Pub Date : 2024-07-15DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.114.5
Marius Danilevičius
Ghodsee, Kristen, ir Mitchell Alexander Orenstein. Taking stock of shock: Social consequences of the 1989 revolutions. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021.
Ghodsee, Kristen, ir Mitchell Alexander Orenstein.震惊盘点：1989 年革命的社会后果》。纽约：牛津大学出版社，2021 年。
{"title":"Tarp sėkmės ir katastrofos: dvi perspektyvos į perėjimo procesą postkomunistinėse valstybėse","authors":"Marius Danilevičius","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.114.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.114.5","url":null,"abstract":"Ghodsee, Kristen, ir Mitchell Alexander Orenstein. Taking stock of shock: Social consequences of the 1989 revolutions. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"37 36","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141644924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.114.3
Kristina Eidikytė
This article deals with the problem of the change in the theoretical conception and practical realisation of political representation in the era of big data, i.e. in the 20th and 21st century, when IT data processes have become an almost integral part of the political life of citizens. Based on the concepts of the philosophers F. Ankersmit and J. Baudrillard, the article analyses why, despite the arguments of critical data studies, the forms of political representation affected by big data are still considered objective. After presenting research on the characteristics of political representation in the information technology-dominated public sphere and smart cities, the article identifies signs of the decline of contemporary political representation: the compression of public space and the legitimation processes of datafication facilitated by big data in the smart city. The continuation of the article’s theme and the analysis of the problems are recommended to be pursued in the field of post-political discussions.
本文探讨了在大数据时代，即 20 世纪和 21 世纪，当信息技术数据流程几乎成为公民政治生活不可分割的一部分时，政治代表性的理论概念和实际实现方式的变化问题。文章以哲学家 F. Ankersmit 和 J. Baudrillard 的概念为基础，分析了为什么尽管批判性数据研究提出了论点，但受大数据影响的政治代表形式仍被认为是客观的。在介绍了对信息技术主导的公共领域和智慧城市中政治代表性特征的研究后，文章指出了当代政治代表性衰落的迹象：智慧城市中公共空间的压缩和大数据促进的数据化合法化进程。建议在后政治讨论领域继续探讨文章主题和分析问题。
{"title":"Challenging Political Representation in the Era of Big Data","authors":"Kristina Eidikytė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.114.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.114.3","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the problem of the change in the theoretical conception and practical realisation of political representation in the era of big data, i.e. in the 20th and 21st century, when IT data processes have become an almost integral part of the political life of citizens. Based on the concepts of the philosophers F. Ankersmit and J. Baudrillard, the article analyses why, despite the arguments of critical data studies, the forms of political representation affected by big data are still considered objective. After presenting research on the characteristics of political representation in the information technology-dominated public sphere and smart cities, the article identifies signs of the decline of contemporary political representation: the compression of public space and the legitimation processes of datafication facilitated by big data in the smart city. The continuation of the article’s theme and the analysis of the problems are recommended to be pursued in the field of post-political discussions.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"136 27","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141351159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-21DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.114.2
Lilian Gomes
This article reflects upon objects and actions of counter-memory activism in Brazil in the wake of anticolonial demonumentalizations. Initially, it focuses on statues symbolizing colonial and traumatic pasts, notably the Borba Gato statue in São Paulo, dedicated to a colonial explorer. The monument was set ablaze in July 2021, sparking widespread debate. The discussion deepens with the commemoration of Marielle Franco, a councilwoman and human rights advocate who was murdered in 2018. The interplay between memory initiatives and political activism is examined, with tributes analyzed as collective authorship by black and feminist movements. Ethnographic data from Rio de Janeiro and digital environments inform this analysis. Events related to monuments and other objects are viewed as political rituals in the struggle against forgetting. Statues, street signs, graffiti, posters, and other forms of counter-memory supports are identified as focal points for understanding the relationship between objects, artistic-political practices, and public life.
{"title":"Nuo akmens iki sėklos: objektai ir kontratminties aktyvizmas Brazilijoje antikolonijinio demonumentalizavimo sąlygomis","authors":"Lilian Gomes","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.114.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.114.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article reflects upon objects and actions of counter-memory activism in Brazil in the wake of anticolonial demonumentalizations. Initially, it focuses on statues symbolizing colonial and traumatic pasts, notably the Borba Gato statue in São Paulo, dedicated to a colonial explorer. The monument was set ablaze in July 2021, sparking widespread debate. The discussion deepens with the commemoration of Marielle Franco, a councilwoman and human rights advocate who was murdered in 2018. The interplay between memory initiatives and political activism is examined, with tributes analyzed as collective authorship by black and feminist movements. Ethnographic data from Rio de Janeiro and digital environments inform this analysis. Events related to monuments and other objects are viewed as political rituals in the struggle against forgetting. Statues, street signs, graffiti, posters, and other forms of counter-memory supports are identified as focal points for understanding the relationship between objects, artistic-political practices, and public life.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"53 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141113049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-07DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.114.1
Mažvydas Jastramskis
Both academics who study presidential powers and political practitioners acknowledge that Lithuanian president enjoys the power to appoint high-ranking officials. This article investigates the determinants of success (or failure) of presidential decrees by which nominations of high-ranking public officials are submitted to Seimas. Presented theory and results are also discussed in a wider context of literature on semi-presidentialism: what does this power say about the role of presidents and the functioning of such regimes? Analysis employs an original data set, which consists of 337 decrees by presidents of Lithuania from 1993 to 2023 that were submitted to Seimas for consent regarding the appointment of respective public officials. The statistical analysis is complemented by information from semi-structured interviews with several high-ranking politicians. The study reveals several key points. First, high success rate of decrees (about 92.7 percent) is explained by the incentives of the constitutional algorithm and the informal practice of coordinating nominations between the president and the ruling majority before submitting them to Seimas. Second, quantitative analysis and qualitative interviews reveal that the success of decrees increases with the judicial appointments that are advised by a body of experts (Council of Judges) and decreases with appointments to heads of institutions. Third, some cases can also be explained by personal characteristics of nominees: age (result of quantitative analysis) or their self-presentation to Seimas (semi-structured interviews). Fourth, cohabitation – when the president and the parliamentary majority are of different political camps – only partially explains the success of decrees. Some unsuccessful decrees occur because of a short-term drop in the “temperature” of intra-executive relationship. However, this drop usually bounces back to cooperation phase – thus, the power to appoint high-ranking officials contradicts popular paradigm of literature on semi-presidentialism, namely that sees the relationship between president and government as competitive. The president himself together with the system of checks and balances around this power almost ideally embody the moderating power: important condition is that the moderator himself is also constitutionally “moderated”.
{"title":"Aukštų pareigūnų skyrimas pusiau prezidentiniame modelyje: Lietuvos atvejis*","authors":"Mažvydas Jastramskis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.114.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.114.1","url":null,"abstract":"Both academics who study presidential powers and political practitioners acknowledge that Lithuanian president enjoys the power to appoint high-ranking officials. This article investigates the determinants of success (or failure) of presidential decrees by which nominations of high-ranking public officials are submitted to Seimas. Presented theory and results are also discussed in a wider context of literature on semi-presidentialism: what does this power say about the role of presidents and the functioning of such regimes? Analysis employs an original data set, which consists of 337 decrees by presidents of Lithuania from 1993 to 2023 that were submitted to Seimas for consent regarding the appointment of respective public officials. The statistical analysis is complemented by information from semi-structured interviews with several high-ranking politicians. The study reveals several key points. First, high success rate of decrees (about 92.7 percent) is explained by the incentives of the constitutional algorithm and the informal practice of coordinating nominations between the president and the ruling majority before submitting them to Seimas. Second, quantitative analysis and qualitative interviews reveal that the success of decrees increases with the judicial appointments that are advised by a body of experts (Council of Judges) and decreases with appointments to heads of institutions. Third, some cases can also be explained by personal characteristics of nominees: age (result of quantitative analysis) or their self-presentation to Seimas (semi-structured interviews). Fourth, cohabitation – when the president and the parliamentary majority are of different political camps – only partially explains the success of decrees. Some unsuccessful decrees occur because of a short-term drop in the “temperature” of intra-executive relationship. However, this drop usually bounces back to cooperation phase – thus, the power to appoint high-ranking officials contradicts popular paradigm of literature on semi-presidentialism, namely that sees the relationship between president and government as competitive. The president himself together with the system of checks and balances around this power almost ideally embody the moderating power: important condition is that the moderator himself is also constitutionally “moderated”.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"30 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141005589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-24DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.113.4
Tomas Martinaitis
This article presents the theoretical model of smart governance in local government. It discusses academical discurse of theme and problems related with the fragmentation and over elaborative concentration to technologies of topic. Article analysis the complexity of the term smart and what does smart social system means. It also covers the complexity of the concept smart governance together with its dimensions and posibilities to aquire them to research smart governance in local government. This allows better to understand the term smart governance. Afterwards, a critical view towards national smart governance model is presented and new theoretical framework for research of smart local governance together with its dimensions and attributes in academical discurse are presented. It enables the research smart local governance in Lithuania and abroad.
{"title":"The Theoretical Model of Smart Governance in Local Government","authors":"Tomas Martinaitis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.113.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.113.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the theoretical model of smart governance in local government. It discusses academical discurse of theme and problems related with the fragmentation and over elaborative concentration to technologies of topic. Article analysis the complexity of the term smart and what does smart social system means. It also covers the complexity of the concept smart governance together with its dimensions and posibilities to aquire them to research smart governance in local government. This allows better to understand the term smart governance. Afterwards, a critical view towards national smart governance model is presented and new theoretical framework for research of smart local governance together with its dimensions and attributes in academical discurse are presented. It enables the research smart local governance in Lithuania and abroad.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"31 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140659933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-09DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.113.3
Dominykas Kaminskas
The purpose of this article is to analyze Roberto Mangabeira Unger’s theory of empowered democracy and to evaluate it with regard to antinomies of liberal thought as formulated by the author himself. This article discusses the main presumptions of Unger’s political philosophy and his conceptualization of politics. The theory of empowered democracy is analyzed as an attempt to overcome the antinomy of the universal and the particular, which permeates the liberal worldview. Unger criticizes liberal thought and its central components – liberal psychology and ethics. This critique of liberalism serves as a basis for the philosopher’s vision of politics, at the centre of which is an emancipated and autonomous individual. “Negative capability”, which is the power of individuals to review and rebuild their social contexts, helps them create a political order, which aims to create a “bigger life for all”. To empower individuals, Unger offers a wide-ranging set of changes – starting with more plasticity in political institutions and ending with political protection of the individual ensured by “immunity rights” and prevention of “false necessities”. This article aims to show that Unger’s theory ultimately fails in this goal due to contradictions between the theory of empowered democracy and the author’s own conception of politics as well as due to questionable sustainability of such solution.
{"title":"Roberto Mangabeiros Ungerio įgalintos demokratijos teorija: ar liberalios demokratijos antinomijos gali būti išspręstos?","authors":"Dominykas Kaminskas","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.113.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.113.3","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to analyze Roberto Mangabeira Unger’s theory of empowered democracy and to evaluate it with regard to antinomies of liberal thought as formulated by the author himself. This article discusses the main presumptions of Unger’s political philosophy and his conceptualization of politics. The theory of empowered democracy is analyzed as an attempt to overcome the antinomy of the universal and the particular, which permeates the liberal worldview. Unger criticizes liberal thought and its central components – liberal psychology and ethics. This critique of liberalism serves as a basis for the philosopher’s vision of politics, at the centre of which is an emancipated and autonomous individual. “Negative capability”, which is the power of individuals to review and rebuild their social contexts, helps them create a political order, which aims to create a “bigger life for all”. To empower individuals, Unger offers a wide-ranging set of changes – starting with more plasticity in political institutions and ending with political protection of the individual ensured by “immunity rights” and prevention of “false necessities”. This article aims to show that Unger’s theory ultimately fails in this goal due to contradictions between the theory of empowered democracy and the author’s own conception of politics as well as due to questionable sustainability of such solution.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"34 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140726874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-03DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.113.2
Gerda Jakštaitė-Confortola
Although there were many disagreements in transatlantic relations before the COVIC-19, the pandemic accelerated tensions in transatlantic relations even more. The inauguration of the new US president Joe Biden, however, has been perceived as a new chapter in transatlantic relations. The paper aims to assess the COVID-19 pandemic implications to transatlantic relations and answer the question of whether the pandemic has strengthened or weakened the transatlantic security community? The paper stems from the idea that transatlantic countries compose a transatlantic security community. It examines the COVID-19 implications to several tiers of features that should be present in every security community: namely, implications to the perception of threats, patterns of communication and policy coordination, as well as to institutional framework. The paper argues that COVID-19 has not transformed the transatlantic security community; however, it highlighted certain problematic aspects of transatlantic relations.
{"title":"Covid-19 pasekmės transatlantinio saugumo bendruomenei","authors":"Gerda Jakštaitė-Confortola","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.113.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.113.2","url":null,"abstract":"Although there were many disagreements in transatlantic relations before the COVIC-19, the pandemic accelerated tensions in transatlantic relations even more. The inauguration of the new US president Joe Biden, however, has been perceived as a new chapter in transatlantic relations. The paper aims to assess the COVID-19 pandemic implications to transatlantic relations and answer the question of whether the pandemic has strengthened or weakened the transatlantic security community? The paper stems from the idea that transatlantic countries compose a transatlantic security community. It examines the COVID-19 implications to several tiers of features that should be present in every security community: namely, implications to the perception of threats, patterns of communication and policy coordination, as well as to institutional framework. The paper argues that COVID-19 has not transformed the transatlantic security community; however, it highlighted certain problematic aspects of transatlantic relations.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"213 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140746743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-27DOI: 10.15388/polit.2024.113.1
Agnietė Žotkevičiūtė-Banevičienė
Despite the worldwide condemnation of Russia’s aggressive activities in the war against Ukraine, there is no unified definition of terrorism in relation to Russia. Russia is referred to as a terrorist state as well as a state that supports terrorism, and the conceptions of a terrorist regime or a user of terrorist methods dominate. The answer to whether Russia should be labelled a terrorist state, a state that sponsors terrorism, or possibly not designate Russia’s actions as terrorism depends on the definition of terrorism. Given the complexities of the conception of terrorism, the purpose of this article is to present a possible assessment of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine by exploring the challenge of defining state and state-sponsored terrorism in traditional and critical terrorism studies. The article promotes a wider academic discussion regarding state and state-sponsored terrorism, not only from diverse theoretical perspectives in terrorism studies but also by evaluating the issue of the phenomenon’s politicization in the context of international relations.
{"title":"Valstybinis ir valstybių remiamas terorizmas: Rusijos atvejo analizė","authors":"Agnietė Žotkevičiūtė-Banevičienė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2024.113.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2024.113.1","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the worldwide condemnation of Russia’s aggressive activities in the war against Ukraine, there is no unified definition of terrorism in relation to Russia. Russia is referred to as a terrorist state as well as a state that supports terrorism, and the conceptions of a terrorist regime or a user of terrorist methods dominate. The answer to whether Russia should be labelled a terrorist state, a state that sponsors terrorism, or possibly not designate Russia’s actions as terrorism depends on the definition of terrorism. Given the complexities of the conception of terrorism, the purpose of this article is to present a possible assessment of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine by exploring the challenge of defining state and state-sponsored terrorism in traditional and critical terrorism studies. The article promotes a wider academic discussion regarding state and state-sponsored terrorism, not only from diverse theoretical perspectives in terrorism studies but also by evaluating the issue of the phenomenon’s politicization in the context of international relations.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"19 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140375664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-14DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.112.2
Natalia Golysheva
The mythology of the foreign interference into the Russian civil war goes to the heart of the memory politics in Putin’s Russia today, most recently in connection with the invasion in Ukraine. In a bid to unite the country against perceived threats from the NATO alliance, the Russian leadership engages Soviet narratives going back to the Allied intervention into North Russia in 1918–1920, as a deterrent against association with the West. During Soviet times multiple memorials were created in the North to the victims of intervention in support of this narrative. Central to it was the Mudyug ‘concentration camp’ museum, established to demonstrate the atrocities of the intervention forces. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union this museum was branded as propaganda and eventually got decommissioned. Yet after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent war with Ukraine, the old intervention narratives saw a comeback. Backed by the state, the local memory activists in Arkhangelsk in North Russia took to restoring the Mudyug camp museum as a forepost of patriotic tourism in the region.
{"title":"„Atrastos“ senos istorijos: sovietmečio mitai apie 1918–1919 m. Vakarų sąjungininkų intervenciją į Rusijos šiaurę karo Ukrainoje kontekste. Mudjugo koncentracijos stovyklos muziejaus atvejis","authors":"Natalia Golysheva","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.112.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.112.2","url":null,"abstract":"The mythology of the foreign interference into the Russian civil war goes to the heart of the memory politics in Putin’s Russia today, most recently in connection with the invasion in Ukraine. In a bid to unite the country against perceived threats from the NATO alliance, the Russian leadership engages Soviet narratives going back to the Allied intervention into North Russia in 1918–1920, as a deterrent against association with the West. During Soviet times multiple memorials were created in the North to the victims of intervention in support of this narrative. Central to it was the Mudyug ‘concentration camp’ museum, established to demonstrate the atrocities of the intervention forces. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union this museum was branded as propaganda and eventually got decommissioned. Yet after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent war with Ukraine, the old intervention narratives saw a comeback. Backed by the state, the local memory activists in Arkhangelsk in North Russia took to restoring the Mudyug camp museum as a forepost of patriotic tourism in the region. ","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"32 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139777687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-14DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.112.2
Natalia Golysheva
The mythology of the foreign interference into the Russian civil war goes to the heart of the memory politics in Putin’s Russia today, most recently in connection with the invasion in Ukraine. In a bid to unite the country against perceived threats from the NATO alliance, the Russian leadership engages Soviet narratives going back to the Allied intervention into North Russia in 1918–1920, as a deterrent against association with the West. During Soviet times multiple memorials were created in the North to the victims of intervention in support of this narrative. Central to it was the Mudyug ‘concentration camp’ museum, established to demonstrate the atrocities of the intervention forces. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union this museum was branded as propaganda and eventually got decommissioned. Yet after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent war with Ukraine, the old intervention narratives saw a comeback. Backed by the state, the local memory activists in Arkhangelsk in North Russia took to restoring the Mudyug camp museum as a forepost of patriotic tourism in the region.
{"title":"„Atrastos“ senos istorijos: sovietmečio mitai apie 1918–1919 m. Vakarų sąjungininkų intervenciją į Rusijos šiaurę karo Ukrainoje kontekste. Mudjugo koncentracijos stovyklos muziejaus atvejis","authors":"Natalia Golysheva","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.112.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.112.2","url":null,"abstract":"The mythology of the foreign interference into the Russian civil war goes to the heart of the memory politics in Putin’s Russia today, most recently in connection with the invasion in Ukraine. In a bid to unite the country against perceived threats from the NATO alliance, the Russian leadership engages Soviet narratives going back to the Allied intervention into North Russia in 1918–1920, as a deterrent against association with the West. During Soviet times multiple memorials were created in the North to the victims of intervention in support of this narrative. Central to it was the Mudyug ‘concentration camp’ museum, established to demonstrate the atrocities of the intervention forces. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union this museum was branded as propaganda and eventually got decommissioned. Yet after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent war with Ukraine, the old intervention narratives saw a comeback. Backed by the state, the local memory activists in Arkhangelsk in North Russia took to restoring the Mudyug camp museum as a forepost of patriotic tourism in the region. ","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"12 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139837142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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