Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2671
Amy Tekié
It may be surprising that African countries stand out (with some exceptions) for giving domestic workers basic coverage under the labour law. Many countries worldwide have failed to meet this most basic requirement, and labour law protections are the critical foundation for activating the social and legal changes that are needed to professionalise the sector. Unfortunately, legal protections are not enough. A recent study on migrant domestic workers in the SADC region showed rampant informality across countries, resulting in a dearth of labour law enforcement (ILO, 2022). It is common knowledge that domestic work is under the radar, and employers are not held accountable to the law.
{"title":"A Million Dollar Question","authors":"Amy Tekié","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2671","url":null,"abstract":"It may be surprising that African countries stand out (with some exceptions) for giving domestic workers basic coverage under the labour law. Many countries worldwide have failed to meet this most basic requirement, and labour law protections are the critical foundation for activating the social and legal changes that are needed to professionalise the sector. Unfortunately, legal protections are not enough. A recent study on migrant domestic workers in the SADC region showed rampant informality across countries, resulting in a dearth of labour law enforcement (ILO, 2022). It is common knowledge that domestic work is under the radar, and employers are not held accountable to the law.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86977883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2679
D. du Toit
David du Toit: Your book, Maids and Madams, is one of the seminal texts in domestic work literature in South Africa. What inspired you to write about domestic work during the apartheid era?
{"title":"In Conversation with Professor Jacklyn Cock, Author of Maids and Madams","authors":"D. du Toit","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2679","url":null,"abstract":"David du Toit: Your book, Maids and Madams, is one of the seminal texts in domestic work literature in South Africa. What inspired you to write about domestic work during the apartheid era?","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"337 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86790406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2677
D. du Toit
Despite the large body of scholarly research that has addressed the various challenges encountered by female domestic workers,there exists a notable gap in understanding the experiences of male domestic workers in South Africa. The present study seeks to bridge this gap by exploring the experiences of ten black African migrant male domestic workers in Johannesburg. Drawing upon Katz’s framework of disaggregated agency, encompassing resilience, reworking, and resistance strategies, the study demonstrates that in the absence of collective resistance through unionisation, male domestic workers employ resilience and reworking strategies to improve their material well-being. Decision-making processes regarding migration to South Africa, engaging in job-hopping, and engaging in multiple piece jobs are examples of the resilience and reworking strategies used by male domestic workers to improve their living conditions. This study shows that paid domestic work in South Africa, whether performed by men or women, is not withoutchallenges, but that male domestic workers exhibit agency by utilising various strategies to navigate and mitigate some of these challenges.
{"title":"Resilience and Resistance Among Migrant Male Domestic Workers in South Africa","authors":"D. du Toit","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2677","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the large body of scholarly research that has addressed the various challenges encountered by female domestic workers,there exists a notable gap in understanding the experiences of male domestic workers in South Africa. The present study seeks to bridge this gap by exploring the experiences of ten black African migrant male domestic workers in Johannesburg. Drawing upon Katz’s framework of disaggregated agency, encompassing resilience, reworking, and resistance strategies, the study demonstrates that in the absence of collective resistance through unionisation, male domestic workers employ resilience and reworking strategies to improve their material well-being. Decision-making processes regarding migration to South Africa, engaging in job-hopping, and engaging in multiple piece jobs are examples of the resilience and reworking strategies used by male domestic workers to improve their living conditions. This study shows that paid domestic work in South Africa, whether performed by men or women, is not withoutchallenges, but that male domestic workers exhibit agency by utilising various strategies to navigate and mitigate some of these challenges.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87394897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2670
L. Mpedi
Whilst many will speak today of the historic and invaluable contributions of Essop Pahad to our country’s liberation struggle and at the dawn of democracy, it is often forgotten that this came at great pain for him to live a life in exile, isolated from family and friends. Such was the often silent struggle that happened parallel to the struggle for freedom. Though this was an immensely politically active time for him, it was also incredibly taxing. It was in this time that Essop clung to the promise of a free and democratic South Africa. As the Greek tragedian Aeschylus once said: ‘I know how men in exile feed on dreams.’ So desperate was his dream for a better tomorrow that he worked tirelessly with members of the international community to bring attention to the plight of those he left behind. Throughout his life, he continued to cling onto this dream as he fought for justice and equity long beyond the advent of democracy. He once said: ‘Our march to a better life requires that each and every South African should put shoulders to the wheel – all of us as partners in transforming ours into a society that cares. We must know our rights and exercise them, in the same measure as we take on our collective responsibility to build South Africa into a nation of our dreams.’
{"title":"Essop Pahad","authors":"L. Mpedi","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2670","url":null,"abstract":"Whilst many will speak today of the historic and invaluable contributions of Essop Pahad to our country’s liberation struggle and at the dawn of democracy, it is often forgotten that this came at great pain for him to live a life in exile, isolated from family and friends. Such was the often silent struggle that happened parallel to the struggle for freedom. Though this was an immensely politically active time for him, it was also incredibly taxing. It was in this time that Essop clung to the promise of a free and democratic South Africa. As the Greek tragedian Aeschylus once said: ‘I know how men in exile feed on dreams.’ So desperate was his dream for a better tomorrow that he worked tirelessly with members of the international community to bring attention to the plight of those he left behind. Throughout his life, he continued to cling onto this dream as he fought for justice and equity long beyond the advent of democracy. He once said: ‘Our march to a better life requires that each and every South African should put shoulders to the wheel – all of us as partners in transforming ours into a society that cares. We must know our rights and exercise them, in the same measure as we take on our collective responsibility to build South Africa into a nation of our dreams.’ ","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"95 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72886724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2680
J. Fish
Myrtle Witbooi, a pioneering leader of the domestic worker movement, died on January 16 in Cape Town at age 75. Under South Africa’s apartheid rule, she began to organise women in the garage of her employer and went on to become president of the first global union led by women. For 52 years she advocated for the rights of domestic workers, upholding her presidency in both South Africa’s national union of domestic workers and the International Domestic Workers Federation, throughout her struggle with a rare form of bone cancer. Ms. Witbooi’s experience as a domestic worker under apartheid guided her life on the front lines of both a national and global movement to recognise and protect women once considered ‘servants’ without rights. She fought for domestic workers’ first legal protections in South Africa’s democracy, which set basic conditions of employment and allowed over 100,000 women to receive maternity and unemployment insurance over the past twenty years.
{"title":"‘If I Can, We Can’","authors":"J. Fish","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2680","url":null,"abstract":"Myrtle Witbooi, a pioneering leader of the domestic worker movement, died on January 16 in Cape Town at age 75. Under South Africa’s apartheid rule, she began to organise women in the garage of her employer and went on to become president of the first global union led by women. For 52 years she advocated for the rights of domestic workers, upholding her presidency in both South Africa’s national union of domestic workers and the International Domestic Workers Federation, throughout her struggle with a rare form of bone cancer. Ms. Witbooi’s experience as a domestic worker under apartheid guided her life on the front lines of both a national and global movement to recognise and protect women once considered ‘servants’ without rights. She fought for domestic workers’ first legal protections in South Africa’s democracy, which set basic conditions of employment and allowed over 100,000 women to receive maternity and unemployment insurance over the past twenty years.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88691298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2678
Tengetile W. Nhleko
Digital platform technologies have brought about a new labour form in the occupation of domestic work, in which domestic cleaningwork is now being managed and organised virtually through an online platform, or ‘app’, operated by private technology companies and provided to householders on a convenient and on-demand basis. This paper analyses the emerging impact of this new form of ‘platform domestic work’ in South Africa’s domestic sector using an interpretivist case study done in Cape Town on ten platform domestic workers and their platform companies. Using evidence obtained through in-depth interviews and analysis of publishedcompany discourse material, this paper argues that far from formalising and modernising domestic work through the twin forces of commercialisation and digital platform technology, the phenomenon of platform domestic work is deepening informalisation in paid domestic work as a form of insecure ‘gig work’, and also through the widespread practice of platform leakage by domestic workers on the platform.
{"title":"The ‘Platformisation’ of Domestic Work in South Africa","authors":"Tengetile W. Nhleko","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2678","url":null,"abstract":"Digital platform technologies have brought about a new labour form in the occupation of domestic work, in which domestic cleaningwork is now being managed and organised virtually through an online platform, or ‘app’, operated by private technology companies and provided to householders on a convenient and on-demand basis. This paper analyses the emerging impact of this new form of ‘platform domestic work’ in South Africa’s domestic sector using an interpretivist case study done in Cape Town on ten platform domestic workers and their platform companies. Using evidence obtained through in-depth interviews and analysis of publishedcompany discourse material, this paper argues that far from formalising and modernising domestic work through the twin forces of commercialisation and digital platform technology, the phenomenon of platform domestic work is deepening informalisation in paid domestic work as a form of insecure ‘gig work’, and also through the widespread practice of platform leakage by domestic workers on the platform.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89609527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2675
M. Grundlingh
Domestic work is a major source of income for many Black African women in South Africa. The experience of domestic workers is mainly shaped along racial and class lines – this is a result of the remnants of the legacy of apartheid, where many Coloured and African women were dependent on employment in the domestic work sphere. This article considers the experiences of a group of Coloured female domestic workers in a coastal town in South Africa. Drawing on ten qualitative interviews, I show how their experiences are framed around issues of mobility – this includes moving to work and moving at work and the consequences of immobility in the world of work. Most research that deals with issues of mobility in domestic work focuses on migration patterns. This novel approach to understanding the notion of mobility for domestic workers contributes to the existing literature on domestic work in South Africa but extends the conceptualisation of movement beyond migration patterns. The article also makes a much-needed contribution to understanding the experience of domestic work in rural settings in South Africa. This is done by exploring the coping strategies that the participants employ to support themselves and their families. Networks and family ties form an essential component of the financial and emotional survival of this group of women. The role of social capital is also investigated as it plays an important role in forging trust and reciprocity among participants of this study.
{"title":"‘God Gave us Legs to Walk!’","authors":"M. Grundlingh","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2675","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v96i3.2675","url":null,"abstract":"Domestic work is a major source of income for many Black African women in South Africa. The experience of domestic workers is mainly shaped along racial and class lines – this is a result of the remnants of the legacy of apartheid, where many Coloured and African women were dependent on employment in the domestic work sphere. This article considers the experiences of a group of Coloured female domestic workers in a coastal town in South Africa. Drawing on ten qualitative interviews, I show how their experiences are framed around issues of mobility – this includes moving to work and moving at work and the consequences of immobility in the world of work. Most research that deals with issues of mobility in domestic work focuses on migration patterns. This novel approach to understanding the notion of mobility for domestic workers contributes to the existing literature on domestic work in South Africa but extends the conceptualisation of movement beyond migration patterns. The article also makes a much-needed contribution to understanding the experience of domestic work in rural settings in South Africa. This is done by exploring the coping strategies that the participants employ to support themselves and their families. Networks and family ties form an essential component of the financial and emotional survival of this group of women. The role of social capital is also investigated as it plays an important role in forging trust and reciprocity among participants of this study.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89614283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v95i2.2527
Sven Botha
Sweden’s support for the Anti-Apartheid Movement is well documented and has prompted some observers to comment that both states share a “special relationship.” And while some aspects of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations have been interrogated by scholars and covered in the media, a more generic and comprehensive account of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations, as provided in this article and this special issue as a whole, is missing. Using an analytical framework, of the author’s own design, that incorporates social, economic, and political indicators, this paper provides an appraisal of South Africa-Sweden Relations while simultaneously offering a conclusion to the special issue on South Africa-Sweden Relations. This paper argues that the aforementioned framework is necessary to glean a more comprehensive understanding of bilateral relations that the two states share. Furthermore, the rudimentary understanding of South Africa-Sweden Relation provides the foundation for increased research on South Africa-Sweden Relations and Africa-Nordic Relations more broadly.
{"title":"South Africa-Sweden Relations","authors":"Sven Botha","doi":"10.36615/the_thinker.v95i2.2527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v95i2.2527","url":null,"abstract":"Sweden’s support for the Anti-Apartheid Movement is well documented and has prompted some observers to comment that both states share a “special relationship.” And while some aspects of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations have been interrogated by scholars and covered in the media, a more generic and comprehensive account of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations, as provided in this article and this special issue as a whole, is missing. Using an analytical framework, of the author’s own design, that incorporates social, economic, and political indicators, this paper provides an appraisal of South Africa-Sweden Relations while simultaneously offering a conclusion to the special issue on South Africa-Sweden Relations. This paper argues that the aforementioned framework is necessary to glean a more comprehensive understanding of bilateral relations that the two states share. Furthermore, the rudimentary understanding of South Africa-Sweden Relation provides the foundation for increased research on South Africa-Sweden Relations and Africa-Nordic Relations more broadly.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87485710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gendered institutions in this book are described as social structures, norms, and practices that maintain gender inequalities and stereotypes, often to the advantage of men. Many political systems in Africa are patriarchal, with traditional leadership structuresdominated by men. The book highlights the formal and informal political institutions that make it difficult for African women to gain access to political power or to have their voices heard within the African political establishment. Additionally, many of the rules and customs of African political institutions are biased against women and sometimes require candidates to have a certain level of education or financial autonomy that may be more difficult for women to attain. These gendered institutions have contributed to the under-representation of African women in politics. While there has been progress in recent years, women remain significantly underrepresented in African decision-making bodies such as African National Parliaments. This book has eight chapters, with each chapter representing a unique case study of a country in Africa. The eight African countries that the book focuses on are South Africa,Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, and Botswana.
{"title":"Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa","authors":"Lesego Motsage","doi":"10.5040/9780755637829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5040/9780755637829","url":null,"abstract":"Gendered institutions in this book are described as social structures, norms, and practices that maintain gender inequalities and stereotypes, often to the advantage of men. Many political systems in Africa are patriarchal, with traditional leadership structuresdominated by men. The book highlights the formal and informal political institutions that make it difficult for African women to gain access to political power or to have their voices heard within the African political establishment. Additionally, many of the rules and customs of African political institutions are biased against women and sometimes require candidates to have a certain level of education or financial autonomy that may be more difficult for women to attain. These gendered institutions have contributed to the under-representation of African women in politics. While there has been progress in recent years, women remain significantly underrepresented in African decision-making bodies such as African National Parliaments. This book has eight chapters, with each chapter representing a unique case study of a country in Africa. The eight African countries that the book focuses on are South Africa,Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, and Botswana.","PeriodicalId":34673,"journal":{"name":"The Thinker","volume":"523 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77064621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.36615/the_thinker.v95i2.2528
Lesego Motsage
Gendered institutions in this book are described as social structures, norms, and practices that maintain gender inequalities and stereotypes, often to the advantage of men. Many political systems in Africa are patriarchal, with traditional leadership structuresdominated by men. The book highlights the formal and informal political institutions that make it difficult for African women to gain access to political power or to have their voices heard within the African political establishment. Additionally, many of the rules and customs of African political institutions are biased against women and sometimes require candidates to have a certain level of education or financial autonomy that may be more difficult for women to attain. These gendered institutions have contributed to the under-representation of African women in politics. While there has been progress in recent years, women remain significantly underrepresented in African decision-making bodies such as African National Parliaments. This book has eight chapters, with each chapter representing a unique case study of a country in Africa. The eight African countries that the book focuses on are South Africa,Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, and Botswana.
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