Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04602003
Mark J. Alves
Specialists in Chinese historical phonology have claimed that some Vietnamese words with final /-j/ come from Old Chinese words with final *-r. This is reasonable to speculate as Proto-Austroasiatic finals *-r and *-l became final /-j/ in Vietnamese, parallel to the case in Sinitic. However, these Vietnamese words offer little evidence for OC *-r. Vietnamese did borrow a number of Late Old Chinese or Early Middle Chinese words reconstructed with final *-r after *-r merged with *-n in Eastern Han or later, and thus these words also have /-n/ in Vietnamese. Several other Vietnamese words with final /-j/ which are possibly from Old Chinese words having *-r were borrowed earlier in the BCE period, likely before large migrations of Sinitic speakers arrived. Those words include verbs and an adjective, words less likely than nouns to be borrowed without large bilingual communities. The small number of words and general uncertainty suggests some Vietnamese words with /-j/ purportedly from Old Chinese words with *-r may be chance similarities. Few are probable Chinese loanwords from that period.
{"title":"Does Vietnamese have evidence for OC *-r?","authors":"Mark J. Alves","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04602003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04602003","url":null,"abstract":"Specialists in Chinese historical phonology have claimed that some Vietnamese words with final /-j/ come from Old Chinese words with final *-r. This is reasonable to speculate as Proto-Austroasiatic finals *-r and *-l became final /-j/ in Vietnamese, parallel to the case in Sinitic. However, these Vietnamese words offer little evidence for OC *-r. Vietnamese did borrow a number of Late Old Chinese or Early Middle Chinese words reconstructed with final *-r after *-r merged with *-n in Eastern Han or later, and thus these words also have /-n/ in Vietnamese. Several other Vietnamese words with final /-j/ which are possibly from Old Chinese words having *-r were borrowed earlier in the BCE period, likely before large migrations of Sinitic speakers arrived. Those words include verbs and an adjective, words less likely than nouns to be borrowed without large bilingual communities. The small number of words and general uncertainty suggests some Vietnamese words with /-j/ purportedly from Old Chinese words with *-r may be chance similarities. Few are probable Chinese loanwords from that period.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"46 1","pages":"151-173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04602003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64471308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04601001
Jiayin Gao, P. Hallé
This study investigates the relations between tone, voicing, and voice quality in modern Shanghai Chinese. In low tone syllables, word-initial obstruent onsets are traditionally described as voiceless and breathy, and sonorant onsets as voiced and breathy.Our study is based on acoustic and electroglottographic (EGG) data from speakers of two age groups (20–30 vs. 60–80 years). Our results are globally in line with previous studies, but with notable differences. In low tone syllables, while word-initial stops are phonetically voiceless most of the time, fricatives are quite often phonetically voiced. While low tone obstruent onsets are followed by breathier vowels than high tone onsets, this pattern is not clear-cut for nasal onsets. Furthermore, our transversal data show that low tone breathiness is more systematically produced by elderly – especially male – speakers, rather than young speakers, suggesting an on-going change towards the loss of breathiness.
{"title":"Phonetic and phonological properties of tones in Shanghai Chinese","authors":"Jiayin Gao, P. Hallé","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04601001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04601001","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the relations between tone, voicing, and voice quality in modern Shanghai Chinese. In low tone syllables, word-initial obstruent onsets are traditionally described as voiceless and breathy, and sonorant onsets as voiced and breathy.Our study is based on acoustic and electroglottographic (EGG) data from speakers of two age groups (20–30 vs. 60–80 years). Our results are globally in line with previous studies, but with notable differences. In low tone syllables, while word-initial stops are phonetically voiceless most of the time, fricatives are quite often phonetically voiced. While low tone obstruent onsets are followed by breathier vowels than high tone onsets, this pattern is not clear-cut for nasal onsets. Furthermore, our transversal data show that low tone breathiness is more systematically produced by elderly – especially male – speakers, rather than young speakers, suggesting an on-going change towards the loss of breathiness.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"46 1","pages":"1-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04601001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64471604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04601003
Aimée Lahaussois
This article describes the relativization strategies found in Thulung Rai (Eastern Nepal, Tibeto-Burman, Kiranti subgroup). The strategies make use of three morphemes: a finite nominalizer -m (along with allomorph -mim), and two participial markers, -pa and -ma, and have different distributions in terms of the arguments they can relativize upon. Of particular interest is the question of the distribution of strategies available for relativization on subjects, and how these correlate with case marking and the person-based split ergative system found in Thulung.
{"title":"Relativization strategies and alignment in Thulung Rai","authors":"Aimée Lahaussois","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04601003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04601003","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes the relativization strategies found in Thulung Rai (Eastern Nepal, Tibeto-Burman, Kiranti subgroup). The strategies make use of three morphemes: a finite nominalizer -m (along with allomorph -mim), and two participial markers, -pa and -ma, and have different distributions in terms of the arguments they can relativize upon. Of particular interest is the question of the distribution of strategies available for relativization on subjects, and how these correlate with case marking and the person-based split ergative system found in Thulung.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"46 1","pages":"73-100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04601003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64471151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-23DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00451P01
Wayne Lawrence
Whereas almost all Ryukyuan dialects with tonal contrasts are word-tone languages, the Nakijin dialect of Northern Okinawa is an accentual language, and this accent, in addition to being pronounced with a high tone in certain environments, interacts with a vowel lengthening process. Through comparison of the Okinawan dialect of Nakijin with the Amami dialect of Asama (Tokunoshima Island), which also has a productive vowel lengthening process, this paper reconstructs the prosodic system (pitch and vowel length) for underived nouns in Proto-Northern Ryukyuan, and shows how the accent developed in the Nakijin dialect. Alors que la plupart des dialectes ryukyu possedant des distinctions tonales sont des langues a tons lexicaux, le dialecte de Nakijin du nord d’Okinawa est une langue a accent, et cet accent, en plus d’etre prononce sous la forme d’un ton haut dans certains environnements, interagit avec un processus d’allongement vocalique. Par la comparaison du dialecte okinawaien de Nakijin et du dialecte amami d’Asama (ile de Tokunoshima), qui a lui aussi un processus productif d’allongement vocalique, cet article reconstruit le systeme prosodique (melodie et longueur vocalique) des noms non derives en proto-ryukyu du Nord et expose la maniere dont l’accent s’est developpe dans le dialecte de Nakijin.
{"title":"Historical reanalysis in the Nakijin dialect noun accentuation system","authors":"Wayne Lawrence","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00451P01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00451P01","url":null,"abstract":"Whereas almost all Ryukyuan dialects with tonal contrasts are word-tone languages, the Nakijin dialect of Northern Okinawa is an accentual language, and this accent, in addition to being pronounced with a high tone in certain environments, interacts with a vowel lengthening process. Through comparison of the Okinawan dialect of Nakijin with the Amami dialect of Asama (Tokunoshima Island), which also has a productive vowel lengthening process, this paper reconstructs the prosodic system (pitch and vowel length) for underived nouns in Proto-Northern Ryukyuan, and shows how the accent developed in the Nakijin dialect. Alors que la plupart des dialectes ryukyu possedant des distinctions tonales sont des langues a tons lexicaux, le dialecte de Nakijin du nord d’Okinawa est une langue a accent, et cet accent, en plus d’etre prononce sous la forme d’un ton haut dans certains environnements, interagit avec un processus d’allongement vocalique. Par la comparaison du dialecte okinawaien de Nakijin et du dialecte amami d’Asama (ile de Tokunoshima), qui a lui aussi un processus productif d’allongement vocalique, cet article reconstruit le systeme prosodique (melodie et longueur vocalique) des noms non derives en proto-ryukyu du Nord et expose la maniere dont l’accent s’est developpe dans le dialecte de Nakijin.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"1-25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00451P01","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64470574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-23DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00451P02
Carlotta Viti
This paper discusses the morphosyntactic strategies used in Tocharian to encode argument functions in simple clauses, with focus on experience predicates. This may be relevant to fill a lacuna in the literature on experience predicates, which have not been investigated in Tocharian. We shall see that experience predicates in Tocharian typically require a nominative experiencer, rather than an oblique experiencer, and that the low transitivity of the predicate is expressed by the middle voice. All this may also be of more general relevance to illustrate the interaction between case marking and verbal voice to express argument functions in languages. Cet article analyse les strategies morphosyntaxiques employees en tokharien pour codifier les predicats dits d’« experience », par le biais de paralleles issus d’autres langues indo-europeennes. Cela peut etre important pour remplir un vide dans la litterature concernant ce type de verbes, qui jusqu’ici n’ont pas ete analyses par rapport au tokharien. On montrera que ces predicats demandent le cas nominatif pour le sujet qui realise l’experience, au lieu d’un cas oblique, et que la faible transitivite de ces predicats est exprimee par la diathese moyenne. De maniere plus generale, tout cela pourra aussi mettre en lumiere l’interaction entre les cas de la declinaison et la diathese verbale dans l’expression de fonctions argumentales dans les langues.
本文讨论了吐火罗语在简单子句中对实参函数进行编码的形态句法策略，重点讨论了经验谓词。这可能与填补经验谓词的文献空白有关，在吐火罗语中尚未进行研究。我们将看到吐火罗语中的经验谓词通常需要一个主谓体验者，而不是一个斜向体验者，谓词的低及物性是由中间的声音表达的。所有这些也可能具有更普遍的相关性，以说明在语言中，格标记和言语语音之间的相互作用，以表达论点功能。本文分析了员工在“经验”、“语言”、“语言”、“语言”、“语言”、“语言”等方面的策略、形态句法。Cela是一个重要的研究对象，它是关于语言类型的文献中最重要的研究对象，但它并没有通过对语言类型的分析。在montrera, ces predicats demandent le cas nominatif倒我,意识到l 'experience,非盟代替d一个中科院的斜,et, la faible transitivite de ces predicats est exprimee par la diathese平均值。从具体的和一般的角度来看，我们可以看到，我们的语言是相互作用的，我们的语言是相互作用的，我们的语言是相互作用的，我们的语言是相互作用的，我们的语言是相互作用的，我们的语言是相互作用的。
{"title":"The morphosyntax of experience predicates in Tocharian","authors":"Carlotta Viti","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00451P02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00451P02","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the morphosyntactic strategies used in Tocharian to encode argument functions in simple clauses, with focus on experience predicates. This may be relevant to fill a lacuna in the literature on experience predicates, which have not been investigated in Tocharian. We shall see that experience predicates in Tocharian typically require a nominative experiencer, rather than an oblique experiencer, and that the low transitivity of the predicate is expressed by the middle voice. All this may also be of more general relevance to illustrate the interaction between case marking and verbal voice to express argument functions in languages. Cet article analyse les strategies morphosyntaxiques employees en tokharien pour codifier les predicats dits d’« experience », par le biais de paralleles issus d’autres langues indo-europeennes. Cela peut etre important pour remplir un vide dans la litterature concernant ce type de verbes, qui jusqu’ici n’ont pas ete analyses par rapport au tokharien. On montrera que ces predicats demandent le cas nominatif pour le sujet qui realise l’experience, au lieu d’un cas oblique, et que la faible transitivite de ces predicats est exprimee par la diathese moyenne. De maniere plus generale, tout cela pourra aussi mettre en lumiere l’interaction entre les cas de la declinaison et la diathese verbale dans l’expression de fonctions argumentales dans les langues.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"26-70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00451P02","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64470823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-23DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00451P03
Bit-Chee Kwok
This paper provides a synchronic description and reconstructs the developmental pathway of the aspect marker te in four Southwestern Yue dialects of Chinese, located in far western Guǎngdōng. Synchronically, te functions as a perfective aspect marker and a perfect aspect marker (similar to Mandarin Chinese le but different from Cantonese zo). Diachronically, te is believed to have been transferred from the neighboring Hakka dialects through substratum influence. We argue that te is grammaticalized from the verb de 得 ‘to acquire,’ of the Hakka dialects. This study reveals that the aspectual use of te is an essential part of a missing link between Yue and Hakka. Cet article offre des descriptions synchroniques et reconstruit la voie de developpement du marqueur aspectuel te dans quatre dialectes chinois de Yue du sud-ouest, qui se trouvent a l’extreme-ouest de la province de Guǎngdōng. Synchroniquement, te fonctionne a la fois comme un marquer aspectuel du perfectif et du parfait (comparable a le en chinois mandarin mais different du zo en cantonais). Diachroniquement, nous pensons que te a ete emprunte des dialectes voisins de Hakka, et ainsi subi d’une influence de substrat. Nous argumentons en faveur de l’origine Hakka de te : il est grammaticalise du verbe de 得 qui signifie ‘acquerir’ dans les dialectes Hakka. Cette etude revele que l'usage aspectuel de te joue un role essentiel du lien manquant entre les groupes dialectaux de Yue et Hakka.
{"title":"Reconstructing the development of the aspect marker te ‘to acquire’ in Southwestern Yuè: a missing link between Yuè and Hakka","authors":"Bit-Chee Kwok","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00451P03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00451P03","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a synchronic description and reconstructs the developmental pathway of the aspect marker te in four Southwestern Yue dialects of Chinese, located in far western Guǎngdōng. Synchronically, te functions as a perfective aspect marker and a perfect aspect marker (similar to Mandarin Chinese le but different from Cantonese zo). Diachronically, te is believed to have been transferred from the neighboring Hakka dialects through substratum influence. We argue that te is grammaticalized from the verb de 得 ‘to acquire,’ of the Hakka dialects. This study reveals that the aspectual use of te is an essential part of a missing link between Yue and Hakka. Cet article offre des descriptions synchroniques et reconstruit la voie de developpement du marqueur aspectuel te dans quatre dialectes chinois de Yue du sud-ouest, qui se trouvent a l’extreme-ouest de la province de Guǎngdōng. Synchroniquement, te fonctionne a la fois comme un marquer aspectuel du perfectif et du parfait (comparable a le en chinois mandarin mais different du zo en cantonais). Diachroniquement, nous pensons que te a ete emprunte des dialectes voisins de Hakka, et ainsi subi d’une influence de substrat. Nous argumentons en faveur de l’origine Hakka de te : il est grammaticalise du verbe de 得 qui signifie ‘acquerir’ dans les dialectes Hakka. Cette etude revele que l'usage aspectuel de te joue un role essentiel du lien manquant entre les groupes dialectaux de Yue et Hakka.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"71-104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00451P03","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64470912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Une grammaire du mandarin","authors":"Marie-Claude Paris","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00451P04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00451P04","url":null,"abstract":"Review article on Grammar of Mandarin. John Benjamins. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 2015, written by Jeroen Wiedenhof.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"105-111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00451P04","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64470924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-03-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00452P04
José Andrés Alonso Fuente
{"title":"Comparative Nivkh Dictionary, written by Michael Fortescue, 2016","authors":"José Andrés Alonso Fuente","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00452P04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00452P04","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"177-183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00452P04","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64471026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-03-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00452P05
M. Miyake
{"title":"Translating Chinese tradition and teaching Tangut culture: Manuscripts and printed books from Khara-Khoto , written by Imre Galambos, 2015","authors":"M. Miyake","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00452P05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00452P05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"184-190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00452P05","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64471105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-03-24DOI: 10.1163/19606028-00452P01
José Andrés Alonso Fuente
Manchu has a set of spatials (adverbs) containing the derivational suffix +si which via grammaticalization (recategorization) evolved into motion verbs, e.g. †do ‘inside’ > dosi ‘to the inside, into’ > dosi- ‘to go into, enter’. Ikegami’s suggestion concerning the origin of one of them, namely tuci- ‘to come out, exit’ < *tulĕ/ĭ-si-, from tule ‘outside’, involves unnecessary phonetic complications: fortition of *-ls- to *-lc- and cluster simplification of *-lc- to -c- are two atypical sound changes in the history of Manchu. An alternative solution is presented instead: tuci- goes back to Proto-Tungusic *turki- ‘to go out’ (unambiguous cognates in South Ewenki), showing regular -c- < *-rk-, and has no suffix whatsoever. The same alternative solution allows us to dispense with the longstanding fallacy that in Manchu the derivational suffix +si has a variant in +ci.
满语有一组包含衍生后缀+si的空间(副词)，通过语法化(重新分类)演变成动作动词，例如:†do ' inside ' > dosi ' to the inside，变成> dosi- '进入，进入'。池上关于其中之一的起源的建议，即tuci-“出来，退出”< * tuli /ĭ-si-，来自tule“外面”，涉及不必要的语音复杂性:*-ls-到*-lc-的加强和*-lc-到-c-的集群化简是满语历史上的两个非典型的语音变化。另一种解决方案是:tuci-可以追溯到原始通古斯*突厥语-“出去”(在南额温克语中是明确的同源词)，显示规则的-c- < *-rk-，并且没有任何后缀。同样的替代解决方案允许我们免除长期存在的谬论，即在满语中衍生后缀+si在+ci中有一个变体。
{"title":"On the role of grammaticalization (recategorization) in the origin of Manchu motion verbs","authors":"José Andrés Alonso Fuente","doi":"10.1163/19606028-00452P01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00452P01","url":null,"abstract":"Manchu has a set of spatials (adverbs) containing the derivational suffix +si which via grammaticalization (recategorization) evolved into motion verbs, e.g. †do ‘inside’ > dosi ‘to the inside, into’ > dosi- ‘to go into, enter’. Ikegami’s suggestion concerning the origin of one of them, namely tuci- ‘to come out, exit’ < *tulĕ/ĭ-si-, from tule ‘outside’, involves unnecessary phonetic complications: fortition of *-ls- to *-lc- and cluster simplification of *-lc- to -c- are two atypical sound changes in the history of Manchu. An alternative solution is presented instead: tuci- goes back to Proto-Tungusic *turki- ‘to go out’ (unambiguous cognates in South Ewenki), showing regular -c- < *-rk-, and has no suffix whatsoever. The same alternative solution allows us to dispense with the longstanding fallacy that in Manchu the derivational suffix +si has a variant in +ci.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"45 1","pages":"113-126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-00452P01","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64470960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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