激烈表达。到目前为止，我们对这个自认为民主、坚决支持出口或热衷于在海外推行这种民主的帝国的全球帝国式表达进行了简要的了解。民主在这个民族国家里意味着什么，尤其是对所有的女性和有色人种来说?事实上，正如自由人弗雷德里克·道格拉斯(Frederick Douglass)所感叹的那样:7月4日对美国奴隶来说意味着什么?为了达到我们的目的，让我们记住困扰美利坚共和国的两个重要法律后果:一个是存在，另一个是缺席。众所周知，美国邦联是建立在两大暴力支柱上的:对土著人民的种族灭绝和对从另一个大陆捕获的人民的奴役。然而，它却在广泛传播“自由和民主”。请注意一个未被充分审视的法律事实:美国宪法第13修正案抓住了美国民主的矛盾本质:被奴役的人，契约人是自由的，但前提是他们不犯罪。修改。十三)!因此，1865年美国内战的结束并没有解放被奴役的黑人，而是开启了国家批准的奴隶制。这个州以如此热情的态度抓人并监禁他们，以至于到目前为止，美国是全世界监狱之国。它拥有世界上5%的人口，却关押着世界上25%的囚犯。不出所料，在每天230万的美国囚犯中，大多数是黑人，尽管黑人人口占总人口的12%，明显是少数!自从45年前尼克松政府宣传种族主义的禁毒战争以来，黑人女性被过度监禁的情况令人担忧，甚至超过了黑人男性，黑人女孩在幼儿园前到监狱的管道中被过度监管(Chesney-Lind, 2015;莫里斯,2016)。第13修正案的结果是，美国是世界上唯一一个使奴隶制合法化的国家!第二个法律事实与缺席有关:1982年，一项平等权利修正案(ERA)被否决，这要归功于一位保守派白人女性、反女权主义者菲利斯·施莱夫利(Phyllis Schlafly)的积极行动，她热情地支持(白人)女性继续做无薪家庭主妇的权利(并在2016年9月去世前支持唐纳德·特朗普竞选总统)。她对《性别平等法案》的恐惧是，基于性别权利的平等保护条款会以一种滑坡式的方式将权利扩展到性少数群体，然后他们就可以结婚、参军和其他可怕的行为。．．．
{"title":"Gender and the Law","authors":"Mechthild E. Nagel","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220167","url":null,"abstract":"1.U.S. Exceptionalism and States of CaptivityThe United States government, business, media, etc., and my students have touted the virtues of its democratic values - it is the freest of all countries, and given that immigration continues unabated, it seems to be true! What would folks from the Global South give to win a coveted Green Card!However, this exceptionalist rhetoric has an ominous underside. No other country has engaged in wars of aggression at the level and intensity of the United States military machine since 1945. In fact, only seven years in its 200-year history have been relatively free from waging war. Hence no U.S. president can be considered a peace president!There's something very troubling about using bombs to \"free Afghan girls\" from the Taliban or free the Iraqi people from a dictator who the U.S. military and CIA propped up in the first place - women have had access to a variety of professional jobs in Iraq - so that invasion for \"freedom\" campaign couldn't have been executed under the humanitarian mantle of \"women's rights.\" As philosopher Angela Y. Davis has suggested in public talks, whenever George W. Bush exalted in \"freedom (and democracy)\" speechifying, one would do better by replacing \"freedom\" with \"capitalism\" - then his rhetoric actually made sense.Exceptionalism at any price. The Monroe Doctrine of the imperial 19th Century went eastwards to engulf the entire globe, especially in the wake of the Cold War and its hot expressions across Asia and Africa. So far a brief glimpse into the global, imperial expressions of an empire that considers itself democratic and decidedly export-friendly or zealous to enforce such democracy overseas.What does democracy mean within this nation-state, especially to all women and to men of color? In fact, as freed man Frederick Douglass exclaimed: What is the meaning of the 4th of July to the American slave? For our purposes, let us remember two important legal ramifications haunting the American republic: one - as presence, the other - as an absence.It is no secret that the United States confederacy was built on two pillars of violence: genocide of Indigenous peoples and enslavement of peoples captured from another continent. Yet, it basks in spreading \"freedom and democracy\" far and wide.Note the presence of one underexamined legal fact: the 13th amendment to the U.S. constitution captures the paradoxical nature of American Democracy: enslaved, indentured people are set free, but only if they don't commit a crime (U.S. Const. Amend. XIII)! Thus, the end of the U.S. Civil War in 1865 did not free enslaved Black people but instead ushered in statesanctioned enslavement. The state captures people and incarcerates them with such enthusiasm that to date the U.S. is the prison nation of the entire world. Having 5% of the world's share of population, it incarcerates 25% of the world's prisoners. And unsurprisingly, of the 2.3 million daily count of US prisoners, a majority of them are Blac","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126821480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Brief Introduction to the Study of GenderFrom sex roles to gender, one of the most important theoretical advances in the study of gender has been the development of an interactionist perspective, a body of theory and empirical work that focuses on the "doing" of gender. The study of gender was really a Western invention. With the end of the nineteenth century came the doctrine of equal rights with Engels's work culminating in the idea of a social system with men and women based on a historical trajectory. However, Engels assumed a naturalness of the categories of women and men; there were views such as "true" men and "true" women (Connell, 1987; 2002). The 1940s produced terms such as "sex role," "male role," and "female role." When studying gender and relationships, it took many decades for scholars to start assessing the continued production of gender inequality in a variety of institutional settings (Connell, 1987). Once this was acknowledged, others began to focus on the intersectionality paradigm which looks at a variety of forms of oppression (e.g. race/ethnicity, sexuality, class) that all interact together; they are not separate forms of inequality but rather additive in nature (Acker, 1988; Hill Collins, 1999; Anderson & Hill Collins, 2007; Kane, 2012; Hill Collins, 2015).Sex RolesSex role theory consists of a large body of literature. Most formulations have five points in common: 1) there is a distinction between the person and the position she occupies; 2) there is an action or role behavior that she is assigned to; 3) the role expectations or norms are defined by the actions of that position; 4) they are held by people occupying counter-positions (e.g. role senders, reference groups); and 5) they are enforced by means of sanctions. Role theory is one approach to studying social structure through the restrictions proposed by stereotyped gender expectations (Hill Collins, 2004). This means that being a man means something different than being a woman. Each individual is expected to respond to different social expectations and connect social structures to the formation of personality. There is a dominant "norm" for behavior; one who departs is seen as personally eccentric or the product of inappropriate socialization (Connell, 1987; Connell, 2002). These individuals are the ones who either consciously or unconsciously choose to move away from the stereotyped "male" and "female" roles. This can be through their appearance, behaviors, jobs, or other outlets of gender expression. Although those who choose to deviate risk the judgment of others as everyone is held accountable for acting/looking like their assigned sex role (Ridgeway, 2011; Kane, 2012).From Sex Roles to GenderMillman and Kanter's work sparked the era of feminist thought in the social sciences (Hess & Marx Ferree, 1987). Feminist thought, as a theory, looked at the departure from traditional sex role definitions. Hess and Marx Ferree (1987) reported that the study of men and w
{"title":"RECONCEPTUALIZING GENDER: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE FROM STRUCTURE TO PROCESS AND INTERSECTIONALITY","authors":"April N. Terry","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220164","url":null,"abstract":"Brief Introduction to the Study of GenderFrom sex roles to gender, one of the most important theoretical advances in the study of gender has been the development of an interactionist perspective, a body of theory and empirical work that focuses on the \"doing\" of gender. The study of gender was really a Western invention. With the end of the nineteenth century came the doctrine of equal rights with Engels's work culminating in the idea of a social system with men and women based on a historical trajectory. However, Engels assumed a naturalness of the categories of women and men; there were views such as \"true\" men and \"true\" women (Connell, 1987; 2002). The 1940s produced terms such as \"sex role,\" \"male role,\" and \"female role.\" When studying gender and relationships, it took many decades for scholars to start assessing the continued production of gender inequality in a variety of institutional settings (Connell, 1987). Once this was acknowledged, others began to focus on the intersectionality paradigm which looks at a variety of forms of oppression (e.g. race/ethnicity, sexuality, class) that all interact together; they are not separate forms of inequality but rather additive in nature (Acker, 1988; Hill Collins, 1999; Anderson & Hill Collins, 2007; Kane, 2012; Hill Collins, 2015).Sex RolesSex role theory consists of a large body of literature. Most formulations have five points in common: 1) there is a distinction between the person and the position she occupies; 2) there is an action or role behavior that she is assigned to; 3) the role expectations or norms are defined by the actions of that position; 4) they are held by people occupying counter-positions (e.g. role senders, reference groups); and 5) they are enforced by means of sanctions. Role theory is one approach to studying social structure through the restrictions proposed by stereotyped gender expectations (Hill Collins, 2004). This means that being a man means something different than being a woman. Each individual is expected to respond to different social expectations and connect social structures to the formation of personality. There is a dominant \"norm\" for behavior; one who departs is seen as personally eccentric or the product of inappropriate socialization (Connell, 1987; Connell, 2002). These individuals are the ones who either consciously or unconsciously choose to move away from the stereotyped \"male\" and \"female\" roles. This can be through their appearance, behaviors, jobs, or other outlets of gender expression. Although those who choose to deviate risk the judgment of others as everyone is held accountable for acting/looking like their assigned sex role (Ridgeway, 2011; Kane, 2012).From Sex Roles to GenderMillman and Kanter's work sparked the era of feminist thought in the social sciences (Hess & Marx Ferree, 1987). Feminist thought, as a theory, looked at the departure from traditional sex role definitions. Hess and Marx Ferree (1987) reported that the study of men and w","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126894556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1.IntroductionThe media discussion surrounding digital gaming tends to be risk- and problem-oriented. For example, computer video gaming has been depicted as causing mental health problems (Ahlroth, 2014) and reducing social competence and cognition (Mykkanen, 2013). Such public concerns are often heavily gendered by emphasizing how young boys lose out due to their gaming habits.Massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs) are an easy target of public concern (see Karlsen, 2015). The gamers, who are mostly men, immerse themselves in the graphical virtual gaming environments about 20 to 25 hours a week (Griffiths et al., 2004; Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005; Smahel et al., 2008), they appear exceptionally demarcated from the outside world. The fantasy and warfare milieus of the games are filled with tasks to be attended to through the coordination of the gamers' input. To advance and get the most out of the games, gamers form guilds that usually play together for several gaming sessions. In the public discourse, these online game communities are sometimes portrayed as breeding grounds for male aggression and lost souls (Walker, 2012; Karlsen, 2015). They have even been presented as a backdrop for the antagonized male offenders in school shootings (see Hoikkala & Suurpaa, 2007). Still, not much is known about the masculinity constructs that are upheld through the collaboration and the "we"-spirit of these communities. Although research has covered a myriad of aspects of strong and intense social bonds between players (e.g. Verhagen & Johansson, 2009; Li & Alfano, 2006; Nardi & Harris, 2006; Hsu et al., 2009; Quandt & Kroger, 2013), less is known about how masculinity constructs work as social glue in these processes. There is, no doubt, a need to analyze the masculinity constructs that gamer communities are, in fact, nurturing.In this study, we inquired into the masculine identities in applications (N=210) for community membership of one of the largest MMORPG gaming communities in Finland. The community has more than 2400 members, of whom less than 6% are women (2016). The study analyzes how the gamers present themselves as persons and as gamers, paying special attention to the nature and functions of their masculine identity. As both identity and masculinity positions are fluent concepts, we employ three gamers' identity positions (virtual, real, and projective, as suggested by Gee, 2003) and three masculinity positions (heroic, ordinary, and revolting, as suggested by Wetherell and Edley, 1999) for creating order and making sense of our observations.We start by presenting some earlier research on MMORPG as well as our theoretical framework. Then, we report the results. In the end, we discuss our contribution, drawing up a grid that summarizes the masculine identities construed in the community under study.2.Social and Gendered WorldsMMORPG gamers typically create and sustain order within gaming guilds and clans by community rules. These
{"title":"Ordinary Men with Extra-Ordinary Skills? Masculinity Constructs among Mmorpg-Gamers","authors":"C. Hellman, Maija Majamäki","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220166","url":null,"abstract":"1.IntroductionThe media discussion surrounding digital gaming tends to be risk- and problem-oriented. For example, computer video gaming has been depicted as causing mental health problems (Ahlroth, 2014) and reducing social competence and cognition (Mykkanen, 2013). Such public concerns are often heavily gendered by emphasizing how young boys lose out due to their gaming habits.Massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs) are an easy target of public concern (see Karlsen, 2015). The gamers, who are mostly men, immerse themselves in the graphical virtual gaming environments about 20 to 25 hours a week (Griffiths et al., 2004; Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005; Smahel et al., 2008), they appear exceptionally demarcated from the outside world. The fantasy and warfare milieus of the games are filled with tasks to be attended to through the coordination of the gamers' input. To advance and get the most out of the games, gamers form guilds that usually play together for several gaming sessions. In the public discourse, these online game communities are sometimes portrayed as breeding grounds for male aggression and lost souls (Walker, 2012; Karlsen, 2015). They have even been presented as a backdrop for the antagonized male offenders in school shootings (see Hoikkala & Suurpaa, 2007). Still, not much is known about the masculinity constructs that are upheld through the collaboration and the \"we\"-spirit of these communities. Although research has covered a myriad of aspects of strong and intense social bonds between players (e.g. Verhagen & Johansson, 2009; Li & Alfano, 2006; Nardi & Harris, 2006; Hsu et al., 2009; Quandt & Kroger, 2013), less is known about how masculinity constructs work as social glue in these processes. There is, no doubt, a need to analyze the masculinity constructs that gamer communities are, in fact, nurturing.In this study, we inquired into the masculine identities in applications (N=210) for community membership of one of the largest MMORPG gaming communities in Finland. The community has more than 2400 members, of whom less than 6% are women (2016). The study analyzes how the gamers present themselves as persons and as gamers, paying special attention to the nature and functions of their masculine identity. As both identity and masculinity positions are fluent concepts, we employ three gamers' identity positions (virtual, real, and projective, as suggested by Gee, 2003) and three masculinity positions (heroic, ordinary, and revolting, as suggested by Wetherell and Edley, 1999) for creating order and making sense of our observations.We start by presenting some earlier research on MMORPG as well as our theoretical framework. Then, we report the results. In the end, we discuss our contribution, drawing up a grid that summarizes the masculine identities construed in the community under study.2.Social and Gendered WorldsMMORPG gamers typically create and sustain order within gaming guilds and clans by community rules. These ","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125651625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IntroductionElective fertility preservation, colloquially called "social freezing" or "egg freezing," has revived debates on the social norms, policy provisions and medical standards that govern the use of assisted reproductive technologies (ART). Essentially, "social freezing" is a trend in family planning strategies that repurposes existing ART techniques. The expression describes the election of presumably fertile females at peak childbearing ages to retrieve, cryopreserve and store sex cells as either unfertilized oocytes or gametes (fertilized eggs) for use in later childbearing attempts (ASRM, 2013). Although tissue and cellular freezing is used in numerous reproductive and non-reproductive medical procedures (Pegg, 2015), "social freezing" specifically connotes the socially motivated suspension of child creation processes for reasons such as partnership formation, career attainment or achieving economic stability. Some commentators have called fertility preservation the "ultimate type of family planning for today's professional woman" (Lockwood, 2014) because it allows the creation of genetically related children, while reducing the biological imperatives for early childbearing (Strathern, 2005). These benefits add to the relative lack of regulation on preservation processes. Cryopreservation processes are not restricted by the universalized standards that govern child adoption processes or the process bans or restrictions that have lead to jurisdictional inconsistencies in the recognition of surrogacy arrangements. In contrast, fertility preservation technologies (sometimes referred to as FTP) have developed into an unproblematic and routinely recommended medical effort to offset fertility loss resulting from treatments against potentially life threatening diseases such as cancer. Expanded interest in using preservation to retain fertility capacities in nonlife threatening situations has been a key reason for the rise in public concern on the need to create rules that control patient access to this novel option. Although similar to earlier debates on ART ethics, reservations on preservation can be understood as distinct in several respects. Among them, concerns on women's ability to successfully postpone the onset of family building link to equally unresolved questions on health care entitlements, protections for reproductive choice and institutionalized gender inequity. Few events allow so clear a view of these intersecting concerns as the pivotal announcement of a pioneering decision by high-profile, global technology corporations to pay for the cryopreservation costs of eligible employees.In mid-October 2014, the leading Silicon Valley technology company Facebook, Inc. (based in Menlo Park, CA) announced to major US news organizations details on a plan to fund two cycles of "egg freezing" or sex cell cryopreservation for eligible employees (Molina and Weise). Shortly afterwards, Apple, Inc. announced a similar decision to extend the sa
{"title":"EMPLOYER SPONSORED FERTILITY PRESERVATION: DEBATING INSTITUTIONAL PROMOTION OF REPRODUCTIVE PROCRASTINATION OR CHOICE","authors":"Shelley Grant","doi":"10.22381/jrgs6220168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22381/jrgs6220168","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionElective fertility preservation, colloquially called \"social freezing\" or \"egg freezing,\" has revived debates on the social norms, policy provisions and medical standards that govern the use of assisted reproductive technologies (ART). Essentially, \"social freezing\" is a trend in family planning strategies that repurposes existing ART techniques. The expression describes the election of presumably fertile females at peak childbearing ages to retrieve, cryopreserve and store sex cells as either unfertilized oocytes or gametes (fertilized eggs) for use in later childbearing attempts (ASRM, 2013). Although tissue and cellular freezing is used in numerous reproductive and non-reproductive medical procedures (Pegg, 2015), \"social freezing\" specifically connotes the socially motivated suspension of child creation processes for reasons such as partnership formation, career attainment or achieving economic stability. Some commentators have called fertility preservation the \"ultimate type of family planning for today's professional woman\" (Lockwood, 2014) because it allows the creation of genetically related children, while reducing the biological imperatives for early childbearing (Strathern, 2005). These benefits add to the relative lack of regulation on preservation processes. Cryopreservation processes are not restricted by the universalized standards that govern child adoption processes or the process bans or restrictions that have lead to jurisdictional inconsistencies in the recognition of surrogacy arrangements. In contrast, fertility preservation technologies (sometimes referred to as FTP) have developed into an unproblematic and routinely recommended medical effort to offset fertility loss resulting from treatments against potentially life threatening diseases such as cancer. Expanded interest in using preservation to retain fertility capacities in nonlife threatening situations has been a key reason for the rise in public concern on the need to create rules that control patient access to this novel option. Although similar to earlier debates on ART ethics, reservations on preservation can be understood as distinct in several respects. Among them, concerns on women's ability to successfully postpone the onset of family building link to equally unresolved questions on health care entitlements, protections for reproductive choice and institutionalized gender inequity. Few events allow so clear a view of these intersecting concerns as the pivotal announcement of a pioneering decision by high-profile, global technology corporations to pay for the cryopreservation costs of eligible employees.In mid-October 2014, the leading Silicon Valley technology company Facebook, Inc. (based in Menlo Park, CA) announced to major US news organizations details on a plan to fund two cycles of \"egg freezing\" or sex cell cryopreservation for eligible employees (Molina and Weise). Shortly afterwards, Apple, Inc. announced a similar decision to extend the sa","PeriodicalId":342957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Research in Gender Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130218201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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