Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10029
Shuhan Lin, Pui Yiu Szeto
This study examines the use of various types of disposal constructions in the Chenghai dialect of Chaoshan Southern Min. Based on the distinction between head-marking and dependent-marking grammar, we identify four types of disposal constructions, depending on the position of the marker. We performed the fruit cart task to elicit disposal constructions from 30 native speakers of this dialect. Our results indicate that zero-marking is the most dominant construction type, where topicalization represents the most common subtype; this observation is in line with Southern Min’s strong tendency towards topicalized structures. Nonetheless, despite its dominance at present, the frequency of this construction type increases with age, which suggests that it may be losing ground. Notably, according to our preliminary observation, another topicalized structure in Chenghai Southern Min also seems falling into disfavour, suggesting that the declining use of topicalization in this Chaoshan dialect may be systemic.
{"title":"Disposal constructions in Chaoshan Southern Min","authors":"Shuhan Lin, Pui Yiu Szeto","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10029","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines the use of various types of disposal constructions in the Chenghai dialect of Chaoshan Southern Min. Based on the distinction between head-marking and dependent-marking grammar, we identify four types of disposal constructions, depending on the position of the marker. We performed the fruit cart task to elicit disposal constructions from 30 native speakers of this dialect. Our results indicate that zero-marking is the most dominant construction type, where topicalization represents the most common subtype; this observation is in line with Southern Min’s strong tendency towards topicalized structures. Nonetheless, despite its dominance at present, the frequency of this construction type increases with age, which suggests that it may be losing ground. Notably, according to our preliminary observation, another topicalized structure in Chenghai Southern Min also seems falling into disfavour, suggesting that the declining use of topicalization in this Chaoshan dialect may be systemic.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42125819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10027
Yunfan Lai
Gyalrongic languages exhibit a series of non-trivial nasal-plosive (or approximant) correspondences, which so far lack an explanation. Some nasal consonants, mainly found in West Gyalrongic languages, correspond to plosives or approximants in their East Gyalrongic cognates. Long considered irregular, these correspondences have never been studied with the comparative method. This paper tackles these seeming correspondences and makes the first attempt to reconstruct them. I propose a series of voiceless nasals to account for their modern reflexes with various articulation manners, and analyse the plausibility of this reconstruction. I discuss the forms in question vis-à-vis their cognates in other Sino-Tibetan languages that exhibit a nasal. I also compare alternative solutions with the voiceless nasal hypothesis.
{"title":"On plosive-nasal correspondences and alternations in Gyalrongic and their possible solutions","authors":"Yunfan Lai","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10027","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Gyalrongic languages exhibit a series of non-trivial nasal-plosive (or approximant) correspondences, which so far lack an explanation. Some nasal consonants, mainly found in West Gyalrongic languages, correspond to plosives or approximants in their East Gyalrongic cognates. Long considered irregular, these correspondences have never been studied with the comparative method. This paper tackles these seeming correspondences and makes the first attempt to reconstruct them. I propose a series of voiceless nasals to account for their modern reflexes with various articulation manners, and analyse the plausibility of this reconstruction. I discuss the forms in question vis-à-vis their cognates in other Sino-Tibetan languages that exhibit a nasal. I also compare alternative solutions with the voiceless nasal hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45506877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10030
Nathaniel A. Sims
In 1853, Brian Houghton Hodgson published linguistic data for Rma (< Trans-Himalayan) under the label ‘Thochu’. Nonetheless, his work has not been fully considered in the study of Rma historical linguistics. Recent advances in the study of Rma phonology allow for us to more confidently identify the position of the variety described by Hodgson as well as isoglosses between Thochu and other Rma varieties. This present article gives an analysis of the Rma forms given by Hodgson and discusses their implications for the historical phonology of Rma.
{"title":"An analysis of Hodgson’s ‘Thochu’","authors":"Nathaniel A. Sims","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10030","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In 1853, Brian Houghton Hodgson published linguistic data for Rma (< Trans-Himalayan) under the label ‘Thochu’. Nonetheless, his work has not been fully considered in the study of Rma historical linguistics. Recent advances in the study of Rma phonology allow for us to more confidently identify the position of the variety described by Hodgson as well as isoglosses between Thochu and other Rma varieties. This present article gives an analysis of the Rma forms given by Hodgson and discusses their implications for the historical phonology of Rma.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47832714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10026
Nathaniel A. Sims
Evans’ 2006b recognition of a phonological opposition between plain and uvularized vowels in the Hóngyán variety of Northwestern Rma was an important discovery for Rma linguistics, yet the diachronic origins of this phenomenon have not been fully considered. This paper considers the origin of uvularized vowels in the Hóngyán dialect through comparison with the tonal Lóngxī variety, finding plain and uvularized vowels in Hóngyán to correspond regularly with H and L tones in Lóngxī Rma.
{"title":"Tone and vowel uvularity in Rma","authors":"Nathaniel A. Sims","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10026","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Evans’ 2006b recognition of a phonological opposition between plain and uvularized vowels in the Hóngyán variety of Northwestern Rma was an important discovery for Rma linguistics, yet the diachronic origins of this phenomenon have not been fully considered. This paper considers the origin of uvularized vowels in the Hóngyán dialect through comparison with the tonal Lóngxī variety, finding plain and uvularized vowels in Hóngyán to correspond regularly with H and L tones in Lóngxī Rma.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48932493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10023
Bit-Chee Kwok
There are nearly 20 words with Middle Chinese onsets s- or sr- whose reflexes in modern Southeastern Sinitic (Mǐn, Southern Wú, Hakka, and Gàn) are aspirated affricates. Examples of such words include sī 撕 ‘to tear,’ sù 粟 ‘grain,’ xiān 鮮 ‘fresh,’ and xīng 星 ‘star.’ This paper reveals that there are at least four origins for these correspondence sets, three of which can be connected with Old Chinese. The remaining is a self-innovation of the ancestor of the Southeastern Sinitic group. In this sense, the reflexes of modern Southeastern Sinitic can be taken as an important additional material in the reconstruction of Old Chinese.
{"title":"Multiple origins of Southeastern Sinitic tsh- corresponding to Middle Chinese s- or sr-","authors":"Bit-Chee Kwok","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 There are nearly 20 words with Middle Chinese onsets s- or sr- whose reflexes in modern Southeastern Sinitic (Mǐn, Southern Wú, Hakka, and Gàn) are aspirated affricates. Examples of such words include sī 撕 ‘to tear,’ sù 粟 ‘grain,’ xiān 鮮 ‘fresh,’ and xīng 星 ‘star.’ This paper reveals that there are at least four origins for these correspondence sets, three of which can be connected with Old Chinese. The remaining is a self-innovation of the ancestor of the Southeastern Sinitic group. In this sense, the reflexes of modern Southeastern Sinitic can be taken as an important additional material in the reconstruction of Old Chinese.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48856400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10025
S. Maspong
Khmer displays extensive diachronic phonological restructuring (Huffman, 1976), especially in the realization of initial stops. These changes include (i) devoicing and merger of voiced and voiceless stops, and (ii) the emergence of implosives from pre-vocalic voiceless stops. However, the details and the chronology of these changes remain unclear in many respects. This paper proposes a chronology of the two changes based on philological evidence: Chinese transcriptions of Khmer words in the Zhēnlà Fēngtǔ Jì (ZFTJ), a travel account from the late 13th century. Previous research on ZFTJ by Pelliot (1951) suggested that implosives had already emerged at the time of transcription, while the merger of voiced and voiceless stops had at least started. This is at odds with the general view of Khmer language history. I motivate a revised analysis of the Khmer transcriptions in the ZFTJ and show that the devoicing and merger of voiced and voiceless stops in fact had not yet occurred at the end of the 13th century. There is, however, not enough evidence from ZFTJ to confirm whether implosives had already emerged.
{"title":"Khmer onset voicing at the end of the 13th century","authors":"S. Maspong","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Khmer displays extensive diachronic phonological restructuring (Huffman, 1976), especially in the realization of initial stops. These changes include (i) devoicing and merger of voiced and voiceless stops, and (ii) the emergence of implosives from pre-vocalic voiceless stops. However, the details and the chronology of these changes remain unclear in many respects. This paper proposes a chronology of the two changes based on philological evidence: Chinese transcriptions of Khmer words in the Zhēnlà Fēngtǔ Jì (ZFTJ), a travel account from the late 13th century. Previous research on ZFTJ by Pelliot (1951) suggested that implosives had already emerged at the time of transcription, while the merger of voiced and voiceless stops had at least started. This is at odds with the general view of Khmer language history. I motivate a revised analysis of the Khmer transcriptions in the ZFTJ and show that the devoicing and merger of voiced and voiceless stops in fact had not yet occurred at the end of the 13th century. There is, however, not enough evidence from ZFTJ to confirm whether implosives had already emerged.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48949823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10024
Li-Xue Zhuang
A heretofore unrecognized prefix **g- is reconstructed for Proto-Bodish as an agentive transitivization prefix. This prefix is fossilized before liquids in at least 9 Tamangic verbs, and preserved as a root preinitial in at least 39 Tibetan verbs. The semantic value of agentive transitivization is characterized as an increase in the level of Agent involvement, and/or in the Agent’s conscious effort in performing the action. I describe a newly-documented suffix -wʌ in Sikleś Gurung (Tamangic) which innovatively grammaticalize this meaning category. The reconstruction of **g- lends support to the notional Bodish subgroup by grounding it in a shared innovation.
{"title":"GL-impsing Bodish","authors":"Li-Xue Zhuang","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 A heretofore unrecognized prefix **g- is reconstructed for Proto-Bodish as an agentive transitivization prefix. This prefix is fossilized before liquids in at least 9 Tamangic verbs, and preserved as a root preinitial in at least 39 Tibetan verbs. The semantic value of agentive transitivization is characterized as an increase in the level of Agent involvement, and/or in the Agent’s conscious effort in performing the action. I describe a newly-documented suffix -wʌ in Sikleś Gurung (Tamangic) which innovatively grammaticalize this meaning category. The reconstruction of **g- lends support to the notional Bodish subgroup by grounding it in a shared innovation.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45572199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-17DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10020
N. Zhang
Mandarin Chinese allows implicit, non-canonical, and quantity-objects. The first type is seen in Wǒ zhǎo-guò-le ‘Lit.: I looked for’, which means ‘I have looked for some entity that is known to the interlocutors’. The second type is seen in Lìlì qiē-le nà bǎ dà dāo ‘Lit.: Lili cut that big knife’, which means that Lili cut something with that big knife. The third type is seen in zǒu-le yī lǐ ‘walked one mile’. From the perspective of the interaction of yòu ‘again’ with different kinds of objects, this paper shows that while implicit objects and quantity-objects behave like explicit canonical objects, non-canonical objects do not behave like canonical ones. This paper provides new evidence to support Zhang Niina Ning’s (2018, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 36: 1395–1437) claim that a non-canonical object restricts the meaning of the verb, rather than saturates any argument of the verb. It also supports the internal argument analysis of post-verbal quantity expressions.
{"title":"Agentless presupposition and implicit and non-canonical objects in Mandarin","authors":"N. Zhang","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Mandarin Chinese allows implicit, non-canonical, and quantity-objects. The first type is seen in Wǒ zhǎo-guò-le ‘Lit.: I looked for’, which means ‘I have looked for some entity that is known to the interlocutors’. The second type is seen in Lìlì qiē-le nà bǎ dà dāo ‘Lit.: Lili cut that big knife’, which means that Lili cut something with that big knife. The third type is seen in zǒu-le yī lǐ ‘walked one mile’. From the perspective of the interaction of yòu ‘again’ with different kinds of objects, this paper shows that while implicit objects and quantity-objects behave like explicit canonical objects, non-canonical objects do not behave like canonical ones. This paper provides new evidence to support Zhang Niina Ning’s (2018, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 36: 1395–1437) claim that a non-canonical object restricts the meaning of the verb, rather than saturates any argument of the verb. It also supports the internal argument analysis of post-verbal quantity expressions.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42245565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-17DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10017
N. Hill
This paper looks at the history of Tosu using 'forward reconstruction'. It concludes that Proto-Ersuic changed *-im to *-am already before its breakup as a unity, but the ‘brightening’ of *-a- to -i- took place independently in Tosu and Lizu-Ersu. In Tosu this brightening did not target labial (or velar) initial words lacking an inherited medial *-j-. A number of changes in the history of Tosu probably preceded brightening, namely *-um, *-ak > -o and *-u, *-it, *-at, *-ra > -e. In contrast, the change *-e- > -i- in Tosu, of unclear conditioning, appears to be quite late. A dissimilation *CeCe > CeCa is potentially also a recent change.
{"title":"Two notes on Proto-Ersuic","authors":"N. Hill","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper looks at the history of Tosu using 'forward reconstruction'. It concludes that Proto-Ersuic changed *-im to *-am already before its breakup as a unity, but the ‘brightening’ of *-a- to -i- took place independently in Tosu and Lizu-Ersu. In Tosu this brightening did not target labial (or velar) initial words lacking an inherited medial *-j-. A number of changes in the history of Tosu probably preceded brightening, namely *-um, *-ak > -o and *-u, *-it, *-at, *-ra > -e. In contrast, the change *-e- > -i- in Tosu, of unclear conditioning, appears to be quite late. A dissimilation *CeCe > CeCa is potentially also a recent change.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43196102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-17DOI: 10.1163/19606028-bja10022
Jean-Baptiste Lamontre
Cet article esquisse la description morphologique du verbe simple en kulung (kiranti, tibéto-birman), à l’ exclusion des formations réfléchies et composées. Comme l’ ensemble des langues kiranties, le kulung se signale par une morphologie verbale non triviale associant polysynthèse, indexation biactantielle et allormorphie radicale. La description de la morphologie affixale clarifie et complète celle qu’ en donne Tolsma (2006). La description de l’ allomorphie radicale fait appel à la notion d’ espace thématique telle qu’ explicitée dans les travaux de Boyé & Bonami (2003) et Bonami (2014). L’ ensemble des modifications apportées à la description de Tolsma (2006) repose à la fois sur une analyse des contradictions internes de l’ ouvrage, et sur l’ analyse d’ un corpus opportuniste de 150 000 mots.
{"title":"Morphologie affixale et radicale du verbe simple kulung","authors":"Jean-Baptiste Lamontre","doi":"10.1163/19606028-bja10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Cet article esquisse la description morphologique du verbe simple en kulung (kiranti, tibéto-birman), à l’ exclusion des formations réfléchies et composées. Comme l’ ensemble des langues kiranties, le kulung se signale par une morphologie verbale non triviale associant polysynthèse, indexation biactantielle et allormorphie radicale. La description de la morphologie affixale clarifie et complète celle qu’ en donne Tolsma (2006). La description de l’ allomorphie radicale fait appel à la notion d’ espace thématique telle qu’ explicitée dans les travaux de Boyé & Bonami (2003) et Bonami (2014). L’ ensemble des modifications apportées à la description de Tolsma (2006) repose à la fois sur une analyse des contradictions internes de l’ ouvrage, et sur l’ analyse d’ un corpus opportuniste de 150 000 mots.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48097892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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