Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-215-220
O. Krasnyak
Review of: Borozna A. The Sources of Russian Foreign Policy Assertiveness. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022; The War in Ukraine’s Donbas: Origins, Contexts, and the Future. Ed. D.R.Marples. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2022
{"title":"Understanding Russia’s foreign policy behavior in the context of the conflict in Ukraine","authors":"O. Krasnyak","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-215-220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-215-220","url":null,"abstract":"Review of: Borozna A. The Sources of Russian Foreign Policy Assertiveness. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022; The War in Ukraine’s Donbas: Origins, Contexts, and the Future. Ed. D.R.Marples. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2022","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-183-204
P. Ivanov
Burundi has a long history of political violence and vigilantism that were particularly widespread in the context of the 1993–2005 civil war. During this period, various armed groups and militias emerged and engaged in violent attacks against civilians, rival rebel groups, and even government forces for ethnic or political reasons. In the aftermath of the civil war, the government of Burundi has struggled to address the legacy of violence and establish a stable political system. Yet vigilantism remains a significant issue in Burundi, with reports of civilians taking the law into their own hands in response to perceived threats and injustices. In some areas, local communities have organized vigilante groups to protect themselves from different crimes, while police as the only legal law enforcement actor to fight crime remains unsuccessful in providing proper security. However, vigilante groups also engage in extrajudicial acts of violence, such as lynching, or mob justice, and can exacerbate existing ethnic tensions and conflicts. The article concludes that long-term interethnic antagonism, coupled with experience of mutual extermination, can become the main catalyst for vigilantism that presents a threat for the overall stability of political system.
{"title":"Hutu vs. Tutsi in Burundi: why local vigilantes are a threat to the future of the state?","authors":"P. Ivanov","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-183-204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-183-204","url":null,"abstract":"Burundi has a long history of political violence and vigilantism that were particularly widespread in the context of the 1993–2005 civil war. During this period, various armed groups and militias emerged and engaged in violent attacks against civilians, rival rebel groups, and even government forces for ethnic or political reasons. In the aftermath of the civil war, the government of Burundi has struggled to address the legacy of violence and establish a stable political system. Yet vigilantism remains a significant issue in Burundi, with reports of civilians taking the law into their own hands in response to perceived threats and injustices. In some areas, local communities have organized vigilante groups to protect themselves from different crimes, while police as the only legal law enforcement actor to fight crime remains unsuccessful in providing proper security. However, vigilante groups also engage in extrajudicial acts of violence, such as lynching, or mob justice, and can exacerbate existing ethnic tensions and conflicts. The article concludes that long-term interethnic antagonism, coupled with experience of mutual extermination, can become the main catalyst for vigilantism that presents a threat for the overall stability of political system.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120
N. Arbatova
History does not allow for subjunctive mood but politics do allow. As Russia‟s special military operation is underway in Ukraine growing into a major, deadly conflict with unpredictable consequences, it is worthwhile to ask a question: could this conflict be prevented if the Minsk agreements were implemented? The 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements were aimed at securing a ceasefire between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian separatists in southeastern Ukraine (Donbass). The rebels from Donetsk and Lugansk drew their courage from the “Crimea precedent” – Moscow‟s incorporation of the Crimea “on the basis of voluntary self-determination and historical commonness”. The Minsk agreements were a product of the Normandy format – a platform for senior diplomats from France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, created in June 2014 with the aim of finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The agreements ended large-scale fighting, but not creeping violence that posed the main obstacle for the political settlement of the conflict. The article provides an analysis of the Minsk agreements, including their strengths and weaknesses. Special attention is paid to the EU‟s political goals and instruments for the peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian conflict. The article also seeks to explain why the Europeans have not been able to take on a more visible and effective role in the implementation of their proclaimed goals.
{"title":"Were the Minsk Agreements doomed to failure? An alternative history","authors":"N. Arbatova","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120","url":null,"abstract":"History does not allow for subjunctive mood but politics do allow. As Russia‟s special military operation is underway in Ukraine growing into a major, deadly conflict with unpredictable consequences, it is worthwhile to ask a question: could this conflict be prevented if the Minsk agreements were implemented? The 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements were aimed at securing a ceasefire between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian separatists in southeastern Ukraine (Donbass). The rebels from Donetsk and Lugansk drew their courage from the “Crimea precedent” – Moscow‟s incorporation of the Crimea “on the basis of voluntary self-determination and historical commonness”. The Minsk agreements were a product of the Normandy format – a platform for senior diplomats from France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, created in June 2014 with the aim of finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The agreements ended large-scale fighting, but not creeping violence that posed the main obstacle for the political settlement of the conflict. The article provides an analysis of the Minsk agreements, including their strengths and weaknesses. Special attention is paid to the EU‟s political goals and instruments for the peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian conflict. The article also seeks to explain why the Europeans have not been able to take on a more visible and effective role in the implementation of their proclaimed goals.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-30-46
P. Kolstø
There are a handful of territories around the globe that have state-like qualities such as governments, police, and tax collection, but are not recognized as states by other states, or are, perhaps, recognized by only one or several states. The study of these entities has been characterized by “terminological anarchy”, with each author developing his or her own designations, sometimes covering exactly the same ground, or seeking to introduce definitions to expand or delimit the number of cases. While these “name games” are partly driven by the ambitions of academics who want to present their research as being original and innovative, they also reveal underlying attitudes towards the phenomenon of de facto statehood. In the article, the range of appellations used in describing these political entities at the margins of international society is analyzed, to see what the choices of names can tell us about underlying attitudes. It is argued that current terminological pluralism is unhelpful and should be eliminated, in order to ensure that we are referring to the same entities in discussing what these entities “are”, what moves them and how they interact with other entities.
{"title":"What’s in a name? “De facto states”, terminological choices and normative consequences","authors":"P. Kolstø","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-30-46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-30-46","url":null,"abstract":"There are a handful of territories around the globe that have state-like qualities such as governments, police, and tax collection, but are not recognized as states by other states, or are, perhaps, recognized by only one or several states. The study of these entities has been characterized by “terminological anarchy”, with each author developing his or her own designations, sometimes covering exactly the same ground, or seeking to introduce definitions to expand or delimit the number of cases. While these “name games” are partly driven by the ambitions of academics who want to present their research as being original and innovative, they also reveal underlying attitudes towards the phenomenon of de facto statehood. In the article, the range of appellations used in describing these political entities at the margins of international society is analyzed, to see what the choices of names can tell us about underlying attitudes. It is argued that current terminological pluralism is unhelpful and should be eliminated, in order to ensure that we are referring to the same entities in discussing what these entities “are”, what moves them and how they interact with other entities.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-125-149
N. Lomagin
In the end of August 1941, the Nazi leadership decided to besiege Leningrad to deliberately starve the city’s inhabitants. Since November, Leningrad was entering its period of mass starvation and death. In December 1941, according to incomplete records, starvation and dystrophy killed more than 50 000 people, in January and February of 1942 – almost 100 000 monthly. Relying on various archival materials, as well as on published sources and literature, the article analyzes impacts of lasting hunger on civilians during the longest siege of the World War Two. Also, it explores the long-term effects of starvation on health of siege survivors and their descendants. While various dimensions of hunger-related illnesses were studied during the siege of Leningrad, the scholarly attention to this topic has significantly decreased since early 1950s, although the consequences of prolonged starvation affected the health of blockade survivors throughout their lives and had an impact on the health of their descendants. Further study of this topic is suggested, to be conducted with the use of methods of biology/epigenetics.
{"title":"Hunger as a weapon: short-term and long-term effects (the case of the siege of Leningrad)","authors":"N. Lomagin","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-125-149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-125-149","url":null,"abstract":"In the end of August 1941, the Nazi leadership decided to besiege Leningrad to deliberately starve the city’s inhabitants. Since November, Leningrad was entering its period of mass starvation and death. In December 1941, according to incomplete records, starvation and dystrophy killed more than 50 000 people, in January and February of 1942 – almost 100 000 monthly. Relying on various archival materials, as well as on published sources and literature, the article analyzes impacts of lasting hunger on civilians during the longest siege of the World War Two. Also, it explores the long-term effects of starvation on health of siege survivors and their descendants. While various dimensions of hunger-related illnesses were studied during the siege of Leningrad, the scholarly attention to this topic has significantly decreased since early 1950s, although the consequences of prolonged starvation affected the health of blockade survivors throughout their lives and had an impact on the health of their descendants. Further study of this topic is suggested, to be conducted with the use of methods of biology/epigenetics.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Postconflict cities: remnants of war in peace","authors":"G. Berdimyradova","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-285-287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-285-287","url":null,"abstract":"Gusic I. Contesting Peace in the Postwar City: Belfast, Mitrovica and Mostar. – New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. 311 p.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-99-124
O. Ovchinnikov
The modern civilization has faced a number of problems of a planetary scale, and not only its condition, but, perhaps, its very existence will depend on solving these problems. One of the most urgent ones is the global food problem (GFP) – the ability of humanity to provide itself with sufficient food while fulfilling a number of related conditions within the framework of the concept of sustainable development. The article examines the state and possibility of solving the GFP in the Western Hemisphere, both in the region as a whole and in the context of individual countries. Following the structure of the GFP factors, the availability of natural resources for agricultural purposes, as well as the volume and sectoral structure of production of main agricultural products are analyzed. The author assesses the near-term prospects of the possibility of providing the population of individual countries with sufficient food by using model calculations that depend on two factors: availability of arable land and economic well-being (per capita GDP). Special attention is also paid to the analysis of the environmental aspect of the GFP, in assessing both the current state of the problem in the region and the prospects for its solution. This factor is seen as one of the keys to development of food systems in several Latin American countries. Certain attention is also paid to some "new" GFP factors, such as the problem of food losses (quite relevant for developed countries, especially for the United States), as well as logistics. Disruptions of logistical chains during market shocks (for example, during the COVID-19 pandemic) has posed a major problem for countries with highly developed food markets. In conclusion, the region's overall position in the global food system is seen as quite strong. At the same time, the differences between some countries on a number of indicators that determine the level of food security is very significant. Thus, the region’s prospects in terms of solving the GPP will largely depend on the ability/determination of individual countries to offset the negative impact of a number of GFP factors.
{"title":"The Western Hemisphere countries and global food problem: current state and prospects","authors":"O. Ovchinnikov","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-99-124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-99-124","url":null,"abstract":"The modern civilization has faced a number of problems of a planetary scale, and not only its condition, but, perhaps, its very existence will depend on solving these problems. One of the most urgent ones is the global food problem (GFP) – the ability of humanity to provide itself with sufficient food while fulfilling a number of related conditions within the framework of the concept of sustainable development. The article examines the state and possibility of solving the GFP in the Western Hemisphere, both in the region as a whole and in the context of individual countries. Following the structure of the GFP factors, the availability of natural resources for agricultural purposes, as well as the volume and sectoral structure of production of main agricultural products are analyzed. The author assesses the near-term prospects of the possibility of providing the population of individual countries with sufficient food by using model calculations that depend on two factors: availability of arable land and economic well-being (per capita GDP). Special attention is also paid to the analysis of the environmental aspect of the GFP, in assessing both the current state of the problem in the region and the prospects for its solution. This factor is seen as one of the keys to development of food systems in several Latin American countries. Certain attention is also paid to some \"new\" GFP factors, such as the problem of food losses (quite relevant for developed countries, especially for the United States), as well as logistics. Disruptions of logistical chains during market shocks (for example, during the COVID-19 pandemic) has posed a major problem for countries with highly developed food markets. In conclusion, the region's overall position in the global food system is seen as quite strong. At the same time, the differences between some countries on a number of indicators that determine the level of food security is very significant. Thus, the region’s prospects in terms of solving the GPP will largely depend on the ability/determination of individual countries to offset the negative impact of a number of GFP factors.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-7-29
E. Stepanova, S. Golunov
Only a quarter of outcomes of armed conflicts that ended during the first two decades of the 21st century resulted from negotiated peace or ceasefire agreements. While comprehensive, final, and conclusive peace agreements are in relative decline, ceasefires, limited, or partial, accords, and local agreements proliferate. The dynamics of peacemaking and the critical interplay of talks and violence during peace processes become increasingly nonlinear, complex, and unpredictable. In this special issue, a mix of actors, dynamics and factors at the interface of peace processes and violence is narrowed down to contexts that involve de facto states, most of whom experience both an ongoing or stalemated peace process and recurring violence of different types and varying degree of intensity. The article provides the analytical context for the special issue and discusses basic terminology and concepts, such as “peace processes” and “de facto states”, and some of the global data-based trends and research literature on the volume‟s subject. The first part of this article focuses on peace processes and the interplay of peacemaking and violence, the second one looks into the “state of the art” on de facto states, while the third one presents a summary of, including the main take-off from, the authors‟ contributions to this special issue.
{"title":"Peace processes, violence, and de facto states: introduction","authors":"E. Stepanova, S. Golunov","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-7-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-7-29","url":null,"abstract":"Only a quarter of outcomes of armed conflicts that ended during the first two decades of the 21st century resulted from negotiated peace or ceasefire agreements. While comprehensive, final, and conclusive peace agreements are in relative decline, ceasefires, limited, or partial, accords, and local agreements proliferate. The dynamics of peacemaking and the critical interplay of talks and violence during peace processes become increasingly nonlinear, complex, and unpredictable. In this special issue, a mix of actors, dynamics and factors at the interface of peace processes and violence is narrowed down to contexts that involve de facto states, most of whom experience both an ongoing or stalemated peace process and recurring violence of different types and varying degree of intensity. The article provides the analytical context for the special issue and discusses basic terminology and concepts, such as “peace processes” and “de facto states”, and some of the global data-based trends and research literature on the volume‟s subject. The first part of this article focuses on peace processes and the interplay of peacemaking and violence, the second one looks into the “state of the art” on de facto states, while the third one presents a summary of, including the main take-off from, the authors‟ contributions to this special issue.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-175-187
Q. Xin, J. Wang
In recent years, the U.S. has vigorously pursued the policy of “using Taiwan to contain mainland China” to thwart China's rise and maintain its hegemonic position. This policy has further exacerbated the China U.S. rivalry in the Taiwan Strait. The audacious visit to Taiwan by Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, in August 2022 triggered a systematic countermeasure from China and dramatically exacerbated tensions in the Taiwan Strait. This article first analyzes the purpose of Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, then reviews China‟s countermeasures against the visit. The author argues that the tensions in the Taiwan Strait have not escalated into the so-called “Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis” because the policies of the mainland China, the United States, and Taiwan are still self-restrained. However, these tensions have negatively affected China U.S. relations and Cross-Strait relations. 在危机的 边缘 佩洛西 访 台及其 对 中美博弈的冲 击 近年来，为了阻滞中国的持续崛起以维护其霸权地位，美国积极推行“以台制华”的政策，进而提升了中美台海博弈的烈度。2022年8月，美国国会众议院议长佩洛西访问台湾之行引发了中方的系统性反制，显著加剧了台海的紧张形势。本文首先对佩洛西访台事件及其动因进行了分析，其次梳理了中方针对佩洛西访台的全面反制举措，在此基础上指出由于中国大陆、美国与台湾地区均采取了较为克制的应对举措，使得此次台海紧张形势未升级为“第四次台海危机”，但仍对中美关系和两岸关系造成了恶劣的影响。
{"title":"On the edge of crisis: Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan and repercussions for the U.S.-China rivalry","authors":"Q. Xin, J. Wang","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-175-187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-175-187","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the U.S. has vigorously pursued the policy of “using Taiwan to contain mainland China” to thwart China's rise and maintain its hegemonic position. This policy has further exacerbated the China U.S. rivalry in the Taiwan Strait. The audacious visit to Taiwan by Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, in August 2022 triggered a systematic countermeasure from China and dramatically exacerbated tensions in the Taiwan Strait. This article first analyzes the purpose of Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, then reviews China‟s countermeasures against the visit. The author argues that the tensions in the Taiwan Strait have not escalated into the so-called “Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis” because the policies of the mainland China, the United States, and Taiwan are still self-restrained. However, these tensions have negatively affected China U.S. relations and Cross-Strait relations. 在危机的 边缘 佩洛西 访 台及其 对 中美博弈的冲 击 近年来，为了阻滞中国的持续崛起以维护其霸权地位，美国积极推行“以台制华”的政策，进而提升了中美台海博弈的烈度。2022年8月，美国国会众议院议长佩洛西访问台湾之行引发了中方的系统性反制，显著加剧了台海的紧张形势。本文首先对佩洛西访台事件及其动因进行了分析，其次梳理了中方针对佩洛西访台的全面反制举措，在此基础上指出由于中国大陆、美国与台湾地区均采取了较为克制的应对举措，使得此次台海紧张形势未升级为“第四次台海危机”，但仍对中美关系和两岸关系造成了恶劣的影响。","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-245-262
V. Bytchkov
The article explores the verification activity by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This activity involves three key aspects: the legal framework, goals, and measures and verification procedures to achieve these goals. The author analyzes legal and technical aspects of the IAEA verification activity, including the notions of diversion of nuclear material and a state’s noncompliance with its commitments related to corresponding safeguards agreements. The analysis is based on the systematic approach that takes into account the evolution of the safeguards system. The author proposes an original approach to reduce the risks of politicization of decisions on noncompliance of states with safeguards agreements by specifying the main notions related to the system of safeguards.
{"title":"The IAEA verification activity","authors":"V. Bytchkov","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-245-262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-245-262","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the verification activity by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This activity involves three key aspects: the legal framework, goals, and measures and verification procedures to achieve these goals. The author analyzes legal and technical aspects of the IAEA verification activity, including the notions of diversion of nuclear material and a state’s noncompliance with its commitments related to corresponding safeguards agreements. The analysis is based on the systematic approach that takes into account the evolution of the safeguards system. The author proposes an original approach to reduce the risks of politicization of decisions on noncompliance of states with safeguards agreements by specifying the main notions related to the system of safeguards.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67687476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：