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Black Africans’ Contributions to Global Industrial Revolutions 非洲黑人对全球工业革命的贡献
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1169
D. Uwizeyimana
This article evaluates the contributions that have been made by Black Africans (in Africa and the diaspora) to the different industrialrevolutions. The methodology used in this research was mainly qualitative. The findings confirm that Black Africans had achieved technological advances before the arrival of Western and Eastern slave traders and colonialism in Africa, and had made substantialcontributions to the pre-industrial revolution and the first industrial revolution. Even though slavery and colonisation halted further technological innovation and advancements, there is strong evidence to suggest that Black Africans are currently contributing to theFourth Industrial Revolution. Impressive innovations are coming from Africa. African leaders must support Africans’ technological innovations through funding, proper training, and availing raw materials for them to contribute to the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
本文评估了非洲黑人(在非洲和散居海外的非洲人)对不同工业革命的贡献。本研究使用的方法主要是定性的。研究结果证实,在西方和东方的奴隶贩子和殖民主义到来之前,非洲黑人已经取得了技术进步,并为前工业革命和第一次工业革命做出了重大贡献。尽管奴隶制和殖民化阻碍了进一步的技术创新和进步,但有强有力的证据表明,非洲黑人目前正在为第四次工业革命做出贡献。令人印象深刻的创新来自非洲。非洲领导人必须通过资助、适当的培训和利用原材料来支持非洲人的技术创新,为第四次工业革命做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Sub-Imperial War, ‘Blood Methane’, and Climate-Debt Denialism 超越次帝国战争、“血甲烷”和气候债务否认主义
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1175
P. Bond
South Africans really must confront two conjoined crises that affect both the majority here, and the vast majority next door in Mozambique. First, the climate catastrophe’s amplification due to rising dependency upon Liquefied Natural Gas (which is more than 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide in coming decades), leaving our neighbour as the world’s fourth worst-affected country since 2000, at a time when South Africa is already the third-highest greenhouse gas emitter per person/ GDP among major countries. Second, the deplorable trajectory of Pretoria’s sub-imperialist adventurism, now represented by the army’s deployment in CaboDelgado province in order to promote gas drilling by multinational corporations. In part because of the corrupt, repressive Maputo government, many Southern African civil society organisations regularly appeal for an end to both Mozambique’s ‘blood methane’ war and, behind it, the fossil fuel extraction that amplifies the climate crisis. The innovative demand is for Global-North payment of climate reparations to victims of extreme weather, plus financial compensation so as to leave the world’s fourth-largest gas ftield unexploited. Against these arguments and movements, there is a vociferous South African lobby—which can be termed ‘laptop bombardiers’—ignoring or brazenly dismissing both crises: climate and the danger of further sub-imperial mishaps. It is long overdue to confront this lobby by objecting to damaging fossil fuels and militarism, and call it to account for the vast ethical lapses in their analyses.
南非人确实必须面对两个相互关联的危机,这两个危机既影响到南非的大多数人,也影响到邻国莫桑比克的绝大多数人。首先,由于对液化天然气的依赖日益增加(在未来几十年里,液化天然气的效力是二氧化碳的80多倍),气候灾难的扩大,使我们的邻国成为自2000年以来世界上受影响最严重的第四大国家,而南非的人均/ GDP温室气体排放量已经是主要国家中第三高的。其次,比勒陀利亚的次帝国主义冒险主义的可悲轨迹,现在以军队在德尔加多省的部署为代表,以促进跨国公司的天然气钻探。部分原因是腐败、镇压的马普托政府,许多南部非洲的民间社会组织经常呼吁结束莫桑比克的“血甲烷”战争,以及其背后加剧气候危机的化石燃料开采。创新的要求是,Global-North向极端天气的受害者支付气候赔款,外加经济赔偿,以使世界第四大天然气田不被开发。与这些争论和运动相反,南非有一个吵闹的游说团体——他们可以被称为“笔记本电脑投弹手”——无视或无耻地驳斥这两个危机:气候和进一步的次帝国灾难的危险。我们早就应该通过反对破坏性的化石燃料和军国主义来对抗这些游说团体,并要求他们对他们的分析中存在的巨大道德失误负责。
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引用次数: 1
Contributors to this edition 本期撰稿人
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1181
Robyn Williams, Lisa Otto
Contributors to this edition
本期撰稿人
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引用次数: 0
Artificial intelligence as a tool of public diplomacy 人工智能作为公共外交的工具
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1171
Robyn Williams, Lisa Otto
Iran and the United States (U.S.) have had a volatile relationship for decades, with continuous threats of violence, sanctions, and internet blocks. In the last decade, we have seen a third force at play as technology becomes an integral aspect of diplomatic relations. The last three U.S. administrations have displayed mixed attempts at salvaging diplomatic relations with Iran. This article explores how artificial intelligence driven communication can be a critical tool in improving the relationship between the two states. Utilising a desktop research approach, exploring primary and secondary literature, this article explores possible artificial intelligence solutions to improve the communicational aspect in the public diplomacy between Iran and the U.S. It is evident that artificial intelligence has had negative implications on the public diplomacy between the two states as we witness the increasing use of deep-fakes and websiteblocks. However, processes such as natural language understanding allows governments to have more targeted foreign policy objectives and language translation creates a direct and enhanced line of communication between the state and foreign audience.
几十年来,伊朗和美国的关系一直不稳定,暴力、制裁和互联网封锁的威胁不断。在过去的十年里,随着科技成为外交关系中不可或缺的一部分,我们看到了第三股力量在发挥作用。过去三届美国政府在挽救与伊朗的外交关系方面表现出好坏参半的努力。本文探讨了人工智能驱动的交流如何成为改善两国关系的关键工具。利用桌面研究方法,探索第一手和第二手文献,本文探讨了可能的人工智能解决方案,以改善伊朗和美国之间公共外交的沟通方面。很明显,人工智能对两国之间的公共外交产生了负面影响,因为我们看到越来越多地使用深度伪造和网站封锁。然而,自然语言理解等过程使政府能够有更有针对性的外交政策目标,语言翻译在国家和外国听众之间建立了直接和增强的沟通渠道。
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引用次数: 0
Ayodele Awojobi as a Scholar-Activist Ayodele Awojobi作为学者活动家
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1177
Temitope Fagunwa
Intellectuals are the threads that hold societies together. They form the basis upon which the making and unmaking of the future of societies are built. In fact, it is almost impossible to assess the progression of earliest societies without considerations of the transformative roles of individuals with inimitable intellectual skills and essence. This article will attempt a preliminary study on the socio-cultural and political tasks of intellectuals in neo-colonial Africa. Since there is a nexus between colonial domination vis-àvisthe production and consumption of knowledge, the existence of neo-colonial Africa thus presents a society whose intellectuals are behind in the fulfilment of their historical task. The dominance of Western liberal epistemologies and methodologies across the purported African academy have precluded, to a reasonable extent, the existence of ‘African’ intellectuals whose mission ordinarily ought to be related to the actualisation of the African revolution. Nkrumah has argued that in birthing a revolutionised postcolonial Africa—a society free from all forces of capitalism and neo-colonialism—the intellectuals are destined for an important role. Chomsky has echoed this position when he posited that there has to be a connection between scholarship and activism. By exploring the socio-political activities of the ‘mighty giant’ Professor Ayodele Oluwatuminu Awojobi, this article examines the mandate of ‘African’ intellectuals as both the ‘producers of ideas’ and ‘workers for ideas’. Through the exploration of existing primary and secondary sources, this article argues that postcolonial African intellectuals have the duty of being inspired by the revolutionary life and works of the activistscholar Ayodele Awojobi. The ultimate submission of this article is that scholarship cannot only be an arena for rhetoric, but must also be committed to the production of pragmatic thoughts, ideas, and actions that have the capacity of transforming the prevailing repellent social conditions and realities of the vast majority of the downtrodden African masses.
知识分子是维系社会的纽带。它们构成了建立和毁灭未来社会的基础。事实上,如果不考虑具有不可模仿的智力技能和本质的个人所起的变革作用,评估早期社会的发展几乎是不可能的。本文将尝试对新殖民时期非洲知识分子的社会文化和政治任务进行初步研究。由于殖民统治与-àvisthe知识生产和知识消费之间存在联系,因此新殖民主义非洲的存在呈现出一个知识分子在完成其历史任务方面落后的社会。西方自由主义认识论和方法论在所谓的非洲学术界的主导地位,在一定程度上排除了“非洲”知识分子的存在,这些知识分子的使命通常应该与非洲革命的实现有关。恩克鲁玛认为,在创造一个革命的后殖民时代的非洲——一个摆脱资本主义和新殖民主义力量的社会——的过程中,知识分子注定要扮演一个重要的角色。乔姆斯基也赞同这一观点,他认为学术和行动主义之间一定存在联系。通过探索“强大巨人”Ayodele Oluwatuminu Awojobi教授的社会政治活动,本文考察了“非洲”知识分子作为“思想生产者”和“思想工作者”的使命。本文通过对现有一手资料和第二手资料的探索,认为后殖民时期的非洲知识分子有责任从活动家学者阿约德勒·阿沃约比的革命生活和作品中得到启发。这篇文章的最终结论是,学术不能仅仅是一个夸夸其谈的舞台,还必须致力于产生务实的思想、观念和行动,这些思想、观念和行动有能力改变绝大多数受压迫的非洲人民普遍存在的令人反感的社会条件和现实。
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引用次数: 0
The Pan-African Pantheon 泛非万神殿
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.7765/9781526156839
T. Moloi
Advocates and critics of literature on Pan-Africanism stand to studiously benefit from this contemporary book on the theme of Pan-Africanism, meticulously edited by Nigerian scholar Adekeye Adebajo. For the record, Adebajo is the incumbent Director of the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg (UJ). When contextualised, this edited text is certainly a welcome addition to the discourse on Pan-Africanism. This book adroitly adds to contributions made by other scholars who have also addressed the theme of Pan-Africanism. A sample of preceding texts include Hakim Adi and Marika Sherwood’s Pan-Africanism History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora since 1787 (2003), followed by Guy Martin’s African Political Thought (2012), and Marika Sherwood’s Origins of Pan-Africanism: Henry Sylvester Williams, Africa, and the African Diaspora (2012). Observably, Adebajo’s text shares the same publication year as African-American Reiland Rabaka’s edited volume The Routledge Handbook of Pan-Africanism (2020). From this list of scholars, one may justly opine that the theme of Pan-Africanism has been addressed by scholars from around the world.
这本由尼日利亚学者Adekeye Adebajo精心编辑的关于泛非主义主题的当代著作将使泛非主义文学的支持者和批评者受益匪浅。值得一提的是,阿德巴霍现任约翰内斯堡大学泛非思想与对话研究所所长。当语境化,这个编辑文本当然是一个受欢迎的增加对泛非主义的论述。这本书巧妙地补充了其他学者的贡献,他们也讨论了泛非主义的主题。之前的文本样本包括哈基姆·阿迪和玛丽卡·舍伍德的《泛非主义历史:1787年以来非洲和散居海外的政治人物》(2003年),随后是盖伊·马丁的《非洲政治思想》(2012年),以及玛丽卡·舍伍德的《泛非主义起源:亨利·西尔韦斯特·威廉姆斯、非洲和散居海外的非洲人》(2012年)。值得注意的是,阿德巴霍的文本与非洲裔美国人赖兰·拉巴卡编辑的《劳特利奇泛非主义手册》(2020年)同一年出版。从这些学者的名单中,人们可以公正地认为,泛非主义的主题已经被来自世界各地的学者所讨论。
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引用次数: 1
Conclusion: Towards a General Theory of Technology and Politics? 结语:走向技术与政治的一般理论?
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1174
Bhaso Ndzendze, T. Marwala
This article reviews the insights made throughout this volume by the contributors and notes the myriad ways the articles haveadvanced our knowledge, on their own and in the aggregate. It also reviews the potential for further incorporating 4IR technologies into the political science methodological arsenal and making a case for theory-building inquiry on account of, and through, the emerging technologies as the next frontier in this expanding discipline.
本文回顾了作者在本卷中所做的见解,并指出了文章本身和总体上提高我们知识的无数方式。它还回顾了将第四次工业革命技术进一步纳入政治学方法论库的潜力,并通过新兴技术作为这一不断扩大的学科的下一个前沿,为理论建设调查提供了一个案例。
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引用次数: 0
The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and its Effects on Public Service Delivery in South Africa 第四次工业革命及其对南非公共服务提供的影响
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1173
Samantha Layton-Matthews, C. Landsberg
In recent decades, the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) has added a new dimension to change and has been exponential in its development. It is important to understand its effects in various environments, particularly the opportunities and challenges it bringsto public sector functioning, where there needs to be a greater drive towards innovative service delivery. This article explores 4IR within the context of public sector service delivery, focusing on South Africa as a developmental nation. It examines technologicaladvancements of 4IR in line with some of the aims of local government, particularly in its mandate to be more responsive and effective in its service delivery. It also establishes how 4IR platforms are being adopted for effective citizen engagement, which is an essentialgoal of service delivery within the sphere of local government. It examines some of the gaps that need to be addressed around the essential practicalities required to integrate 4IR effectively and explores the readiness of the general public sector environment torespond to the demands of 4IR. Key factors regarding what is needed to create a more enabling environment for local government service delivery and its prevalent developmental constraints are also discussed.
近几十年来,第四次工业革命(4IR)为变革增添了新的维度,并以指数级的速度发展。重要的是要了解它在各种环境中的影响,特别是它给公共部门职能带来的机遇和挑战,这需要更大力度地推动创新服务的提供。本文在公共部门服务提供的背景下探讨第四次工业革命,重点关注南非这个发展中国家。报告分析了第四次工业革命的技术进步,以符合地方政府的一些目标,特别是其在提供服务方面更具响应性和有效性的任务。它还确定了如何采用第四次工业革命平台进行有效的公民参与,这是地方政府领域内提供服务的基本目标。报告探讨了围绕有效整合第四次工业革命所需的基本实践需要解决的一些差距,并探讨了一般公共部门环境应对第四次工业革命需求的准备情况。还讨论了为地方政府提供服务创造更有利环境所需的关键因素及其普遍存在的发展制约因素。
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引用次数: 2
Building Resilient Leadership 建立弹性领导力
Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v90i1.1176
A. V. van Breda
Covid-19 poses the greatest challenges for effective leadership in many years. Covid-19 undermines the deepest security we feelas humans and disables people’s capacity to work and create. This opinion piece argues that leaders should not merely hold on until Covid-19 passes, but rather learn the lessons Covid-19 wishes to teach us. In so doing, leaders become resilient to adversity and can facilitate the resilience of employees, teams, and organisations. This article addresses these lessons in relation to our common humanity, the centrality of relationships, the vital importance of spirituality, and the need for structure to enable productivity.
多年来,2019冠状病毒病对有效领导构成了最大挑战。Covid-19破坏了我们作为人类最深切的安全感,使人们失去了工作和创造的能力。这篇评论文章认为,领导人不应该只是坚持到Covid-19过去,而应该吸取Covid-19希望教给我们的教训。这样做,领导者就能适应逆境,并能促进员工、团队和组织的适应能力。这篇文章讨论了这些与我们共同的人性、人际关系的中心地位、精神的至关重要性以及对结构的需要来实现生产力有关的教训。
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引用次数: 1
Colonialism and Historical Imagination 殖民主义与历史想象
Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.36615/thethinker.v89i4.733
Tlhabane M. Dan Motaung
Ethnic identity has continued to undermine national unity and integration across post-colonial Africa, and South Africa seems to be no exception. Post-apartheid South Africa has been bedevilled by the spectre of ethnic politics in a way which shows the durability of toxic ethnicity. Ethnic identities in Africa and South Africa in particular, were forged by colonial powers and apartheid (in the case of the latter) through identity construction and the classic strategy of divide and rule. Fluid pre-colonial social ‘identities’ were recast and calcified into hide-bound, immutable and toxic ethnicity that was invested with a separatist consciousness underwritten by corresponding differential economic livelihoods. This study argues for the need to dig deeper into history to understand the state of pre-colonial identities and how colonial designs constructed the latter to undermine resistance by indigenous people and therefore to perpetuate its domination.
在整个后殖民时代的非洲,种族认同继续破坏着民族团结和融合,南非似乎也不例外。种族隔离后的南非一直被种族政治的幽灵所困扰,这在某种程度上表明了有毒种族的持久性。特别是在非洲和南非,种族认同是由殖民列强和种族隔离(在后者的情况下)通过身份建构和经典的分而治之策略形成的。流动的前殖民社会“身份”被重新塑造和钙化为隐藏的、不可改变的和有毒的种族,这种种族被投资于分离主义意识,由相应的差异经济生计所支撑。本研究认为有必要深入挖掘历史,以了解前殖民身份的状态,以及殖民设计如何构建后者以破坏土著人民的抵抗,从而使其统治永久化。
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引用次数: 0
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