Pub Date : 2019-11-27DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04802004
A. Schuessler
This response to Fellner and Hill defends the concept of word family and allofam.
这种对Fellner和Hill的回应捍卫了单词族和allofam的概念。
{"title":"Comments on Fellner and Hill: “Word families, allofams, and the comparative method”","authors":"A. Schuessler","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04802004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04802004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This response to Fellner and Hill defends the concept of word family and allofam.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"48 1","pages":"142-153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04802004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42718642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-27DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04802001
Hannes A. Fellner, N. Hill
Linguists researching the Trans-Himalayan family do not have a self-perception as working outside the mainstream of historical linguistics, but ‘word families’ and ‘allofams’ are important elements in their thinking despite the absence of these terms in the wider discipline. A close examination of the practice of historical linguistics in Indo-European and Trans-Himalayan leads to the conclusion that those phenomena treated as word families admit superior analyses in more traditional terms.
{"title":"Word families, allofams, and the comparative method","authors":"Hannes A. Fellner, N. Hill","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04802001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04802001","url":null,"abstract":"Linguists researching the Trans-Himalayan family do not have a self-perception as working outside the mainstream of historical linguistics, but ‘word families’ and ‘allofams’ are important elements in their thinking despite the absence of these terms in the wider discipline. A close examination of the practice of historical linguistics in Indo-European and Trans-Himalayan leads to the conclusion that those phenomena treated as word families admit superior analyses in more traditional terms.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"48 1","pages":"91-124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04802001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41976902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-27DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04802002
Bianca Basciano
It has been observed that Chinese resultative compounds display varied aspectual behaviors. Yong (1997) distinguishes between simple change resultatives, i.e. resultatives expressing instantaneous change, but allowing a process preliminary to the final change, and complex change resultatives, i.e. those allowing a gradual development of action. Starting from this distinction, this paper aims at providing a structural account of these resultative compounds, based on the constructionist framework put forth by Ramchand (2008), arguing that only simple change resultatives are characterized by having a result layer in their eventive structure. Complex change resultatives, in contrast, are characterized by having the result element in the complement position of the process projection, providing a scalar path. This allows a gradual change of state, and telicity emerges when the path is bounded. The paper also discusses the relation between complex change resultatives and degree achievements.
{"title":"On the event structure of Chinese resultative compounds","authors":"Bianca Basciano","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04802002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04802002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It has been observed that Chinese resultative compounds display varied aspectual behaviors. Yong (1997) distinguishes between simple change resultatives, i.e. resultatives expressing instantaneous change, but allowing a process preliminary to the final change, and complex change resultatives, i.e. those allowing a gradual development of action. Starting from this distinction, this paper aims at providing a structural account of these resultative compounds, based on the constructionist framework put forth by Ramchand (2008), arguing that only simple change resultatives are characterized by having a result layer in their eventive structure. Complex change resultatives, in contrast, are characterized by having the result element in the complement position of the process projection, providing a scalar path. This allows a gradual change of state, and telicity emerges when the path is bounded. The paper also discusses the relation between complex change resultatives and degree achievements.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"48 1","pages":"173-241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04802002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47061379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-14DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04801004
L. Sagart
This paper finds origins for the three Kra-Dai tones in the segmental endings of Proto-Southern Austronesian, the parent language of Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. The Kra-Dai A category originates in sonorant endings (vowels, semi-vowels, nasals, liquids) and in Proto-Austronesian *-H2, reconstructed by Tsuchida (1976); the B category in *-R and in *-X, a hitherto not reconstructed ending reflected as -h in Amis and in the Bisayan language Aklanon; the C category, in Proto-Austronesian *-H1, reconstructed by Tsuchida. The tonal outcomes of *-s and *-S are described. Kra-Dai sonorant endings in tone C are argued to come from hypothetical Austronesian prototypes in which a sonorant ending was followed by *-s, a suffix of unknown function. Although the present model does not require Kra-Dai to be a daughter of Proto-Austronesian, the building blocks for Kra-Dai tones are shown to be in place during the Formosan phase of Austronesian phonological history.
本文在原始南岛南岛语（克拉代语和马来波利尼西亚语的母语）的分段词尾中发现了三个克拉代音的起源。Kra Dai A类别起源于声尾（元音、半元音、鼻音、液体）和Tsuchida（1976）重建的原南岛语*-H2；*-R和*-X中的B类，迄今为止尚未重建的结尾在Amis和Bisayan语Aklanon中反映为-h；原南岛语*-H1中的C类，由Tsuchida重建。描述了*-s和*-s的音调结果。音调C中的Kra-Dai声尾被认为来自假设的南岛语原型，其中声尾后面跟着*-s，一个未知功能的后缀。尽管目前的模型不要求克拉代是原南岛人的女儿，但克拉代音调的构建块被证明是在南岛语音史的台湾阶段。
{"title":"A model of the origin of Kra-Dai tones","authors":"L. Sagart","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04801004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04801004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper finds origins for the three Kra-Dai tones in the segmental endings of Proto-Southern Austronesian, the parent language of Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. The Kra-Dai A category originates in sonorant endings (vowels, semi-vowels, nasals, liquids) and in Proto-Austronesian *-H2, reconstructed by Tsuchida (1976); the B category in *-R and in *-X, a hitherto not reconstructed ending reflected as -h in Amis and in the Bisayan language Aklanon; the C category, in Proto-Austronesian *-H1, reconstructed by Tsuchida. The tonal outcomes of *-s and *-S are described. Kra-Dai sonorant endings in tone C are argued to come from hypothetical Austronesian prototypes in which a sonorant ending was followed by *-s, a suffix of unknown function. Although the present model does not require Kra-Dai to be a daughter of Proto-Austronesian, the building blocks for Kra-Dai tones are shown to be in place during the Formosan phase of Austronesian phonological history.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04801004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42474446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-14DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04801003
José Andrés Alonso Fuente
In this paper, it is argued that Written Manchu atanggi ‘when, at what time’, an obscure formation, comes from *a-te-nggi < *ai-te-nggi.
本文认为，满文“when, at what time”是一个模糊的构词，来源于*a-te-nggi < *ai-te-nggi。
{"title":"Some thoughts on the etymology of Written Manchu atanggi ‘when’","authors":"José Andrés Alonso Fuente","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04801003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04801003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, it is argued that Written Manchu atanggi ‘when, at what time’, an obscure formation, comes from *a-te-nggi < *ai-te-nggi.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04801003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48744374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-14DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04801001
S. Maspong, Pittayawat Pittayaporn
In an attempt to study the length distinction of high vowels in Sukhothai Thai, this research compares an analysis of the graphemic system and spelling variations found in the Sukhothai inscriptions with the phonemes in Proto-Southwestern Tai (PSWT) and donor languages of the loanwords. The result indicates that short and long high vowels in PSWT behave differently in phonemic-graphemic mapping. Short vowels are mapped with ⟨i⟩ and ⟨u⟩ whereas long vowels with ⟨ī⟩, ⟨ï̄⟩, and ⟨ū⟩. In addition, the existing spelling variations are limited to specific kinds of words, namely: open-syllable words, loanwords, and function words, all of which are susceptible to variation in spelling. These findings attest to the existence of length contrast in Sukhothai Thai.
{"title":"Length contrast of high vowels in the Thai language of the Sukhothai period","authors":"S. Maspong, Pittayawat Pittayaporn","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04801001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04801001","url":null,"abstract":"In an attempt to study the length distinction of high vowels in Sukhothai Thai, this research compares an analysis of the graphemic system and spelling variations found in the Sukhothai inscriptions with the phonemes in Proto-Southwestern Tai (PSWT) and donor languages of the loanwords. The result indicates that short and long high vowels in PSWT behave differently in phonemic-graphemic mapping. Short vowels are mapped with ⟨i⟩ and ⟨u⟩ whereas long vowels with ⟨ī⟩, ⟨ï̄⟩, and ⟨ū⟩. In addition, the existing spelling variations are limited to specific kinds of words, namely: open-syllable words, loanwords, and function words, all of which are susceptible to variation in spelling. These findings attest to the existence of length contrast in Sukhothai Thai.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04801001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47521494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04702001
Jonathan Smith
There is still little agreement regarding the most important evidence for Old Chinese (OC) onset complexity—Middle Chinese (MC) mixed-onset phonetic series. This study explores a remarkable feature of this evidence first noticed by Sagart (1999). Within series such as those involving mixture of MC labials and velars with l-, x- with m-, velars with hj- (/y/), and d- with y- (/j/), MC onset and so-called A/B (syllable) Type fail to vary independently of one another. An unrecognized but inescapable implication of this association is that these MC onset results and A/B Type require a unified explanation in early Chinese. In light of the phonetic series material, I demonstrate that pre-OC Type involved two contrasting onset configurations. A number of phonetic specifications are conceivable; here, based on ideas of Ferlus (1998), I show how the data can be explained in terms of an early contrast between minor syllable forms **CǝR- (“Type A”) and tautosyllabic clusters **CR- (“Type B”) where R is a sonorant.
{"title":"A/B Type segregation in mixed-onset phonetic series is the key to early Chinese onset complexity","authors":"Jonathan Smith","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04702001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04702001","url":null,"abstract":"There is still little agreement regarding the most important evidence for Old Chinese (OC) onset complexity—Middle Chinese (MC) mixed-onset phonetic series. This study explores a remarkable feature of this evidence first noticed by Sagart (1999). Within series such as those involving mixture of MC labials and velars with l-, x- with m-, velars with hj- (/y/), and d- with y- (/j/), MC onset and so-called A/B (syllable) Type fail to vary independently of one another. An unrecognized but inescapable implication of this association is that these MC onset results and A/B Type require a unified explanation in early Chinese. In light of the phonetic series material, I demonstrate that pre-OC Type involved two contrasting onset configurations. A number of phonetic specifications are conceivable; here, based on ideas of Ferlus (1998), I show how the data can be explained in terms of an early contrast between minor syllable forms **CǝR- (“Type A”) and tautosyllabic clusters **CR- (“Type B”) where R is a sonorant.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04702001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42439561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-10DOI: 10.1163/19606028-04702004
Christoph Anderl, Jianhong Zeng, Ann Heirman
This paper aims to explain the formation of the kě and kě yǐ constructions in archaic Chinese. We analyze a number of examples from the pre-Qin era to refute previous hypotheses that the kě construction is formed by adding kě to a notional passive, fronting the object in an active sentence including kě, or solely by reanalysis. Subsequently, a verb-moving-backward hypothesis is proposed: kě is used in the underlying structure ‘V-O’ + kě to comment on an already known proposition ‘V-O’, then V is moved to the end to avoid the top-heavy problem. Similarly, this hypothesis also accounts for the kě yǐ construction: kě in the underlying structure ‘yǐ-X-V-Y’ + kě is to comment on the serial verb structure ‘yǐ-X-V-Y’, which is interchangeable with ‘X-yǐ-V-Y’ forming ‘X-yǐ-V-Y’ + kě where ‘yǐ-V-Y’ is moved after kě to avoid the top-heavy problem. Moreover, the “verb moving backward” hypothesis provides new insights into the formation process of similar constructions (e.g., nán 难 ‘be difficult to V,’ yì 易 ‘be easy to V,’ zú 足 ‘be sufficient to V’ constructions) in ancient Chinese, as well as the study of tough constructions.
{"title":"The formation of the kě 可 and kě yǐ 可以 constructions","authors":"Christoph Anderl, Jianhong Zeng, Ann Heirman","doi":"10.1163/19606028-04702004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04702004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain the formation of the kě and kě yǐ constructions in archaic Chinese. We analyze a number of examples from the pre-Qin era to refute previous hypotheses that the kě construction is formed by adding kě to a notional passive, fronting the object in an active sentence including kě, or solely by reanalysis. Subsequently, a verb-moving-backward hypothesis is proposed: kě is used in the underlying structure ‘V-O’ + kě to comment on an already known proposition ‘V-O’, then V is moved to the end to avoid the top-heavy problem. Similarly, this hypothesis also accounts for the kě yǐ construction: kě in the underlying structure ‘yǐ-X-V-Y’ + kě is to comment on the serial verb structure ‘yǐ-X-V-Y’, which is interchangeable with ‘X-yǐ-V-Y’ forming ‘X-yǐ-V-Y’ + kě where ‘yǐ-V-Y’ is moved after kě to avoid the top-heavy problem. Moreover, the “verb moving backward” hypothesis provides new insights into the formation process of similar constructions (e.g., nán 难 ‘be difficult to V,’ yì 易 ‘be easy to V,’ zú 足 ‘be sufficient to V’ constructions) in ancient Chinese, as well as the study of tough constructions.","PeriodicalId":35117,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19606028-04702004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48799314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：