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The conflict between agribusiness and indigenous peoples of Brazil 巴西农业综合企业和土著人民之间的冲突
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-162-180
M. Megre
The ongoing conflict between agribusiness and Brazilian indigenous peoples is one of the largest conflicts in contemporary Brazil. It combines territorial dispute with racial, ethnic, and environmental issues. On the one hand, as the Brazilian economy mainly relies on agriculture, agricultural business has consolidated power across the country, strongly supported by the government. On the other hand, indigenous communities have been fighting for decades to have their territory demarcated and to ensure their people‟s security and rights. Apart from unsettled issues between indigenous communities and agribusiness, confrontation is aggravated by social intolerance and the heritage of colonialism. Despite being one of the most violent and widespread conflicts in the country, it is often disregarded and silenced by the Brazilian media, and the Brazilian society is barely aware about it.
农业综合企业和巴西土著人民之间持续不断的冲突是当代巴西最大的冲突之一。它将领土争端与种族、民族和环境问题结合在一起。一方面,由于巴西经济主要依靠农业,农业企业在全国范围内巩固了权力,得到了政府的大力支持。另一方面,土著社区几十年来一直在为划定其领土和确保其人民的安全和权利而斗争。除了土著社区和农业综合企业之间悬而未决的问题外,社会不容忍和殖民主义遗产加剧了对抗。尽管这是巴西最暴力和最广泛的冲突之一,但巴西媒体经常忽视和沉默,巴西社会几乎没有意识到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
The evolution of right-wing radicalism in the United States during the Trump era 特朗普时代美国右翼激进主义的演变
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-60-88
A. Bunina
The article examines the evolution of right-wing radicalism and extremism in the United States during the period from 2015 to January 2021 and their destructive impact on elections and power transit. The main drivers of radicalization are explored, with special attention paid to the role of conspiracy theories, in particular the QAnon phenomenon. The article analyzes how the Internet in general and social networks in particular created echo chambers and accelerated the spread of radical ideas. Distinctions are made between the more traditional forms of radicalism and the new generation of radicals (that flourished under the Donald Trump administration). Righ-wing radicalism of the new generation is dominated by cultural libertarianism, comprised of “alt-right” and “alt-light” movements, antagonistic towards left-wing radicalism. While the Trump administration underplayed the rise in right-wing extremism, it considerably overstated the threat of left-wing radicalism. Special attention is paid to thе role of the media, including its growing lack of neutrality and emergence of the ecosphere for conservative viewers where fakes and conspiracy mindsets thrive. Anti-democratic behavior of the president and the Republican Party are explored, including deliberate misleading of voters and denial of the presidential election results. The storming of the Capitol on January 6, 2021 is interpreted as a natural progression of the above-mentioned trends. In conclusion, the forecast of future trends is made. These trends include persistence of populist sentiments, the increasing role of the alt-right, persistence of street violence, and the growing acceptance of anti-democratic behavior. All of this presents a serious challenge not only for the Republican Party, but also for the U.S. political institutions in general.
本文考察了2015年至2021年1月期间美国右翼激进主义和极端主义的演变及其对选举和权力转移的破坏性影响。本书探讨了激进化的主要驱动因素,特别关注了阴谋论的作用,尤其是QAnon现象。这篇文章分析了互联网,尤其是社交网络如何创造了回音室,并加速了激进思想的传播。传统形式的激进主义和新一代激进主义(在唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)政府时期蓬勃发展)之间存在区别。新一代右翼激进主义以文化自由主义为主导,由“另类右翼”和“另类光明”运动组成,与左翼激进主义对立。虽然特朗普政府淡化了右翼极端主义的崛起,但它大大夸大了左翼激进主义的威胁。特别关注的是媒体的作用,包括其日益缺乏中立性,以及为保守观众出现的生态圈,其中虚假和阴谋心态盛行。探讨了总统和共和党的反民主行为,包括故意误导选民和否认总统选举结果。2021年1月6日袭击国会大厦被解释为上述趋势的自然发展。最后,对未来趋势进行了预测。这些趋势包括民粹主义情绪的持续、另类右翼的作用日益增强、街头暴力的持续以及对反民主行为的日益接受。所有这些不仅对共和党,而且对整个美国政治体制都构成了严峻的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Illiberal peace: promises and problems 不自由的和平:承诺与问题
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-207-210
A. Nesbit
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引用次数: 0
Can sanctions removal verification secure the Iran nuclear deal? 解除制裁的核查能否确保伊朗核协议?
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-110-128
A. Margoev, D. Kheyrie
One of Iran’s key demands before its full return to the 2015 nuclear agreement is that the United States should go beyond just removing sanctions restored by Donald Trump in violation of the deal and guarantee the effectiveness of such measures for the revival of the Iranian economy. In contrast to the IAEA inspections mechanism, there is no sanctions removal verification mechanism or international guidelines on this matter. Having studied publications by experts from Iran and other countries, the authors offer general contours of sanctions removal verification model that consists of three parts: measures by the United States to ease the sanctions regime; list of factors that affect the result of sanctions removal; and economic indicators that can help measure the effect of sanctions removal.
在全面重返2015年核协议之前,伊朗的主要要求之一是,美国不应仅仅取消唐纳德·特朗普违反协议恢复的制裁,而应保证这些措施的有效性,以振兴伊朗经济。与原子能机构的视察机制相反,在这一问题上没有解除制裁的核查机制或国际准则。在研究了伊朗和其他国家专家的出版物后,作者提出了解除制裁核查模型的总体轮廓,该模型由三部分组成:美国放松制裁制度的措施;影响解除制裁结果的因素清单;以及有助于衡量解除制裁效果的经济指标。
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引用次数: 1
Analysing national secessionist movements: from a tactical viewpoint towards strategic understanding 分析民族分离主义运动:从战术观点到战略理解
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-204-206
F. Boumeester
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s gambit in the Syria conflict 俄罗斯在叙利亚冲突中的策略
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-211-213
K. Kalamar
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引用次数: 0
From Wahhabism to Islamic extremism: Russia confronting Islamism in conflicts at home and abroad 从瓦哈比派到伊斯兰极端主义:俄罗斯在国内外冲突中面对伊斯兰主义
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-174-185
N. Gur-Arie
The article explores the evolving role of Islamism in Russian national security discourse from the post-Soviet conflicts in the North Caucasus to present Russian engagement in Syria. It traces the development of the term “Wahhabi” as a shorthand for Islamist practices, including subversive and violent activity, and how that label has come to be replaced by an even more amorphous specter of “international terrorists” as the main source of such threats. The article concludes that in Russia, as in many other countries, the arbitrary divide between “good Muslims” and “bad Muslims” in national security discourse is largely subordinate to, and serves to obscure, more important realpolitik aims.
本文探讨了伊斯兰主义在俄罗斯国家安全话语中的演变作用,从苏联解体后的北高加索冲突到俄罗斯介入叙利亚。书中追溯了“瓦哈比”一词作为伊斯兰主义实践(包括颠覆性和暴力活动)的简称的发展,以及这个标签是如何被“国际恐怖分子”这个更加模糊的幽灵所取代的,而“国际恐怖分子”是这类威胁的主要来源。文章的结论是,在俄罗斯,和许多其他国家一样,在国家安全讨论中武断地划分“好穆斯林”和“坏穆斯林”,在很大程度上服从于更重要的现实政治目标,并为其模糊化服务。
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引用次数: 0
The dark side of interventions and peace support operations: the Somalia case 干预与和平支持行动的阴暗面:索马里案例
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-189-191
G. Romano
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s reaction to the revolution in Belarus 俄罗斯对白俄罗斯革命的反应
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-44-59
A. Suzdaltsev
The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.
本文分析了俄罗斯的政策,总统和外交部在试图找到白俄罗斯政治危机的出路和维护白俄罗斯共和国的政治稳定方面的作用。分析了2020年8月9日总统选举期间抗议投票的主要驱动因素,以及俄罗斯-白俄罗斯一体化作为影响白俄罗斯选民态度的因素的作用。本文探讨了莫斯科对亚历山大·卢卡申科(Alexander Lukashenko)反俄总统竞选的反应,以及俄罗斯承认2020年8月9日投票结果的原因。讨论了俄罗斯当局为促进白俄罗斯宪法改革所作的努力。文章还分析了俄罗斯学者对白俄关系的一些看法。
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引用次数: 0
The COVID-19 pandemic and international factors of post-Soviet Central Asian states’ vaccine policies 新冠肺炎大流行与后苏联中亚国家疫苗政策的国际因素
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-153-173
V. Smirnova
The article examines the politics of international supplies of anti-COVID-19 vaccines to the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia. These countries have focused on the diversification of vaccine supplies, in line with their multi-vector foreign policies. Initially, the richest countries in the region, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, had an advantage in access to vaccines. However, eventually vaccine supplies from China and then from Western countries (facilitated by such international organizations and programs as UNICEF, Asian Development Bank, and COVAX) started to arrive in the Spring and Summer of 2021. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have established their own production of the Russian vaccine, while Uzbekistan also produces a vaccine developed in China. The main conclusion is that the supply of vaccines to the region is determined, first and foremost, by commercial and humanitarian considerations, while geopolitical rivalries among the supplying countries have not played a significant role so far.
本文考察了向中亚后苏联国家提供抗covid -19疫苗的国际政治。这些国家根据其多媒介外交政策,注重疫苗供应的多样化。最初,该地区最富裕的国家哈萨克斯坦和土库曼斯坦在获得疫苗方面具有优势。然而,最终来自中国和西方国家的疫苗供应(在联合国儿童基金会、亚洲开发银行和全球获取疫苗联盟等国际组织和项目的推动下)于2021年春夏开始到达。哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦已经建立了自己的俄罗斯疫苗生产基地,乌兹别克斯坦也生产中国研制的疫苗。主要结论是,向该区域供应疫苗首先是由商业和人道主义考虑决定的,而供应国之间的地缘政治竞争迄今尚未发挥重大作用。
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引用次数: 0
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