Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-43-56
T. Morgan
This article provides an overview of the purpose, development and future of the Global Peace Index (GPI), a composite indicator of peacefulness at the national level. It explains why the concept of negative peace is well suited to being captured by a composite index, for both theoretical and statistical reasons. It examines how the GPI fits within the field of peace and conflict studies and how its methodological soundness has been assessed. This is done by looking at the history and structure of the GPI and showing how it relates to other definitions and indicators of peacefulness. The article then analyzes how the index is constructed with respect to its weighting, aggregation, and robustness. Some of the criticisms of the index are also explored, as well as the main proposed directions for the GPI evolution over the coming decade. Three main advantages of the index are identified as the ones that best reflect its novel input in peace and conflict studies. First, a composite indicator of peace helps to provide a more compelling narrative around the dynamics of peace between countries, to generate more interest in the peace and conflict field and to promote the concept of peace as a crucial driver of development. Second, the aggregation of multiple indicators of violence allows for the construction of a continuous measure of peacefulness with a less skewed distribution that can serve as the baseline for seeing which factors in other areas are correlated with peacefulness. Third, this composite measure of peacefulness highlights areas where data on aspects of negative peace are missing, incomplete, or not comparable across countries and drives the creation of new and novel indicators to fill these data gaps.
{"title":"Peace as a composite indicator: the goals and future of the Global Peace Index","authors":"T. Morgan","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-43-56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-43-56","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an overview of the purpose, development and future of the Global Peace Index (GPI), a composite indicator of peacefulness at the national level. It explains why the concept of negative peace is well suited to being captured by a composite index, for both theoretical and statistical reasons. It examines how the GPI fits within the field of peace and conflict studies and how its methodological soundness has been assessed. This is done by looking at the history and structure of the GPI and showing how it relates to other definitions and indicators of peacefulness. The article then analyzes how the index is constructed with respect to its weighting, aggregation, and robustness. Some of the criticisms of the index are also explored, as well as the main proposed directions for the GPI evolution over the coming decade. Three main advantages of the index are identified as the ones that best reflect its novel input in peace and conflict studies. First, a composite indicator of peace helps to provide a more compelling narrative around the dynamics of peace between countries, to generate more interest in the peace and conflict field and to promote the concept of peace as a crucial driver of development. Second, the aggregation of multiple indicators of violence allows for the construction of a continuous measure of peacefulness with a less skewed distribution that can serve as the baseline for seeing which factors in other areas are correlated with peacefulness. Third, this composite measure of peacefulness highlights areas where data on aspects of negative peace are missing, incomplete, or not comparable across countries and drives the creation of new and novel indicators to fill these data gaps.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-162-180
M. Megre
The ongoing conflict between agribusiness and Brazilian indigenous peoples is one of the largest conflicts in contemporary Brazil. It combines territorial dispute with racial, ethnic, and environmental issues. On the one hand, as the Brazilian economy mainly relies on agriculture, agricultural business has consolidated power across the country, strongly supported by the government. On the other hand, indigenous communities have been fighting for decades to have their territory demarcated and to ensure their people‟s security and rights. Apart from unsettled issues between indigenous communities and agribusiness, confrontation is aggravated by social intolerance and the heritage of colonialism. Despite being one of the most violent and widespread conflicts in the country, it is often disregarded and silenced by the Brazilian media, and the Brazilian society is barely aware about it.
{"title":"The conflict between agribusiness and indigenous peoples of Brazil","authors":"M. Megre","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-162-180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-162-180","url":null,"abstract":"The ongoing conflict between agribusiness and Brazilian indigenous peoples is one of the largest conflicts in contemporary Brazil. It combines territorial dispute with racial, ethnic, and environmental issues. On the one hand, as the Brazilian economy mainly relies on agriculture, agricultural business has consolidated power across the country, strongly supported by the government. On the other hand, indigenous communities have been fighting for decades to have their territory demarcated and to ensure their people‟s security and rights. Apart from unsettled issues between indigenous communities and agribusiness, confrontation is aggravated by social intolerance and the heritage of colonialism. Despite being one of the most violent and widespread conflicts in the country, it is often disregarded and silenced by the Brazilian media, and the Brazilian society is barely aware about it.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-110-128
A. Margoev, D. Kheyrie
One of Iran’s key demands before its full return to the 2015 nuclear agreement is that the United States should go beyond just removing sanctions restored by Donald Trump in violation of the deal and guarantee the effectiveness of such measures for the revival of the Iranian economy. In contrast to the IAEA inspections mechanism, there is no sanctions removal verification mechanism or international guidelines on this matter. Having studied publications by experts from Iran and other countries, the authors offer general contours of sanctions removal verification model that consists of three parts: measures by the United States to ease the sanctions regime; list of factors that affect the result of sanctions removal; and economic indicators that can help measure the effect of sanctions removal.
{"title":"Can sanctions removal verification secure the Iran nuclear deal?","authors":"A. Margoev, D. Kheyrie","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-110-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-110-128","url":null,"abstract":"One of Iran’s key demands before its full return to the 2015 nuclear agreement is that the United States should go beyond just removing sanctions restored by Donald Trump in violation of the deal and guarantee the effectiveness of such measures for the revival of the Iranian economy. In contrast to the IAEA inspections mechanism, there is no sanctions removal verification mechanism or international guidelines on this matter. Having studied publications by experts from Iran and other countries, the authors offer general contours of sanctions removal verification model that consists of three parts: measures by the United States to ease the sanctions regime; list of factors that affect the result of sanctions removal; and economic indicators that can help measure the effect of sanctions removal.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-174-185
N. Gur-Arie
The article explores the evolving role of Islamism in Russian national security discourse from the post-Soviet conflicts in the North Caucasus to present Russian engagement in Syria. It traces the development of the term “Wahhabi” as a shorthand for Islamist practices, including subversive and violent activity, and how that label has come to be replaced by an even more amorphous specter of “international terrorists” as the main source of such threats. The article concludes that in Russia, as in many other countries, the arbitrary divide between “good Muslims” and “bad Muslims” in national security discourse is largely subordinate to, and serves to obscure, more important realpolitik aims.
{"title":"From Wahhabism to Islamic extremism: Russia confronting Islamism in conflicts at home and abroad","authors":"N. Gur-Arie","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-174-185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-174-185","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the evolving role of Islamism in Russian national security discourse from the post-Soviet conflicts in the North Caucasus to present Russian engagement in Syria. It traces the development of the term “Wahhabi” as a shorthand for Islamist practices, including subversive and violent activity, and how that label has come to be replaced by an even more amorphous specter of “international terrorists” as the main source of such threats. The article concludes that in Russia, as in many other countries, the arbitrary divide between “good Muslims” and “bad Muslims” in national security discourse is largely subordinate to, and serves to obscure, more important realpolitik aims.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-189-191
G. Romano
{"title":"The dark side of interventions and peace support operations: the Somalia case","authors":"G. Romano","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-189-191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-189-191","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p />","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-204-206
F. Boumeester
{"title":"Analysing national secessionist movements: from a tactical viewpoint towards strategic understanding","authors":"F. Boumeester","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-204-206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-204-206","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p />","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-207-210
A. Nesbit
{"title":"Illiberal peace: promises and problems","authors":"A. Nesbit","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-207-210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-207-210","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p />","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-211-213
K. Kalamar
{"title":"Russia’s gambit in the Syria conflict","authors":"K. Kalamar","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-211-213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-211-213","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p />","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-44-59
A. Suzdaltsev
The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.
{"title":"Russia’s reaction to the revolution in Belarus","authors":"A. Suzdaltsev","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-44-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-44-59","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-153-173
V. Smirnova
The article examines the politics of international supplies of anti-COVID-19 vaccines to the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia. These countries have focused on the diversification of vaccine supplies, in line with their multi-vector foreign policies. Initially, the richest countries in the region, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, had an advantage in access to vaccines. However, eventually vaccine supplies from China and then from Western countries (facilitated by such international organizations and programs as UNICEF, Asian Development Bank, and COVAX) started to arrive in the Spring and Summer of 2021. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have established their own production of the Russian vaccine, while Uzbekistan also produces a vaccine developed in China. The main conclusion is that the supply of vaccines to the region is determined, first and foremost, by commercial and humanitarian considerations, while geopolitical rivalries among the supplying countries have not played a significant role so far.
{"title":"The COVID-19 pandemic and international factors of post-Soviet Central Asian states’ vaccine policies","authors":"V. Smirnova","doi":"10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-153-173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-153-173","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the politics of international supplies of anti-COVID-19 vaccines to the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia. These countries have focused on the diversification of vaccine supplies, in line with their multi-vector foreign policies. Initially, the richest countries in the region, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, had an advantage in access to vaccines. However, eventually vaccine supplies from China and then from Western countries (facilitated by such international organizations and programs as UNICEF, Asian Development Bank, and COVAX) started to arrive in the Spring and Summer of 2021. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have established their own production of the Russian vaccine, while Uzbekistan also produces a vaccine developed in China. The main conclusion is that the supply of vaccines to the region is determined, first and foremost, by commercial and humanitarian considerations, while geopolitical rivalries among the supplying countries have not played a significant role so far.","PeriodicalId":34887,"journal":{"name":"Puti k miru i bezopasnosti","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67686649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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