Nineteenth-century concert life in Laibach (Ljubljana), capital of the Habsburg Carniola, was shaped and led by the local Philharmonic Society. Until the establishment of the Musical Society in 1872, it was the only musical institution in Carniola. Even after the establishment of the Musical Society, the Philharmonics remained the principal and representative leader of concert life. In the mid-nineteenth century, the main European centers had their own operatic and concert civil orchestras, however, Laibach did not have a concert symphony orchestra. In order to lead and perform regular symphonic concerts, the Philharmonic Society had to hire musicians from the military chapel, which also collaborated with the Opera and, at the end of the nineteenth century, participated in the concerts of the Music Society. The history of the Philharmonics exhibits not only a rich tradition but also illustrates the program endeavors of the artistic leaders, the musical trends of the time and social circumstances, which sometimes encouraged and at other times hindered its work. The first preserved program notes indicate that at that time (1816) challenging symphonic works were already played and in this regard Beethoven’s role was evident. In 1808 the Society already attempted to elect Beethoven as an honorary member of the society, but this happened only in 1819. A year before the local premiere of his Symphony No. 6, and for this opportunity, the composer sent a manuscript with his own corrections. Until then his Symphonies Nos. 1, 2, 7 and probably 4 were already performed there. The program notes of the Society indicate that Beethoven’s works were played at least (but usually more than) once in a season. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the appeal and the interest in the composer’s creative output grew even stronger, alongside the appreciation of the memory of the composer. It is also significant to note that his chamber works became regularly performed in the chamber concerts of the Philharmonics. Even though from the very beginning the composer’s overtures had a stable and regular place within the repertoire, the first full performance of his Symphony No. 9 took place only in 1902 (the first three movements were already performed a decade earlier).
{"title":"Beethoven’s Symphonies in the Musical Life of Nineteenth-Century Laibach","authors":"Katarina Bogunović Hočevar","doi":"10.1556/6.2020.00002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2020.00002","url":null,"abstract":"Nineteenth-century concert life in Laibach (Ljubljana), capital of the Habsburg Carniola, was shaped and led by the local Philharmonic Society. Until the establishment of the Musical Society in 1872, it was the only musical institution in Carniola. Even after the establishment of the Musical Society, the Philharmonics remained the principal and representative leader of concert life. In the mid-nineteenth century, the main European centers had their own operatic and concert civil orchestras, however, Laibach did not have a concert symphony orchestra. In order to lead and perform regular symphonic concerts, the Philharmonic Society had to hire musicians from the military chapel, which also collaborated with the Opera and, at the end of the nineteenth century, participated in the concerts of the Music Society. The history of the Philharmonics exhibits not only a rich tradition but also illustrates the program endeavors of the artistic leaders, the musical trends of the time and social circumstances, which sometimes encouraged and at other times hindered its work. The first preserved program notes indicate that at that time (1816) challenging symphonic works were already played and in this regard Beethoven’s role was evident. In 1808 the Society already attempted to elect Beethoven as an honorary member of the society, but this happened only in 1819. A year before the local premiere of his Symphony No. 6, and for this opportunity, the composer sent a manuscript with his own corrections. Until then his Symphonies Nos. 1, 2, 7 and probably 4 were already performed there. The program notes of the Society indicate that Beethoven’s works were played at least (but usually more than) once in a season. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the appeal and the interest in the composer’s creative output grew even stronger, alongside the appreciation of the memory of the composer. It is also significant to note that his chamber works became regularly performed in the chamber concerts of the Philharmonics. Even though from the very beginning the composer’s overtures had a stable and regular place within the repertoire, the first full performance of his Symphony No. 9 took place only in 1902 (the first three movements were already performed a decade earlier).","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":"61 1","pages":"7-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45169074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Beethoven’s Zagreb and Croatian acquaintances included his aristocratic friends, the two countesses, Ana Barbara Keglevich and Anne Marie Erdődy née Niczky, whom he intented to visit in 1817 in her castle near Zagreb. His other friends, Nanette and J. A. Streicher, were ancestors of today’s Zagreb musicians, and general Greth, husband of Jeannette d’Honrath, played on a private concert there in 1819. Beethoven’s music was performed on the first concert of the Musikverein in Zagreb (today Croatian Music Institute, CMI) in 1827. A representative of the Musikverein was present at the Vienna centenary celebrations of his birth in 1870; interesting material about that is kept in the CMI, together with some early and first editions of Beethoven’s works. The local premiere of the Ninth Symphony took place in 1900, with more than 200 performers. Other notable performances of the work include that conducted by Lorin Maazel (1987), and the project entitled Nine for the Ninth Centenary (1994), which united young musicians in the wartime. Tracing Beethoven in Zagreb also concerns his name, which was written on the walls of the CMI building in 1876, and his impressive bust made in 1939 by Vanja Radauš, kept today in a clinic for otorhinolaryngology.
贝多芬在萨格勒布和克罗地亚的熟人包括他的贵族朋友，两位伯爵夫人，安娜·芭芭拉·凯格列维奇和安妮·玛丽·Erdődy恩萨梅·尼基，他打算在1817年去萨格勒布附近的城堡拜访她。他的其他朋友纳内特(Nanette)和j·a·施特赖歇尔(J. a . Streicher)是今天萨格勒布音乐家的祖先。1819年，格雷斯将军(Jeannette d 'Honrath的丈夫)在萨格勒布的一场私人音乐会上演奏。1827年，在萨格勒布(今天的克罗地亚音乐学院，CMI)的第一场音乐会上演奏了贝多芬的音乐。1870年，金色大厅的一名代表出席了维也纳纪念他诞辰100周年的庆典;这方面有趣的资料都保存在CMI里，还有一些早期和初版的贝多芬作品。《第九交响曲》于1900年在当地首演，当时有200多名表演者。该作品的其他著名演出包括洛林·马泽尔指挥的演出(1987年)，以及在战争时期团结年轻音乐家的“九百年”项目(1994年)。在萨格勒布追踪贝多芬还涉及到他的名字，他的名字于1876年写在CMI大楼的墙上，以及1939年由Vanja radauski制作的令人印象深刻的半身像，今天保存在一家耳鼻喉科诊所。
{"title":"Tracing Beethoven in Zagreb","authors":"N. Bezić","doi":"10.1556/6.2020.00012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2020.00012","url":null,"abstract":"Beethoven’s Zagreb and Croatian acquaintances included his aristocratic friends, the two countesses, Ana Barbara Keglevich and Anne Marie Erdődy née Niczky, whom he intented to visit in 1817 in her castle near Zagreb. His other friends, Nanette and J. A. Streicher, were ancestors of today’s Zagreb musicians, and general Greth, husband of Jeannette d’Honrath, played on a private concert there in 1819. Beethoven’s music was performed on the first concert of the Musikverein in Zagreb (today Croatian Music Institute, CMI) in 1827. A representative of the Musikverein was present at the Vienna centenary celebrations of his birth in 1870; interesting material about that is kept in the CMI, together with some early and first editions of Beethoven’s works. The local premiere of the Ninth Symphony took place in 1900, with more than 200 performers. Other notable performances of the work include that conducted by Lorin Maazel (1987), and the project entitled Nine for the Ninth Centenary (1994), which united young musicians in the wartime. Tracing Beethoven in Zagreb also concerns his name, which was written on the walls of the CMI building in 1876, and his impressive bust made in 1939 by Vanja Radauš, kept today in a clinic for otorhinolaryngology.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":"61 1","pages":"161-168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67003818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a memorable letter of 18 March 1926, brought to the attention of Anglophone scholars by David Schneider, Bartók’s second wife Ditta Pásztory described her reaction (obviously also reflecting that of her husband’s) to Stravinsky’s Piano Concerto just after listening to its Budapest premiere with the composer at the piano as being attracted to the machine music but missing in it what she called her “homeland.” In the present article I should like to show that the machine music described as intimidating is no more threatening than a sewing machine, because the inspiration for it was 192Os-style performances of Bach. Furthermore, despite his notorious rhetoric, Stravinsky too aimed at exaltation and catharsis. Parallels between the climaxes in Bartók’s First Piano Concerto and those in Stravinsky’s (especially in the first movement) might reveal the real kinship between the two works. At the same time, Bartók’s obviously different approach to Bach, testified in his few fragmentary recordings, may help us understand the differences of aesthetics between the two composers in their respective neoclassical style showcased in the most important genre for a concertizing pianist.
{"title":"Stravinsky, Ditta, and Bartók’s First Piano Concerto","authors":"R. Taruskin","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00001","url":null,"abstract":"In a memorable letter of 18 March 1926, brought to the attention of Anglophone scholars by David Schneider, Bartók’s second wife Ditta Pásztory described her reaction (obviously also reflecting that of her husband’s) to Stravinsky’s Piano Concerto just after listening to its Budapest premiere with the composer at the piano as being attracted to the machine music but missing in it what she called her “homeland.” In the present article I should like to show that the machine music described as intimidating is no more threatening than a sewing machine, because the inspiration for it was 192Os-style performances of Bach. Furthermore, despite his notorious rhetoric, Stravinsky too aimed at exaltation and catharsis. Parallels between the climaxes in Bartók’s First Piano Concerto and those in Stravinsky’s (especially in the first movement) might reveal the real kinship between the two works. At the same time, Bartók’s obviously different approach to Bach, testified in his few fragmentary recordings, may help us understand the differences of aesthetics between the two composers in their respective neoclassical style showcased in the most important genre for a concertizing pianist.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":"60 1","pages":"5-14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44190723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Hungarian language belongs to the Finno-Ugric linguistic family, but several pre-Conquest strata of Hungarian folk music are connected to Turkic groups. Intrigued by this phenomenon, Hungarian folk music researchers launched thorough comparative examinations. Investigations authenticated by fieldwork have also been ongoing to the present day, parallel to theoretical research. Initially, the main goal was to explore the eastern relations of Hungarian folk music, which gradually broadened into the areal research of the Volga-Kama-Belaya region. I further expanded this work to encompass the comparative investigation of Turkic-speaking groups living over the vast Eurasian territory. This paper provides a summary of the findings of this field research examining the folk music of Anatolian Turk, Azeri, Karachay, Kazakh, Turkmen, Uzbek and Kyrgyz people. I briefly describe the sources, the fieldwork, the methods of processing the collected material, and most interestingly, I summarize new findings. After providing an overview of traditional songs of several Turkic peoples, selected results are provided in three tables: 1) a grouping of Turkic folk-music repertoires; 2) Turkic parallels to Hungarian folk music styles; and 3) the current state of Turkic folk music research conducted by Hungarian scholars.
{"title":"In Bartók’s Footsteps A Folk Music Research Series Among Turkic People (1936–2019)","authors":"J. Šipoš","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00015","url":null,"abstract":"The Hungarian language belongs to the Finno-Ugric linguistic family, but several pre-Conquest strata of Hungarian folk music are connected to Turkic groups. Intrigued by this phenomenon, Hungarian folk music researchers launched thorough comparative examinations. Investigations authenticated by fieldwork have also been ongoing to the present day, parallel to theoretical research. Initially, the main goal was to explore the eastern relations of Hungarian folk music, which gradually broadened into the areal research of the Volga-Kama-Belaya region. I further expanded this work to encompass the comparative investigation of Turkic-speaking groups living over the vast Eurasian territory. This paper provides a summary of the findings of this field research examining the folk music of Anatolian Turk, Azeri, Karachay, Kazakh, Turkmen, Uzbek and Kyrgyz people. I briefly describe the sources, the fieldwork, the methods of processing the collected material, and most interestingly, I summarize new findings. After providing an overview of traditional songs of several Turkic peoples, selected results are provided in three tables: 1) a grouping of Turkic folk-music repertoires; 2) Turkic parallels to Hungarian folk music styles; and 3) the current state of Turkic folk music research conducted by Hungarian scholars.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49658761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Considering the appearance of the musical cryptogram “B-A-C-H” (B-flat– A–C–B -natural) in well-known works up to the time of his First String Quartet (1908/1909), Béla Bartók knew Liszt’s Fantasy and Fugue on the Theme B-A-C-H, presumably also Schumann’s Sechs Fugen über den Namen Bach, and Reger’s Fantasia and Fugue on B-A-C-H for organ. Such compositions quoted the celebrated motive, typically as a starting point, with the relevant (aforementioned) pitches because the musical cryptogram in this way allowed immediate recognition of the reference to the name of the Leipzig composer. However, Bartók’s planned “B-A-C-H” quotation in the development section of the sonata-form second movement of his First Quartet was not a typical homage to Johann Sebastian Bach but rather a vision: a distorted reference to the symbolic “B-A-C-H” motive. Undoubtedly Bartók liked this episode. There is reason to believe that his friend Zoltán Kodály advised him to leave out the inorganic and distorted “B-A-C-H” allusion.
考虑到音乐密码“B-A-C-H”（B-flat–A–C–B–natural）在其第一个弦乐四重奏（1908/1909）之前的知名作品中的出现，Béla Bartók知道李斯特关于B-A-C-H主题的幻想曲和赋格曲，可能也知道舒曼的Sechs Fugenüber den Namen Bach，以及Reger关于管风琴的B-A-C-hFantasia和赋格。这些作品引用了著名的动机，通常作为出发点，并引用了相关的（前面提到的）音高，因为通过这种方式，音乐密码可以立即识别莱比锡作曲家的名字。然而，Bartók计划在他的第一四重奏第二乐章奏鸣曲的发展部分引用“B-A-C-H”，这并不是对Johann Sebastian Bach的典型致敬，而是一种愿景：对象征性的“B-A-C”动机的扭曲引用。毫无疑问，Bartók喜欢这一集。有理由相信，他的朋友Zoltán Kodály建议他不要使用无机和扭曲的“B-A-C-H”典故。
{"title":"With or without the B-A-C-H Motive? Bartók’s Hesitation in Writing his First String Quartet","authors":"L. Somfai","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00002","url":null,"abstract":"Considering the appearance of the musical cryptogram “B-A-C-H” (B-flat– A–C–B -natural) in well-known works up to the time of his First String Quartet (1908/1909), Béla Bartók knew Liszt’s Fantasy and Fugue on the Theme B-A-C-H, presumably also Schumann’s Sechs Fugen über den Namen Bach, and Reger’s Fantasia and Fugue on B-A-C-H for organ. Such compositions quoted the celebrated motive, typically as a starting point, with the relevant (aforementioned) pitches because the musical cryptogram in this way allowed immediate recognition of the reference to the name of the Leipzig composer. However, Bartók’s planned “B-A-C-H” quotation in the development section of the sonata-form second movement of his First Quartet was not a typical homage to Johann Sebastian Bach but rather a vision: a distorted reference to the symbolic “B-A-C-H” motive. Undoubtedly Bartók liked this episode. There is reason to believe that his friend Zoltán Kodály advised him to leave out the inorganic and distorted “B-A-C-H” allusion.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43189031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As a conductor, Hans Richter was a particularly important figure of late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century European concert and operatic life. Despite his significance, however, his correspondence remained mostly unpublished up to these days. The present publication makes accessible the original German text of Rich-ter’s 1871 autobiography as well as his letters written to his Budapest friends, Johann Nepomuk Dunkl and Edmund von Mihalovich, in the period between 1874 and 1899, kept today at the Library of the Liszt Academy of Music in Budapest.
作为一名指挥家，汉斯·里希特在19世纪末和20世纪初的欧洲音乐会和歌剧生活中是一个特别重要的人物。然而，尽管他的意义重大，他的信件直到今天大部分都没有发表。现在的出版物可以访问Rich-ter 1871年自传的德文原文，以及他在1874年至1899年间写给布达佩斯朋友Johann Nepomuk Dunkl和Edmund von Mihalovich的信件，这些信件现在保存在布达佩斯李斯特音乐学院的图书馆。
{"title":"Unveröffentlichte Briefe Hans Richters an Johann Nepomuk Dunkl und Edmund von Mihalovich","authors":"Ágnes Gádor, Veronika Vavrinecz","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00010","url":null,"abstract":"As a conductor, Hans Richter was a particularly important figure of late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century European concert and operatic life. Despite his significance, however, his correspondence remained mostly unpublished up to these days. The present publication makes accessible the original German text of Rich-ter’s 1871 autobiography as well as his letters written to his Budapest friends, Johann Nepomuk Dunkl and Edmund von Mihalovich, in the period between 1874 and 1899, kept today at the Library of the Liszt Academy of Music in Budapest.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":"60 1","pages":"187-217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44363825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the smallest units and micro-structures of traditional dance. I propose a new approach that ventures beyond the identification of simple syntagmatic relations derived from the temporal succession of movements: a former practice of dance analyses that relied on theories borrowed from linguistics and music. The following discussion, based on the analysis of movement content as spatial change, demonstrates the existence of independent but simultaneous movement events in dance: each event possesses an expressive potential and the capacity for performance as a single rhythmical unit. Identifying events creates the possibility of separating parallel running, autonomous movement themes. Amongst the examined structures, an exceptional one, here termed contrakinesis, emerges, which represents spatial opposition as a recurring, characteristic phenomenon in East Central European traditional dance. The theory of simultaneous events and parallel themes reveals that concepts of expression in traditional dance can be comprehensively recognized only through a content-oriented exploration relying on movement analysis: an approach derived from investigating the dance itself.
{"title":"Simultaneous Events, Parallel Themes, Spatial Oppositions: A Comparative Content Analysis of Traditional Dance","authors":"János Fügedi","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00014","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the smallest units and micro-structures of traditional dance. I propose a new approach that ventures beyond the identification of simple syntagmatic relations derived from the temporal succession of movements: a former practice of dance analyses that relied on theories borrowed from linguistics and music. The following discussion, based on the analysis of movement content as spatial change, demonstrates the existence of independent but simultaneous movement events in dance: each event possesses an expressive potential and the capacity for performance as a single rhythmical unit. Identifying events creates the possibility of separating parallel running, autonomous movement themes. Amongst the examined structures, an exceptional one, here termed contrakinesis, emerges, which represents spatial opposition as a recurring, characteristic phenomenon in East Central European traditional dance. The theory of simultaneous events and parallel themes reveals that concepts of expression in traditional dance can be comprehensively recognized only through a content-oriented exploration relying on movement analysis: an approach derived from investigating the dance itself.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43693106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on a fresh study of all primary sources of Bartók’s The Miraculous Mandarin (composition: 1918/19, orchestration: 1924) the article reconsiders the entire history of composition and repeated revisions of the work. The original choice of genre (expressive “pantomime” in contrast to “ballet”) seems to have played a significant role in this troubled history, which shows the composer’s efforts to transform sections of the original “gesture” music into a more symphonic style often making the music more succinct. Puzzlingly, the first full score of the complete work and a revised edition of the piano reduction published posthumously in 1955 by Universal Edition present an abridged form of the work, which cannot be fully authenticated and was finally restored to its more complete form in Peter Bartók’s new edition of 2000. Looking for the possible origin of the more obscure cuts, discussions with choreographer Aurelio Milloss in 1936 and Gyula Harangozó in 1939/40, both of whom later directed and danced productions of the work under the baton of János Ferencsik with great success (in Milan in 1942 and in Budapest in 1945, resp.), should probably be taken into consideration as these might have resulted in the integration of cuts into the published full score. Apart from trying to understand the different stages of the work’s long evolution, the article argues that it is essential to study the original version in the compositional sources since it reveals Bartók’s first concept of the piece composed in his period of highest expressionism.
{"title":"Transfigurations of The Miraculous Mandarin: The Significance of Genre in the Genesis of Bartók’s Pantomime","authors":"László Vikárius","doi":"10.1556/6.2019.00003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00003","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a fresh study of all primary sources of Bartók’s The Miraculous Mandarin (composition: 1918/19, orchestration: 1924) the article reconsiders the entire history of composition and repeated revisions of the work. The original choice of genre (expressive “pantomime” in contrast to “ballet”) seems to have played a significant role in this troubled history, which shows the composer’s efforts to transform sections of the original “gesture” music into a more symphonic style often making the music more succinct. Puzzlingly, the first full score of the complete work and a revised edition of the piano reduction published posthumously in 1955 by Universal Edition present an abridged form of the work, which cannot be fully authenticated and was finally restored to its more complete form in Peter Bartók’s new edition of 2000. Looking for the possible origin of the more obscure cuts, discussions with choreographer Aurelio Milloss in 1936 and Gyula Harangozó in 1939/40, both of whom later directed and danced productions of the work under the baton of János Ferencsik with great success (in Milan in 1942 and in Budapest in 1945, resp.), should probably be taken into consideration as these might have resulted in the integration of cuts into the published full score. Apart from trying to understand the different stages of the work’s long evolution, the article argues that it is essential to study the original version in the compositional sources since it reveals Bartók’s first concept of the piece composed in his period of highest expressionism.","PeriodicalId":34943,"journal":{"name":"Studia Musicologica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46295011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：