Pub Date : 2024-02-08DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.112.1
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik
For a long time the approach of the both two Baltic states to the Soviet heritage was formed by: (1) international and bilateral agreements which obliged states to protect monuments and memorial sites of the Soviet Army as well as (2) numerous Russian-speaking community for whom the Soviet statues constitute its cultural identity. The situation has significantly changed due to Russia’s aggressive policy against Ukraine, when the authorities made several attempts to remove the Soviet monuments. This brought some controversies and objections among the Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. The paper focuses on the transformation of the national historical narrative toward the Soviet monuments and the processes of the adapting of the Russian-speaking community to the official memory discourse. More specifically, the aim is to explore the ways in which the Russian-speaking residents reacted to the removal of the Soviet monuments. The concept of resistance was applied in order to explore and synthesize the outcomes of the interviews carried out among Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. It is argued here that the reconstruction of the public space by shifting the most visual symbol of the victory of the Red Army in the WWII has not induced hot feelings among the Russian-speaking society, and thus, it has not motivated community to take part in the open protest against the removal. Most of the minority representatives stayed passive and silent adapting to the new reality.
{"title":"Silent Protesters or Acceptors? The Reaction of the Russian-speakers to the Removal of the Soviet Monuments in Latvia and Estonia after Russia’s Full-scale Invasion of Ukraine*","authors":"Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.112.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.112.1","url":null,"abstract":"For a long time the approach of the both two Baltic states to the Soviet heritage was formed by: (1) international and bilateral agreements which obliged states to protect monuments and memorial sites of the Soviet Army as well as (2) numerous Russian-speaking community for whom the Soviet statues constitute its cultural identity. The situation has significantly changed due to Russia’s aggressive policy against Ukraine, when the authorities made several attempts to remove the Soviet monuments. This brought some controversies and objections among the Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. The paper focuses on the transformation of the national historical narrative toward the Soviet monuments and the processes of the adapting of the Russian-speaking community to the official memory discourse. More specifically, the aim is to explore the ways in which the Russian-speaking residents reacted to the removal of the Soviet monuments. The concept of resistance was applied in order to explore and synthesize the outcomes of the interviews carried out among Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. It is argued here that the reconstruction of the public space by shifting the most visual symbol of the victory of the Red Army in the WWII has not induced hot feelings among the Russian-speaking society, and thus, it has not motivated community to take part in the open protest against the removal. Most of the minority representatives stayed passive and silent adapting to the new reality.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"83 S365","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139794310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-08DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.112.1
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik
For a long time the approach of the both two Baltic states to the Soviet heritage was formed by: (1) international and bilateral agreements which obliged states to protect monuments and memorial sites of the Soviet Army as well as (2) numerous Russian-speaking community for whom the Soviet statues constitute its cultural identity. The situation has significantly changed due to Russia’s aggressive policy against Ukraine, when the authorities made several attempts to remove the Soviet monuments. This brought some controversies and objections among the Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. The paper focuses on the transformation of the national historical narrative toward the Soviet monuments and the processes of the adapting of the Russian-speaking community to the official memory discourse. More specifically, the aim is to explore the ways in which the Russian-speaking residents reacted to the removal of the Soviet monuments. The concept of resistance was applied in order to explore and synthesize the outcomes of the interviews carried out among Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. It is argued here that the reconstruction of the public space by shifting the most visual symbol of the victory of the Red Army in the WWII has not induced hot feelings among the Russian-speaking society, and thus, it has not motivated community to take part in the open protest against the removal. Most of the minority representatives stayed passive and silent adapting to the new reality.
{"title":"Silent Protesters or Acceptors? The Reaction of the Russian-speakers to the Removal of the Soviet Monuments in Latvia and Estonia after Russia’s Full-scale Invasion of Ukraine*","authors":"Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.112.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.112.1","url":null,"abstract":"For a long time the approach of the both two Baltic states to the Soviet heritage was formed by: (1) international and bilateral agreements which obliged states to protect monuments and memorial sites of the Soviet Army as well as (2) numerous Russian-speaking community for whom the Soviet statues constitute its cultural identity. The situation has significantly changed due to Russia’s aggressive policy against Ukraine, when the authorities made several attempts to remove the Soviet monuments. This brought some controversies and objections among the Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. The paper focuses on the transformation of the national historical narrative toward the Soviet monuments and the processes of the adapting of the Russian-speaking community to the official memory discourse. More specifically, the aim is to explore the ways in which the Russian-speaking residents reacted to the removal of the Soviet monuments. The concept of resistance was applied in order to explore and synthesize the outcomes of the interviews carried out among Russian-speaking communities in Latvia and Estonia. It is argued here that the reconstruction of the public space by shifting the most visual symbol of the victory of the Red Army in the WWII has not induced hot feelings among the Russian-speaking society, and thus, it has not motivated community to take part in the open protest against the removal. Most of the minority representatives stayed passive and silent adapting to the new reality.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"38 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139853954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-20DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.111.4
Feruza Madaminova
The growing study of foreign policy change offers various explanations of change and continuity in foreign policy. By focusing on the actors of foreign policy decision-making, past scholarship has mainly concentrated on the role of institutional and noninstitutional factors in foreign policy change. However, decentralized decision-making is more relevant to democratic regimes than authoritarian regimes. Despite the abundance of case studies on foreign policy making in nondemocracies, advancements in the conceptual understanding of foreign policy change in authoritarian regimes are still needed. Addressing Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, this article proposes an advanced framework to explain why and how foreign policy change takes place under authoritarian leaders. A leader’s perception of the external environment is argued to be a decisive factor inducing authoritarian leaders to (re)consider their regime survival strategy. Concern with regime survival, in turn, shapes foreign policy goals which are manifested in distinctive foreign policy behavior of a leader. Ultimately, the behavior of a leader translates into certain foreign policy outcomes.
{"title":"Autoritarinių lyderių užsienio politikos pokyčiai: Uzbekistano užsienio politikos po Šaltojo karo pabaigos analizė","authors":"Feruza Madaminova","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.111.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.111.4","url":null,"abstract":"The growing study of foreign policy change offers various explanations of change and continuity in foreign policy. By focusing on the actors of foreign policy decision-making, past scholarship has mainly concentrated on the role of institutional and noninstitutional factors in foreign policy change. However, decentralized decision-making is more relevant to democratic regimes than authoritarian regimes. Despite the abundance of case studies on foreign policy making in nondemocracies, advancements in the conceptual understanding of foreign policy change in authoritarian regimes are still needed. Addressing Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, this article proposes an advanced framework to explain why and how foreign policy change takes place under authoritarian leaders. A leader’s perception of the external environment is argued to be a decisive factor inducing authoritarian leaders to (re)consider their regime survival strategy. Concern with regime survival, in turn, shapes foreign policy goals which are manifested in distinctive foreign policy behavior of a leader. Ultimately, the behavior of a leader translates into certain foreign policy outcomes.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139255460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-20DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.111.5
Ovidijus Pilitauskas
McCourt, David M. The New Constructivism in International Relations Theory. Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2022
McCourt, David M. The New Constructivism in International Relations Theory.Bristol：布里斯托尔大学出版社，2022 年
{"title":"Naujojo konstruktyvizmo erdvė: nauja konstruktyvizmo teorija, ar seniai pamirštų klasikinio konstruktyvizmo prieigų rinkinys?elations theory. Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2022.","authors":"Ovidijus Pilitauskas","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.111.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.111.5","url":null,"abstract":"McCourt, David M. The New Constructivism in International Relations Theory. Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2022","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"4 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139259367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-03DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.111.3
Giedrė Ivinskienė
This article strives to reveal the reasons hindering smooth implementation of Lithuania’s development cooperation policy. Although Lithuania is less than 8 years away from the target of official development assistance at least 0.33% of Gross National Income (GNI) per year, it is currently contributing only about one-third of this amount, which naturally raises the question “Why?”. Theoretical framework of the motivations behind development cooperation enforcement, specifically, Europeanisation theory, is chosen to support the research. Bearing in mind the scarcity of the academic body of work for this topic, the main instrument, questionnaire for the in-depth interviews with the main decision makers of Lithuania’s development cooperation was created. 17 semi-structured interviews with experts from various backgrounds provided the valuable material for this analysis and helped to provide possible answers to the matter in question.
{"title":"Neišsivystęs vystomasis bendradarbiavimas. Lietuvos atvejis","authors":"Giedrė Ivinskienė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.111.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.111.3","url":null,"abstract":"This article strives to reveal the reasons hindering smooth implementation of Lithuania’s development cooperation policy. Although Lithuania is less than 8 years away from the target of official development assistance at least 0.33% of Gross National Income (GNI) per year, it is currently contributing only about one-third of this amount, which naturally raises the question “Why?”. Theoretical framework of the motivations behind development cooperation enforcement, specifically, Europeanisation theory, is chosen to support the research. Bearing in mind the scarcity of the academic body of work for this topic, the main instrument, questionnaire for the in-depth interviews with the main decision makers of Lithuania’s development cooperation was created. 17 semi-structured interviews with experts from various backgrounds provided the valuable material for this analysis and helped to provide possible answers to the matter in question.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135695927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.111.2
Olga Reznikova, Volodymyr Smolianiuk
The article examines the nature of the uncertainty impact on the formation and implementation of national security policy. The multiplication of uncertainties and complication of the system of social relations prompt a transformation of conceptual approaches to the identification of the national security basic features and the organization of key processes in this area. It has been proven that the development of the concepts of uncertainty and resilience prompts a reconceptualization of the national security. This process is currently taking place. The implementation of new approaches to ensuring national security contributed to the initiation of a paradigm shift in national security policy. Management of uncertainty allows for reducing its influence on national security policy-making. The development of science and increasing the level of public trust in scientific information, which is taken as a basis for shaping political decisions, are of great importance for this.
{"title":"Conceptual Issues of National Security Policy-Making Under Uncertainty","authors":"Olga Reznikova, Volodymyr Smolianiuk","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.111.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.111.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the nature of the uncertainty impact on the formation and implementation of national security policy. The multiplication of uncertainties and complication of the system of social relations prompt a transformation of conceptual approaches to the identification of the national security basic features and the organization of key processes in this area. It has been proven that the development of the concepts of uncertainty and resilience prompts a reconceptualization of the national security. This process is currently taking place. The implementation of new approaches to ensuring national security contributed to the initiation of a paradigm shift in national security policy. Management of uncertainty allows for reducing its influence on national security policy-making. The development of science and increasing the level of public trust in scientific information, which is taken as a basis for shaping political decisions, are of great importance for this.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"153 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136363665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.111.1
I. Matonytė, Gintaras Šumskas
The paper dwells on the longitudinal data set of Lithuanian parliamentary candidates’ views and investigates the post-communist politics of memory. The analyzed surveys are conducted in 2008, 2012 and 2016. Several hypotheses regarding the impact of time, democratic consolidation and geopolitical challenges on the national level of the politics of memory are tested, and we examine differences among party families regarding the politics of memory. The list of dependent variables of this study includes the attitudes of the parliamentary candidates and their determination to implement lustration, ban the public display of Soviet symbols and implement the claim that Russia must compensate the damage inflicted on Lithuania during the Soviet occupation. The study reveals that the politics of memory remains a matter of contention shaped by the dynamic interaction of three kinds of logic: transitional (based on the need to mark a break from the previous regime), post-transitional (encouraged by expiring early transitional conventions and re-articulated geopolitical visions), and partisan (inspired by multi-party electoral competition).
{"title":"Attitudes of Parliamentary Candidates towards the Politics of Memory in Post-Communist Lithuania","authors":"I. Matonytė, Gintaras Šumskas","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.111.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.111.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper dwells on the longitudinal data set of Lithuanian parliamentary candidates’ views and investigates the post-communist politics of memory. The analyzed surveys are conducted in 2008, 2012 and 2016. Several hypotheses regarding the impact of time, democratic consolidation and geopolitical challenges on the national level of the politics of memory are tested, and we examine differences among party families regarding the politics of memory. The list of dependent variables of this study includes the attitudes of the parliamentary candidates and their determination to implement lustration, ban the public display of Soviet symbols and implement the claim that Russia must compensate the damage inflicted on Lithuania during the Soviet occupation. The study reveals that the politics of memory remains a matter of contention shaped by the dynamic interaction of three kinds of logic: transitional (based on the need to mark a break from the previous regime), post-transitional (encouraged by expiring early transitional conventions and re-articulated geopolitical visions), and partisan (inspired by multi-party electoral competition).","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42658774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.110.4
L. Jokubaitis
The aim of the article is to demonstrate that Carl Schmitt’s and Alexandre Kojève’s ideas about the political and the end of history have to be seen in the light of their theological presuppositions. The article defends the position that Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political is based on attempts to look at the problems of political anthropology from theological perspective, in which the dogma of original sin plays a central role. Kojève’s anthropotheistic system presents an inversion of this perspective, his ideas about the end of politics and history are inseparable from attempts to reduce theology to anthropology. His atheistic system of immanence provides a confirmation of Schmitt’s idea that the disappearance of the political is incompatible with the dogma of original sin. Kojève’s notion of the end of history and his concept of universal homogeneous state are formed by attempts to look at the concept of the political ex negativo. For Schmitt Christian theology provides a guarantee that the world will not be depoliticized, that enmity between humans will not be overome. French philosopher’s political theory is based on the idea that the end of history and the disappearance of the political would mark the actualisation of secularized Christian teaching. Kojève’s revised ideas about the destiny of humanity at the end of history, his position that humanity will return to animality, have to be understood in the context of his discussions with Schmitt.
{"title":"Alexandre Kojève and Carl Schmitt: the Political, Theology and the End of History","authors":"L. Jokubaitis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.110.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.110.4","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to demonstrate that Carl Schmitt’s and Alexandre Kojève’s ideas about the political and the end of history have to be seen in the light of their theological presuppositions. The article defends the position that Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political is based on attempts to look at the problems of political anthropology from theological perspective, in which the dogma of original sin plays a central role. Kojève’s anthropotheistic system presents an inversion of this perspective, his ideas about the end of politics and history are inseparable from attempts to reduce theology to anthropology. His atheistic system of immanence provides a confirmation of Schmitt’s idea that the disappearance of the political is incompatible with the dogma of original sin. Kojève’s notion of the end of history and his concept of universal homogeneous state are formed by attempts to look at the concept of the political ex negativo. For Schmitt Christian theology provides a guarantee that the world will not be depoliticized, that enmity between humans will not be overome. French philosopher’s political theory is based on the idea that the end of history and the disappearance of the political would mark the actualisation of secularized Christian teaching. Kojève’s revised ideas about the destiny of humanity at the end of history, his position that humanity will return to animality, have to be understood in the context of his discussions with Schmitt.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42943641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-22DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.110.3
Joni Askola, Benjamin Davison
Welfare states have traditionally been studied through quantitative tools such as indices and qualitative ones such as typologies. However, there seems to be a lack of analytical tools that simultaneously show welfare state outcomes and development potential. In this paper, we developed the Welfare State Scattergram. This result of two indices gives the welfare state’s outcomes and fiscal capacity, the latter serving as a proxy for improvement potential. The indicator used for the X-axis is a modified debt-sustainability formula to indicate fiscal capacity and, thus, the development potential of the welfare state. The indicator used for the Y-axis gives the welfare state outcomes and consists of a weighted welfare state outcomes indicator.
{"title":"The Welfare State Scattergram","authors":"Joni Askola, Benjamin Davison","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.110.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.110.3","url":null,"abstract":"Welfare states have traditionally been studied through quantitative tools such as indices and qualitative ones such as typologies. However, there seems to be a lack of analytical tools that simultaneously show welfare state outcomes and development potential. In this paper, we developed the Welfare State Scattergram. This result of two indices gives the welfare state’s outcomes and fiscal capacity, the latter serving as a proxy for improvement potential. The indicator used for the X-axis is a modified debt-sustainability formula to indicate fiscal capacity and, thus, the development potential of the welfare state. The indicator used for the Y-axis gives the welfare state outcomes and consists of a weighted welfare state outcomes indicator.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48000385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-17DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.110.2
Marijus Bernatavičius
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the institutional architecture of the euro area has been tested again. While some authors argue that European policy makers have learnt from their economic policy mistakes during the sovereign debt crisis, or even talk about the “European Hamiltonian moment”, the opportunity to fundamentally strengthen the institutional foundations of the currency union has been missed again. While public attention has been focused mostly on the creation of the so-called “Next Generation EU” (NGEU) fund, it was the ECB that quietly performed the key role of crisis manager, despite criticism of a weak initial crisis response and botched communication. Based on the synthetic framework of the classical integration theories, the principal-agent model and new intergovernmentalism, the ECB’s pandemic crisis response could be interpreted as its second “whatever it takes” moment.
{"title":"From Hamiltonian Dreams to Maastricht Reality: “Whatever It Takes” 2.0?","authors":"Marijus Bernatavičius","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.110.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.110.2","url":null,"abstract":"During the COVID-19 pandemic, the institutional architecture of the euro area has been tested again. While some authors argue that European policy makers have learnt from their economic policy mistakes during the sovereign debt crisis, or even talk about the “European Hamiltonian moment”, the opportunity to fundamentally strengthen the institutional foundations of the currency union has been missed again. While public attention has been focused mostly on the creation of the so-called “Next Generation EU” (NGEU) fund, it was the ECB that quietly performed the key role of crisis manager, despite criticism of a weak initial crisis response and botched communication. Based on the synthetic framework of the classical integration theories, the principal-agent model and new intergovernmentalism, the ECB’s pandemic crisis response could be interpreted as its second “whatever it takes” moment.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47768017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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