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Grammatica essenziale della lingua thai, by Bunjarat, Songkran & Sabattini, Mario 《泰国语的基本语法》,Bunjarat, Songkran & Sabattini, Mario著
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04702005
Mathias Jenny
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引用次数: 0
On the lexical meaning of inchoative states in Korean 朝鲜语初始状态的词汇意义
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04702003
Jiyoung Choi
This paper aims to investigate the lexical meaning of so-called inchoative states (INSs) in Korean that do not fit into Vendler (1967)’s aspectual classification, in that they show properties of both atelic (states) and telic (change-of-state) predicates. Building on Bar-el (2005), this paper proposes that INSs in Korean are semantically complex predicates describing a sequence of two events, one that is a change-of-state an achievement would describe, immediately followed by a second that is an eventuality a typical state would describe. This paper also provides an analysis of INSs accounting for their temporal properties.
本文旨在探讨不符合Vendler(1967)方面分类的韩语中所谓的初始状态(INSs)的词汇意义,因为它们显示了atelic(状态)和telic(状态变化)谓词的属性。在Bar-el(2005)的基础上,本文提出,韩语中的INSs是语义上复杂的谓词,描述了两个事件的序列,其中一个是成就所描述的状态变化,紧接着是典型状态所描述的可能性。本文还对INSs的时间特性进行了分析。
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引用次数: 0
The development of QIE 且 in Medieval Chinese QIE的发展且 中世纪汉语
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-11 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04701002
Yezi Mu
In Medieval Chinese, a new function of QIE as a marker of polite imperative started to appear, and its use gradually increased in frequency until the late Old Mandarin era. This paper proposes a possible path for the development of this function of QIE in Medieval Chinese, and suggests that it might have evolved from its use for transient situations with hortative modality. Moreover, contact with Indic languages via the translation of Buddhist texts in the Medieval Chinese era also seems to have facilitated the development of QIE from a temporal adverb to a marker of polite imperative.
在中世纪汉语中,作为礼貌祈使符号的“祈”一种新功能开始出现,其使用频率逐渐增加,直到古汉语时代晚期。本文提出了中世纪汉语中QIE这一功能发展的可能路径,并认为它可能是由其用于具有hortative情态的短暂情况演变而来的。此外,中国中世纪时期通过翻译佛教典籍与印度语言的接触,似乎也促进了QIE从一个时间副词发展为礼貌祈使语的标记。
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引用次数: 0
Différentes natures des marques négatives redondantes en chinois mandarin 中文普通话中冗余负面标记的不同性质
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-11 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04701001
Baiyao Zuo
Les marques négatives redondantes apparaissent dans des structures propositionnelles et des expressions adjectivales et adverbiales en chinois. Bien qu’ elles soient étudiées depuis longtemps, les différences de leurs natures n’ ont pas été indiquées par les recherches antérieures. Cet article a analysé les productions des structures propositionnelles, comme chàdiǎn méi … (差点没 … « s’ en falloir de peu que NEG »), et des expressions adjectivales ou adverbiales hǎo bù (好不 « très NEG ») + Adj et búyào tài (不要太 « NEG très ») + Adj. A travers cette analyse, trois mécanismes différents de production, à savoir l’ intégration conceptuelle des constructions, l’ ironie (la négation métaconceptuelle) et la négation métalinguistique, ont été trouvés pour expliquer les différentes natures des marques négatives redondantes.
冗余否定标记出现在汉语的命题结构、形容词和副词表达中。尽管它们已经被研究了很长时间,但之前的研究并未揭示其性质的差异。本文分析了命题结构的产生,如chàdiǎn méi…(只需一点neg…),以及形容词或副词表达hùo bù(非常neg)+adj和búyào tài(非常neg)+形容词。结构的概念,讽刺(元概念否定)和元语言否定被发现可以解释冗余负面标记的不同性质。
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引用次数: 1
Linguistic evidence for a closer relationship between Lhokpu and Dhimal Lhokpu和Dhimal之间关系更密切的语言学证据
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-11 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04701004
Selin Grollmann, Pascal Gerber
Lhokpu is a hitherto undescribed and unclassified Trans-Himalayan language spoken by some 2,500 speakers in southwestern Bhutan. Fieldwork in 2015 now enables linguistic research on the language, including accounts on its phylogenetic position within the language family. This paper presents morphological, lexical, and phonological evidence for a closer phylogenetic relationship between Lhokpu and Dhimal (southeastern Nepal). Dhimal is conventionally grouped together with Toto under “Dhimalish.” We argue in this paper that the similarities between Lhokpu and Dhimal are equally profound and numerous, and that Lhokpu, Dhimal, and Toto are three closely related languages within the Trans-Himalayan family.
Lhokpu是一种迄今为止未被描述和未分类的跨喜马拉雅语言,在不丹西南部约有2500人使用。2015年的田野调查现在使语言的语言学研究成为可能,包括其在语言家族中的系统发育位置。本文提出了Lhokpu和Dhimal(尼泊尔东南部)之间更密切的系统发育关系的形态学,词汇和音系证据。Dhimal通常与Toto归为“dhimish”。我们在本文中认为,Lhokpu和Dhimal之间的相似之处同样深刻和众多,并且Lhokpu, Dhimal和Toto是跨喜马拉雅语系中三种密切相关的语言。
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引用次数: 5
Proto-K(r)adai ‘hand’, ‘eye’, and ‘bird’ revisited
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-11 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04701003
A. Vovin
This article revisits the traditional comparisons for K(r)adai and Austronesian ‘hand’, ‘eye’, and ‘bird’. In the case of ‘hand’ it attempts to improve the comparison by offering an unorthodox solution for Proto-K(r)adai reconstruction that, in my opinion, should be *lima, virtually identical to proto-Austronesian. It also provides additional evidence for reconstructing ‘eye’ and ‘bird’ as disyllabic words in K(r)adai, showing that these two were also very close to (with minor differences) to proto-Austronesian. Although these facts alone cannot be used as ultimate proof of K(r)adai and Austronesian genetic relationship, I believe that they constitute a further step in refining the arguments in this direction.
这篇文章回顾了K(r)adai与南岛语的“手”、“眼”和“鸟”的传统比较。在“手”的例子中,它试图通过提供一个非正统的解决方案来改进比较,在我看来,应该是*lima,几乎与原始南岛人相同。它还为将“eye”和“bird”重建为K(r)adai中的双音节词提供了额外的证据,表明这两个词也非常接近于原始南岛语(略有差异)。虽然这些事实本身不能作为K(r)adai和南岛人遗传关系的最终证据,但我相信它们构成了在这个方向上完善论点的进一步步骤。
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引用次数: 2
The role of contact in the origins of the Japanese and Korean languages , written by J. Marshall Unger 接触在日语和韩语起源中的作用,J.马歇尔·昂格尔著
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04602002
John Kupchik
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引用次数: 0
Towards a typology of relative clauses in Sinitic: Headedness and relativization strategies 汉语关系分句的类型学:标题与相对化策略
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04601002
G. Arcodia
The study of relative clauses (RCs) in Sinitic has attracted considerable attention in typological literature, especially because of the exceedingly rare correlation of Verb-Object order and prenominal relatives (Tang 2006; Dryer 2013b). As to the structural differences of RCs within Sinitic, although previous studies have brought to light several key issues (e.g. Liu 2005), there is much work yet to be done in this area. Basing on data from a convenience sample of 44 Sinitic languages, in this paper we will try to sketch a typology of relativization in Sinitic languages according to two parameters, namely the position of the head and relativization strategies. Also, we will highlight some meaningful correlations and implications constraining diversity in the domain of relativization in Sinitic.
汉语关系从句的研究在类型学文献中引起了相当大的关注,特别是因为动词-宾语顺序与名前关系的相关性极为罕见(Tang 2006;干燥器2013 b)。关于汉语中RCs的结构差异,虽然以前的研究已经揭示了几个关键问题(如Liu 2005),但在这一领域还有很多工作要做。本文将基于44种汉语语言的便利样本数据,根据头部位置和相对化策略这两个参数,试图勾勒出汉语语言相对化的类型学。此外,我们将强调一些有意义的相关性和限制多样性的意义,在汉语的相对化领域。
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引用次数: 17
Contact-induced change in the Dongxiang language: The emerging category of classifier 东乡语的接触诱发变化:分类器的新兴范畴
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04602004
Julien N. Lefort
Dongxiang is a Mongolic language from a peripheral linguistic branch mainly spoken by 300,000 speakers in Southeast Gansu in the People’s Republic of China. The Dongxiang language has been particularly influenced by the neighboring Chinese variety of Linxia, which has induced important changes on the phonological and lexical systems, while causing only a few changes on the syntactic level. In this paper I will discuss the emerging category of classifiers in the Dongxiang language by comparing different sources available. I will show that, even though measure words are present in all Mongolic languages, the use of classifiers is rare and has been induced by language contacts with Chinese. I will describe the different types of classifiers, borrowed or calqued, and will discuss in particular the use and functions of the classifier kozi. This classifier seems to have appeared quite recently and its origin is uncertain. I will show that it cannot be considered as a lexical item, as it does not always carry the semantic meaning of its Chinese counterpart, and cannot be identified as a structural borrowing either, as its syntactic functions are still unclear.
东乡语是蒙古族的一个外围语言分支,主要在中华人民共和国甘肃东南部有30万人使用。东乡语受临近的汉语临夏变体的影响特别大,它在语音和词汇系统上引起了重要的变化,而在句法层面上只引起了很少的变化。本文将通过对不同来源的比较,讨论东乡语中新兴的分类词。我将表明,尽管量词在所有蒙古语言中都存在,但分类词的使用很少,并且是由与汉语的语言接触引起的。我将描述不同类型的分类器,借用或calqued,并将特别讨论分类器kozi的使用和功能。这个分类器似乎是最近才出现的,其起源是不确定的。我将表明,它不能被认为是一个词汇项目,因为它并不总是带有汉语对应词的语义意义,也不能被认为是一个结构借用,因为它的句法功能仍然不清楚。
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引用次数: 1
A candidate for a Tibeto-Burman innovation 藏缅创新的候选
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04601004
L. Sagart
Based on a survey of 21 languages chosen to represent the diversity of Sino-Tibetan, this paper proposes that all Sino-Tibetan languages except Chinese have lost a phonological distinction between two Proto-Sino-Tibetan codas, *-q (Old Chinese *-ʔ, dialectally *-k) and *-k (Old Chinese *-k): the two codas merged as *-k in Proto-Tibeto-Burman. It is shown that the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *-q/*-k distinction as reflected in Old Chinese is correlated with the same distinction in Proto-Austronesian.
本文通过对21种汉藏语言多样性的调查,认为除汉语外,汉藏语言均已丧失了古汉藏语尾*-q(古汉语*-k,方言*-k)和古汉语*-k(古汉语*-k)两个语尾的音系区别,两个语尾在古藏-缅甸语尾合并为*-k。结果表明,古汉语中反映的原汉藏*-q/*-k区别与原南岛语中反映的*-q/*-k区别具有相关性。
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引用次数: 14
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Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale
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